Temat: foreign policy of Poland - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Refugees/migrants and border security in the annual address of Poland’s foreign ministers in the years 2014–2016
Kwestia uchodźców/migrantów i bezpieczeństwa granic państwowych w exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych Polski w latach 2014–2016
Autorzy:: Pochyły, Piotr
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616900.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: annual address
refugees
foreign minister of Poland
security
foreign policy of Poland
exposé
uchodźcy
minister spraw zagranicznych Polski
bezpieczeństwo
polska polityka zagraniczna
Opis:: Od 2014 roku mieliśmy do czynienia w Europie z “gwałtownym przyspieszeniem”. Rosja zajęła Krym, wybuchł konflikt na Ukrainie. W roku następnym wystąpił kryzys uchodźczy. Cel artykuł to przedstawienie stosunku ministrów spraw zagranicznych Polski w latach 2014–2016 do uchodźców/migrantów i bezpieczeństwa granic państwowych w dorocznych exposé. Ministrowie spraw zagranicznych Polski realizowali w analizowanym okresie generalnie adaptacyjny charakter polityki w odniesieniu do kwestii uchodźców i migrantów, a strategiczny wobec zabezpieczenia granic (wzrost znaczenia NATO, współpraca regionalna).
The article presents the attitudes of Poland’s foreign ministers towards refugees/migrants and border security in the years 2014–2016 expressed in their annual address. The research problem is to determine whether the ministers presented in their address generally accepted long-term strategies for all directions of foreign policy, or whether their activities in the analysed area were merely adaptive, adjusted to the current political situation in the world. The temporal scope is to determine the response after the annexation of Crimea by Russia in late February 2014 of the ministers of the Civic Platform – Polish People’s Party (PO-PSL) government in 2011–2015, and the Law and Justice (PiS) government, that came into power on 16 November 2015. The content of the address and transcripts of the proceedings of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Polish Parliament during which the ministers discussed the theses of their speeches are the primary sources.
Źródło:: Przegląd Politologiczny; 2017, 3; 89-102
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Kilka dokumentów z dziejów ruchu prometejskiego lat drugiej wojny światowej
Promethean Movement during the Second World War
Autorzy:: Kwiecień, Marcin
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/923479.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:: Second World War
Prometheism
foreign policy of II Republic of Poland
military intelligence of II Republic of Poland
ethnic minorities in the USSR
peoples of Caucasus
Opis:: The Promethean movement in the policy of II Republic of Poland consisted in offering support to the independence movements and strivings of the peoples making up the then Soviet Union. With active participation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (henceforth referred to as: MFA), II Branch of the General (Main) Command – intelligence services and a number of research institutes, close contacts had been maintained with the émigré governments and politicians representing various nations of the Soviet Union. In recent years, the pressure of current policy has led to a renewed interest in issues relating to Prometheism, which brought about a crop of a number of valuable papers devoted to the interwar period. A lot has already been written about the Promethean movement following the end of the Second World War. Yet relatively little has been written about the war-time history of the movement. The documents presented below are associated with the war period, following the Soviet invasion of Finland. Among the circles of the French and British staff officers there even appeared a conception of bombing the oil fields in the Caucasus – naturally taking advantage of the Turkish airspace and the French military bases on the territory of Syria. It was thought that the subjugated nations in the Caucasus would then rise up against their oppressor. It was in such an atmosphere that a meeting between the representatives of the Caucasian nations and W. Bąkiewicz, which constitutes the subject-matter of analysis contained in the first of the published documents, took place in Istanbul. The second document is a translation of the treaty of the Caucasian Confederacy whereas the third document dates back to the autumn of 1940 and constitutes a commentary to the memorial concerning Promethean issues submitted by a reporter and Promeathean activist W. Pelc; the commentary had been written by Prof. Olgierd Górka, an expert of the Polish government in exile specializing in ethic issues. The above documents are associated with a rather peculiar and paradoxical situation which arose after the fall of the Polish state when for a brief period a time, thanks to propitious political circumstances, Prometheism had a chance to succeed. The conception was to have been realized in cooperation with the allies – France and Great Britain; the pact between Poland and the Allies was to have been directed against the totalitarian Soviet system and indirectly against the Nazi system. However a change of the international situation had quickly made the realization of these plans impossible.
Źródło:: Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa; 2014, 7, 2; 335-378
2084-4115
2084-4131
Pojawia się w:: Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Between Moscow and Washington: information influences on early dialogue with NATO in Poland and Ukraine (1991–1994)
Autorzy:: Mieliekiestsev, Kyrylo
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/29519687.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-06-30
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: Foreign influence
information influences
information policy
information warfare
NATO
Republic of Poland
Ukraine
Opis:: The research covers the early years of Ukraine’s and Poland’s cooperation in their bilateral relations in the context of building up security policies between the NATO and the CSTO in 1991–1994. Various information influences from state and non-state actors, internal and external, made it so the processes of the search for security guarantees ended up quite different between the two neighboring countries. Covering sources and literature that provide evidence for influences from sources such as the Kremlin, the non-lustrated “old guard” former Communist party functionaries in Ukraine, and the former opposition in Poland, the research shows how the two countries’ relations with the NATO differed, and why, though both countries joined the Partnership for Peace program at roughly the same time, Poland managed to start active Euro-Atlantic integration much earlier than Ukraine did. Using sources such as the text of the treaties, the establishing documents and legislature guidebooks of organization, public writings of diplomats and former policy makers, the research shows what exactly were the risks that the NATO assessed in the joining of former Eastern Bloc countries (with the unstated reasons for the small number of contacts of those countries with NATO in the 1991–1994 relevant to the West’s suspicion of post-Soviet intelligence and military), and which points of the first Ukraine-NATO proved “too much” for the former. Furthermore, Ukraine’s early success with the number of NATO exercises it partook in during the first years of the Partnership for Peace became an example to other Eastern Europe countries seeking better relations with NATO and defense sector reforms, including the Republic of Poland. The paper also highlights the tendencies of cooperation between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland in the context of NATO enlargement and the various aspects of Atlantic integration. The most important among them was cooperation in security and defense, both bilateral and within the framework of the NATO Partnership for Peace Program.
Źródło:: Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne; 2023, 9(2); 19-26
2543-9227
Pojawia się w:: Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Twenty Years of Polands Euro-Atlantic Foreign Policy
Autorzy:: Zięba, Ryszard
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/648313.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011-01-01
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:: Poland's foreign policy
Euro-Atlantic direction
Council of Europe
Euroscepticism
International security
transformation
"Trojan horse"
Opis:: During the years 1989-1991, after a deep transformation of the internal system and the international order in Europe, Poland pursued a sovereign foreign policy. The new policy had the following general goals: 1) to develop a new international security system which would guarantee Poland's national security; 2) to gain diplomatic support for the reforms conducted in Poland, including primarily the transformation of the economy and its adaption to free market mechanisms, which were designed to result in economic growth; and 3) to maintain and increase the international prestige of Poland and the Poles, who had been the first to commence the struggle to create a democratic civil society in the Eastern bloc. Implementing this new concept of foreign policy, Poland entered the Council of Europe in November 1991. The following year, Warsaw started to strive for membership of NATO, which was achieved in March 1999. A few years later, Polish leaders pursued policies in which Poland played the role of a "Trojan horse" for the USA. This was manifested most clearly during the Iraqi crisis of 2003, and in the following years, particularly in 2005-2007. From spring 1990 Poland aspired to integration with the European Community; in December of the following year it signed an association agreement, which fully entered into force in February 1994. In the period 1998-2002 Poland negotiated successfully with the European Union and finally entered this Union in May 2004. In subsequent years Poland adopted an Eurosceptic and sometimes anti-EU position. The new Polish government, established after the parliamentary election of autumn 2007, moved away from an Eurosceptic policy and pursued a policy of engagement with European integration.
Źródło:: International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal; 2011, 13; 27-39
1641-4233
2300-8695
Pojawia się w:: International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Polska i Niemcy a realizacja Wspólnej Polityki Zagranicznej, Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej
The Polish-German relationship in the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy
Autorzy:: Miszczak, Krzysztof
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506451.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:: New International Order
EU Common Foreign
Security and Defense Policy
relationship between Poland and Germany
Easter Policy of Germany and Poland
Ukraine
Russia
Opis:: The article aims to present the stand of relationship between Germany and Poland in context of changes that took place in the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy and New East Policy of Germany and Germany’s Russia policy deeply inﬂuence threw aggressive Russian policy agents Ukraine and adders postsoviet countries. Author also analyses Poland’s “resets” with Germany and Russia and interested in changing German-Russian relationship in the future. German see Russia as a partner due to its global role while Poles see it as a partner due to its geographic proximity and needs to stabilize the region. While Germans do not see Russia as a direct threat Poles understand why Ukraine, Belarus, and the Caucasus see it as a threat. Poland and Germany has consistently supported the strengthening of cooperation between member states within Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy of the European Union with an aim of making this international organization gain a status of the key player in the international politics in the future.
Źródło:: Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2016, 1; 83-106
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:: Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Zakres kompetencji Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w sprawach związanych z członkostwem Polski w Unii Europejskiej
The Scope of Competences of the President of the Republic of Poland in Matters Related to Poland’s Membership in the European Union
Autorzy:: Krawczyk, Michał
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51457970.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2024-08-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: European Union
foreign policy
Council of Ministers
President of the Republic of Poland
Unia Europejska
polityka zagraniczna
Rada Ministrów
Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej
Opis:: The amendment to the so-called the Cooperation Act granted the President a number of powers related to Poland’s membership in the European Union. In particular, the President was given the opportunity to give binding opinions on candidacies for key positions in the European Union submitted by the Council of Ministers. The article analyzes the provisions of the Constitution regarding the powers of the President and the Council of Ministers in the field of foreign affairs. An attempt was made to answer the question whether the amending act only clarified the provisions of the Constitution regarding the President’s prerogatives or whether it granted him new powers going beyond powers of the head of state, specified in the provisions of the Constitution.
Uchwalona w lipcu 2023 r. nowelizacja tzw. ustawy kooperacyjnej przyznała Prezydentowi Rzeczypospolitej Polskie szereg uprawnień związanych z członkostwem Polski w Unii Europejskiej. Prezydent uzyskał m.in. możliwość wiążącego opiniowania zgłaszanych przez Radę Ministrów kandydatur na kluczowe stanowiska w Unii Europejskiej, np. komisarza, sędziego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości UE, czy członka Trybunału Obrachunkowego. W artykule dokonano analizy przepisów Konstytucji dotyczących uprawnień Prezydenta oraz Rady Ministrów w dziedzinie spraw zagranicznych, oraz podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy ustawodawca nowelizując tzw. ustawę kooperacyjną jedynie doprecyzował przepisy Konstytucji dotyczące prerogatyw Prezydenta, czy tez przyznał mu nowe kompetencje wykraczające poza uprawnienia głowy państwa, zakreślone przepisami Ustawy Zasadniczej.
Źródło:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2024, 4(80); 79-90
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Z badań nad polityką zagraniczną księcia wołogoskiego Warcisława IV (1309-1326)
From the Research on the Foreign Policy of Warcisław (Wartislaw) IV, Duke of Pomerania-Wolgast (1309–1326)
Autorzy:: Simiński, Rafał
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1591099.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:: Wartislaw IV
foreign policy
Teutonic Order in Prussia
Kingdom of Poland
Warcisław IV
polityka zagraniczna
zakon krzyżacki w Prusach
Królestwo Polskie
Opis:: Krótkie panowanie księcia wołogoskiego Warcisława IV w latach 1309–1326 stanowiło ważny okres w dziejach pomorskiej polityki zagranicznej, co dotyczy zarówno jej horyzontów, jak i metod oraz środków. Większość działań księcia podjętych na arenie międzynarodowej zakończyła się sukcesem lub zwiastowała sukces w nieodległej przyszłości. Warcisław IV włączył się w walkę o przejęcie schedy po margrabim brandenburskim Waldemarze. Udało mu się znacząco poszerzyć granice na wschodnich krańcach swojego władztwa. Przyłączył do księstwa ziemię słupską i sławieńską. Ułożył poprawne stosunki z zakonem oraz wynegocjował korzystny dla siebie przebieg granicy z państwem krzyżackim. Wykazał się inicjatywą w walce o przejęcie dziedzictwa księcia rugijskiego Wisława III. Objęcie ziem po władcach rugijskich nastąpiło w okresie późniejszym, to jednak Warcisław IV rozpoczął procesy, które doprowadziły do ich korzystnego zakończenia. Jego panowanie to również pojawienie się nowych metod i środków prowadzenia polityki zagranicznej. Książę zawierał dwu- lub wielostronne traktaty sojusznicze. Swoje stanowisko prezentował podczas zjazdów odbywanych na granicy swojego władztwa oraz za pośrednictwem delegowanych posłów. Z a rządów Warcisława I V można również odnotować udział społeczeństwa pomorskiego w polityce zagranicznej. Nowym produktem jego kancelarii była kredytywa, która w kolejnych dziesięcioleciach stała się standardowym dokumentem dyplomatycznym wykorzystywanym w relacjach międzynarodowych Gryfitów.
The short reign of Warcisław (Wartislaw) IV, Duke of Pomerania-Wolgast in 1309–1326 was an important period in the history of Pomeranian foreign policy, in regard to its horizons as well as its means and methods. Most of the duke’s actions in the international arena were successful or promising for the nearest future. Warcisław (Wartislaw) IV joined the struggle for the legacy of Waldemar, Margrave of Brandenburg. Warcisław (Wartislaw) IV succeeded in expanding the eastern border of his domain. He incorporated the lands of Słupsk and Sławno into his duchy. He established suitable relations with the Order and negotiated a favourable border with the State of the Teutonic Order. He showed initiative in the contest for the legacy of Wisław (Witslaw) III, Prince of Rügen. The Rugian lands have not been claimed until a later date, but it was Warcisław (Warstislaw) IV who initiated the processes which allowed for a favourable outcome. Under his rule, new methods and means of conducting foreign policy emerged. The duke would enter bi- and multilateral alliance treaties. He presented his views during congresses assembled on the borders of his duchy and through his envoys. During Warcisław (Wartislaw) IV’s reign, there was a noticeable degree of participation of the Pomeranian society in foreign policy. A new product of his chancery was the creditive letter, which in the following decades became the standard diplomatic document used in the Griffins’ foreign policy.
Źródło:: Przegląd Zachodniopomorski; 2017, 2; 211-229
0552-4245
2353-3021
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Elementy zagranicznej polityki ekonomicznej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej - implikacje dla Polski
The foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China and its implications for Poland
Autorzy:: Starzyk, Kazimierz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2047000.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1998-12-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: zagraniczna polityka gospodarcza ChRL
zagraniczne inwestycje w Chinach
współpraca gospodarcza ChRL i Polski
Foreign economic policy of the PRC
foreign investments in China
economic cooperation between Poland and PRC
Opis:: The article is focused on fundamental factors of PRC’s foreign economic policy, against the background of long-term growth tendencies of its economy. In particular, quantitative and qualitative changes have been shown to take place in trade, with a particular emphasis on the role of the foreign direct investments and importance of the first half of the 80s, as a key period for establishment of the foundations of PRC’s economy transformations. In the article, the sources of these tendencies have been shown, which result both from internal conditions of the economic development and external ones, particularly following changing realities of the world economy. An evolutionary approach to the foreign economic policy has been stressed as a primary feature of the PRC’s international economic relations. Poland’s position on PRC’s market depends on our ability of satisfying market requirements in the field of quality and modernity, as well as scale and punctuality of supplies. It will be also determined by our participation in different forms of industrial corporation, especially in the form of foreign direct investment.
Źródło:: Azja-Pacyfik; 1998, I; 161-181
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:: Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Polska pomiędzy ZSRR (Rosją) a RFN (Niemcami) w pierwszej fazie transformacji (1989-1992). Wybrane zagadnienia
Poland between USSR (Russia) and Federal Republic of Germany (Germany) in the first stage of transformation (1989-1992). Selected problems
Autorzy:: Kordas, J.
Kudłaszyk, A.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/347938.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011
Wydawca:: Akademia Wojsk Lądowych imienia generała Tadeusza Kościuszki
Tematy:: Polska a ZSRR 1989-1992
Polska a Niemcy 1989-1992
transformacja systemu społeczno-gospodarczego
polityka zagraniczna
handel zagraniczny
Poland-USSR 1989-1992
Poland-Germany 1989-1992
transformation of social and economic system
foreign policy
foreign trade
Opis:: W artykule przedstawiono pierwsze lata transformacji polskiej polityki w relacjach z ZSRR (Rosją) i RFN (Niemcami), po 1989 r. Opisano proces reorientacji kierunku polskiej polityki zagranicznej i handlowej o 180 stopni: ze wschodu na zachód. Proces ten przebiegał dość łagodnie, by nie burzyć polityki Michaiła Gorbaczowa, popieranej przez Polskę oraz Zachód. Równocześnie polegał na budowaniu więzi z RFN (Niemcami), otwierających „zakotwiczenie się” Polski na Zachodzie. Towarzyszyło temu budowanie nowej „architektury bezpieczeństwa” w Europie. Umożliwiło to w ciągu kilku lat stworzenie bazy dla trwałej obecności Polski w strukturach zachodnich, po raz pierwszy na taką skalę na przestrzeni wieków.
The paper presents the first years of transformation in the Polish policy referring to the relations with the USSR (Russia) and the Federal Republic of Germany (Germany) after 1989. The radical reorientation of the Polish foreign and trade policy from the East to the West was described as well. The process was taking place smoothly not to disturb the course taken by Mikhail Gorbachev, which was supported by both Poland and the West. It rested on building bonds between Poland and Germany, which was introducing Poland to "stay for good" in the Western World. It was accompanied by building a brand new "security architecture" in Europe. It made it possible to create in just a few years the foundation for the longlasting presence of Poland in the structures of the West for the first time ever to such an extent.
Źródło:: Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki; 2011, 2; 119-137
1731-8157
Pojawia się w:: Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Polska Marynarka Wojenna w działaniach dyplomatycznych na rzecz budowania bezpieczeństwa morskiego państwa w okresie międzywojennym
The Polish Navy in diplomatic activities aimed at building the maritime security of the state in the interwar period
Autorzy:: Będźmirowski, Jerzy
Nawrot, Dariusz
Ziętarski, Mateusz
Kufel, Jakub
Gac, Miłosz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32304204.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023
Wydawca:: Fundacja PSC
Tematy:: Polish Navy
maritime security of a state
polish foreign policy between the years of 1919 and 1939
political cum military situation of Poland in the interwar period
Opis:: The purpose of the article is to present the diplomatic activity of representatives of the Polish Navy, aimed at creating solid political and military foundations for the foundation, which was the maritime security of the state. Poland found itself in a new reality, becoming a coastal state. It had a maritime border and the company of states that were not satisfied with such a state, namely: the Weimar Republic and Bolshevik Russia. In addition to these countries, new countries have emerged in the Baltic Sea basin, such as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Finland. One cannot ignore the eternal Baltic States, i.e., Denmark and Sweden. Poland decided that its foreign policy in the Baltic Sea basin should be based on good neighborly relations with countries that, like it, have regained their independence, as well as with Denmark and Sweden. Today, from the perspective of several decades, it can be said that this task was difficult to implement. This was influenced by many factors, which will be presented in the article. Unfortunately, one of them, independent of the Polish side, were the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, which were not able to prevent the revival of German power and the revolutionary Soviet Union. The Versailles order achieved neither legitimacy nor a balance of power. A key role in the foreign policy of coastal states is played by the navy, which is its most important component. The Navy is the only branch of the armed forces of a country that, through the sovereignty of the decks and their immunity, has a much greater diplomatic „potential” than the land forces or the air force. Therefore, representatives of the navy are participants in universally understood diplomacy and function as naval attachés. It is they who are responsible for maintaining „maritime” relations between the states with which international relations are maintained. It is they who prepare the visits of warships in a given country and take care of their proper setting. It was, it is, and it will be. Poland began to fit into this mechanism practically from the establishment of the Polish Navy and continues to this day. The presented article focuses on the diplomatic missions of PMI officers in the interwar period.
Źródło:: Alcumena. Pismo Interdyscyplinarne; 2023, 3(15); 157-178
2719-9851
Pojawia się w:: Alcumena. Pismo Interdyscyplinarne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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