Temat: family, - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Podziały rzeczowe akt archiwów sześciu zakonów żeńskich
Autorzy:: Librowski, Stanisław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1044732.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1977
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:: karmelitanki
misjonarki
służebniczki
terezjanki
katarzynki
urszulanki
Congregation of the Carmelite sisters of the Child Jesus
Missionaries of the Holy Family
Marian Servants
Teresian Sisters
Congregation of the Sisters of st Catherine the Virgin and Martyr
Ursulines of the Roman Union
Źródło:: Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne; 1977, 34; 387-400
0518-3766
2545-3491
Pojawia się w:: Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Młodociani sprawcy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
Young Adult Perpetrators of Offences Against Property
Autorzy:: Paszkowska, Hanna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699058.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1982
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępstwo
młodociani
przestępca młodociany
przestępczość
nieletniość
recydywiści
środowisko rodzinne
spożywanie alkoholu
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
offense
juvenile
juvenile offender
criminality
nonage
recidivists
family environment
alcohol consumption
crime against property
Opis:: The new Polish penal legislation of 1969 introduced special rules of criminal liability of young adult offenders' aged 17-20. In 1972 criminological research was undertaken in order to characterize this group of offenders, i.e., its most numerous category - those found guilty of offences against property. The research ended in 1975. In 1980 a follow-up of convictions of the persons, under observation was carried out. The object of the study of young adults found guilty of offences against property was to analyse the psycho-social factors connected with their social maladjustment and demoralization, particularly their family and school environment, personality, extent of drinking and offending. It was also the object of the study to compare two groups of young adult towards whom different measures had been adjudicated. As the most typical offences of young adults are those against property, a group of young adults convicted for this very type of offences was included in the study. There were 100 persons under examination who had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment. This group consisted of all prisoners of two Warsaw prisons in the years 1973-75 (group A). The group of young adults (group B) consisted of 100 persons conviced in 1973 for offences against property and sentenced to fine, limitation of freedom, imprisonment with suspension of execution, or educational-corrective measures. The two groups of convicted persons that were selected for the study, different as regards the adjudicated and executed measures, were compared in many respects in order to ascertain the distinctions between them as regards the degree of intensity of the process of social maladjustment which had been related to the application of various penal measures. Empirical research consisted in gathering detailed information on the persons under scrutiny concerning their previous convictions, their school career and the course of work. Also interviews were carried out with them and separately with their mothers, by means of a detailed questionnaire. Three psychological tests were also employed towards each person, that is Raven’s intelligence test, Eysenck’s questionnaire to measure extroversion and neurotism and Buss-Durkee inventory to measure aggression. 3.1. Offences against property constituted the criterion for selection to the study. The most numerous group were convictions for larceny qualified as “stealing in a particularly audacious manner or by a breaking and entering” (Art. 208 of the Penal Code), though the “audacious theft” was extremely rare as compared with the second choice. 64% of the persons of group A had been convicted for offences described in this article, the percentage as regards group B being 35%. Many persons also committed thefts of social property, while the receiving of stolen goods was the least frequent. Generally, the persons of group A had been active for a longer time than those of group B, and their offences were more frequently qualified as continuous. It should also be emphasized that the mean value of the objects stolen by the persons of group B was considerably lower than it was the case with the young adults of group A. It also happened (16% of cases) that the act of the young adults of group B ended as a mere attempt at committing an offence. To sum up, the offences against property committed by the persons, sentenced to immediate imprisonment were more serious than those committed by the young adults towards whom other measures had been adjudicated. 3.2. 69% of the persons of group A had cases in juvenile courts, while as many as 84% admitted having committed offences, mostly thefts, at that age. On the other hand, 44% of the persons of group B had committed offences for which they were brought to court as juveniles. The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.00l). The origins of delinquency dating back from before the age of 13 were found in as many as 23 persons of group A and 10 persons of group B. The earlier they started to commit offences and had their first case in juvenile court, the more numerous were their subsequent convictions in that period. The mean number of convictions in juvenile court was 2,2 in group A and 1,6 in group B. The structure of delinquency of the persons under examination is hardly differentiated: they committed first of all offences against property (85.7%), mostly larceny. The juvenile court, had employed such measures as admonition and charge of parents in the case of persons of group B considerably more frequently than towards those of group A (25% and 8.7% respectively). On the other hand, the persons of group A had been much more frequently sent to children’s homes and to corrective schools (44.9%) than those of group B (25%). 3.3. In the period discussed below all the persons were young adults, with the mean age similar in both groups: 19 in group A and 18.9 in group B. The mean number of convictions of the persons of groups A from the age of 17 was 1.7, and in group B 1.2. Each member of group A was responsible for 3.3. offences, while in group B the mean number of offences was 2.2. It should not be forgotten that many persons, particularly those of group A, were repeatedly imprisoned in the discussed period. A considerable majority of the persons of both groups who had committed more than one offence, were convicted for offences against property only. The data quoted above illustrate the whole of delinquency of the persons under examination and recidivism among them. Taking into account both the period of minority and the later period from 17 years of age on, there were as many as 4 per every five persons of group A who had already been convicted before, and in group B nearly every second person had had a conviction previously (the difference is significant, p < 0.01). These data confirm the conclusion as to the more advanced process of demoralization of the young adults of group A as compared with group B. 49% of the persons guilty of offences against property of group A came from unbroken homes; the respective percentage in group B was 71% (difference significant, p < 0.001). Broken homes resulted mostly from the death of one parent (23% of cases in group A and 15% in group B), or from divorce (28% of cases in group A, 14% in group B). A majority of the persons came from workmen’s families (90.5% in group A, 70.7% in group B). The level of professional qualifications and education of parents of the persons examined is significantly lower (p < 0.01) in group A as compared with group B. Approximately 60% of families of the persons of group A and 67% of group B had been living in poor financial conditions, which was connected, among others, with excessive drinking of the fathers. 56.3% of fathers of the persons of group A had regularly been drinking excessively, that is drinking vodka at least twice a week. This percentage was only 26.3% in group B, it was lowered, however, as the examination of young adults of young adults of group B was carried on at home, often with the fathers themselves present. 37% of fathers in group A and 19% of those in group B had been taken to a detoxication centre, including 21% and 14% respectively taken at least three times. As in other criminological studies, in the present one young adults have not been found to live in criminal family environment. It was extremely rare that the fathers of the persons examined had criminal records. To sum up, certain negative phenomena were more frequent in the families of young adults of group A (for instance, broken home, excessive drinking of fathers). However, the cumulation of a number of negative factors could have influenced in a particulary unfarourable way the process of socialization of the persons under examination. 5.1. There were 37% of the persons of group A and 23% of those (p< 0.001) of group B with elementary education, and 18% and 5% respectively with incomplete elementary education. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). School retardation which appears more often among delinquents than among non-delinquents is connected with a lower level of education of young adults. Among the young adults of group A as few as 17% revealed no retardation, the percentage as regards group B being 46.5%. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). The retardation of the persons of group B usually amounts to one year only, while it is often 3 years or more among the persons of group A. School problems are also connected with truancy (group A - 78%, group B – 66% of the examined persons), which begins in the very first grades of elementary school. Early and regular truancy of the persons of group A was one of the symptoms of their maladjustment. Truancy is conducive to running away from home. The persons under scrutiny, particularly those of group A, had been running away from home considerably often and for longer periods. 2. Among those who were employed, every second person in group A and every fifth person in group B worked casually only. They usually took jobs requiring low professional qualifications, as only few of them had any professional training (group A-38%, group B-62%). 6.1. Raven’s test was employed to estimate the level of intelligence of the persons examined. 53.6% of young adults of group A and 31.7% of group B scored low and very low (up to 25 centile). 10.3% of group A and 29.3% of group B scored high and very high (centile 75 and more). The mean score was 35.4 in group A standard deviation: 9.87, and 41.1 in group B (standard deviation 10.09). The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.01). Low scares on the Raven’s scale were often found among those persons whose level of education had been low, which was accompanied by a considerable school retardation. 2. To measure the level of extroversion and neurotism, Eysenck’s MPI scale was employed. The level of extroversion and neurotism among the young adult perpetrators of offences against property was not found to be higher than that of the average youth. 6.3. The level of aggressiveness was examined by means of the Buss-Durkee questionnaire. None of its scales differentiated significantly the persons of both groups. The mean total score was 61.7 (standard deviation 21.4) in group A and 61.06 (standard deviation 23.6) in group B. The data given below concern the persons of group A only, as the information obtained from those of group B as to the volume and frequency of drinking among them do not seem reliable. The analysis of statements of the subjects reveals that the percentage of teetotallers diminishes with age. The persons examined have been drinking large amounts of alcohol from their earliest years. 36% of them stated that they had drunk such quantities of various spirits at the age of 15, which converted to 40 proof vodka would amount to 2.5 litres a month. From the age of 17 on, 60% of the persons drank over 2.5 litres of 40 proof alcohol a month. They drank vodka as well as wine and beer, which leads relatively quickly to the “treshold of intoxication”. Mean yearly consumption of alcohol per 1 examined person was 34.2 litres at the age of 15, and increased sed from year to year to reach 113.7 litres yearly at the age of 19, which means that approximately 9.5 litres of 40 proof vodka were consumed monthly; this quantity goes far beyond the mean level of drinking by men at this age. 3/4 of the subjects can be recognized as excessive drinkers. A significant correlation was found between the excessive drinking among the persons under scrutiny and their early delinquency and recidivism. The highest percentage (40%) of the persons who did not drink excessively was found among those convicter once only, while the lowest (14.8%) was found among those who had 5 or more convictions. The analysis of the young adults’ information as to their , peer groups revealed that also their closest friends had been drinking excessively and often intoxicated. In February 1980, further convictions of the persons examined, then aged 25 on the average, were checked up again. As revealed by the analysis, the persons of group A (60%) still continued to commit offences and indeed many of them become multiple recidivists. The difference between the persons of groups A and B is significant (p < 0.001). 40% of the persons of group A and 67% of those of group B have not been convicted within the period of the follow-up. The majority of the persons under observation continued to commit offences against property. The courts have mainly adjudged the penalty of immediate imprisonment (group A - 92.3%, group B - 78.2%). Among those sentenced to immediate imprisonment there were in group A 57.1% sentenced to 2 years or less of imprisonment, and in group B - 93%. There was significant correlation (p < 0.01)between the convictions in juvenile courts and further convictions in the period of the follow-up. As the data reveal, group B towards which the sanctions other than immediate imprisonment were adjudicated, differed from the imprisoned group A as to the smaller extent and intensity of their offending - also during the follow-up - and their lower degree of progress in the process of social maladjustment. However, there were quite many persons in group B as well (though less than in group A), who had been convicted as juveniles; they had yet no convictions during the follow-up in a much highter percentage of cases than the subjects of group. A who had been convicted by the juvenile court previously. On the basis of the above information, criminal policy can be discussed as regards young adults found guilty of offences against property. One should not postulate a total abandonment of the penalty of immediate imprisonment, and yet, as shown by the above data, its adjudgement should be considerably limited. The limitation in question should concern first of all young adults convicted for the first time and socially demoralized to a small degree. Within the years 1970 -76 imprisonment was the measure most frequently adjudicated towards young adults. In the years 1970 - 1974 the percentage of young adults sentenced to immediate imprisonment increased regularly. It is only since 1975 that a favourable phenomenon of regular decrease of the percentage of adjudicated penalties of immediate imprisonment can be noticed, with simultaneous increase of the percentage of measures which are not connected with deprivation of liberty. As it seems, the application of immediate imprisonment towards young adults should undergo further limitations. When postulating the re-orientation of the criminal policy of the courts towards a maximum realization of the instructions of Art. 51of the Penal Code, one should also demand changes in the stage of execution of penalty. As indicated , by many studies of readaptive effectiveness of corrective schools and prisons, their influence is minimal and sometimes their resocializing activities are destructive for the convicted persons. Imprisonment causes a state of deprivation of essential physical and mental needs, destroys the ties of those convicted with their family, gives rise to socially negative patterns of prisoners’ subculture. In the present study also the offenders of group A were described, the considerable part of whom had been changing various types of institutions and prisons, first as juveniles, then as young adults, and the effects of these imprisonments were negative as measured by further convictions within the period of the follow-up. The information presented in this study concerning the family background of the persons of group A (particularly the alcoholism or excessive drinking of the fathers, which is frequent in these families), and information concerning the early and large social maladjustment of these persons, indicate a need to consider the problem of young adult perpetrators of offences against property not only in relation to the measures that should be adjudged and their execution. It is also of almost importance to consider the prevention of social maladjustment of this category of youth.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 403-445
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Nieprzystosowanie społeczne i środowiska rodzinne młodzieży systematycznie nadużywającej alkoholu
The Social Maladjustment and Family Background of Young Heavy Drinkers
Autorzy:: Mościskier, Andrzej
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699068.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1982
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: nieprzystosowanie społeczne
nadużywanie alkoholu
młodzież
środowisko rodzinne
przestępczość
alkoholizm
nieletni
social maladjustment
alcohol abuse
youth
family environment
criminality
alcoholism
juvenile
Opis:: The present paper is a report on the studies conducted in the years 1975-77, dealing with a group of young regularly excessively drinking men aged 18-25. The population from which the sample was randomly drawn consisted of men aged 18-25 inhabiting 4 of the 7 districts of Warsaw and reported by the district constables of the police as persons regularly excessively drinking (that is, getting drunk more frequently than once a week). The district constables reported the total of 1,273 men meeting the above criteria, which makes about 3% of the number of all men of this age living in these districts. In reality, the percentage of men of this age regularly excessively drinking is probably much higher, as a considerable number of constables stated that they worked in their districts for too short a period to know all the persons living there who would qualify for the study. From the mentioned population, 331 persons were randomly drawn for the study. The materials employed consist of interviews with the mothers of the examined persons and of information from official sources court records, prison files, documents of juvenile courts and detoxication centres. The similar data were gathered as regards all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25. When beginning the study, it was acknowledged that considering the criteria for the selection of the population, first of all persons with negative family background would be selected and that this very environmental characteristic would be the main determinant of differentiating the main group from the control group, where the family background - as it was easy to foresee - would be of a more favourable character. It was thus decided to eliminate the influence of family background variable in the selection of the control group, so as to render possible the protrusion - of other characteristics which differentiate the persons regularly excessively drinking from those of the control group. Considering this, the control group was made of all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25 but were not reported by the district constables as regularly excessively drinking. There were 111 brothers meeting these criteria, and they make the control group in the present study. The first part of the study was to verify if the family background of the examined persons and those included in the control group was indeed as negative as presumed. In this case, the hypnothesis was fully confirmed. Among the 311 families of those examined as many as 166 (53,3%) were one-parent or broken families which dated back to the time when the persons under examination had been minors. The families were in general numerous, average being 3 children per family, while there were 88 (28.3%) families with 4 or more children. For the further characterization of the families the data regarding fathers were employed. It turned out that 158 (50.8%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking; in fact in the majority of cases they were alcoholics. At least 98 (31.5%) fathers were convicted by courts and 91 (29.3%) by the Penal Administrative Commissions. Taking all these three characteristics together, it was stated that as many as 194 (62,4%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking or had criminal records. These data point to the large intensity of pathological phenomena in the families of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. And yet on the other hand, taking into account the social and professional status (education and profession) of the fathers, their situation in this respect was found better than supposed, though they belonged to the lower social classes. The second part of the study deals with the extent of social maladjustment of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. Apart from the fact that - according to the principles of sample selection - all the persons should have been regular heavy drinkers, the gathered data were verified in respect of their confirmation of this fact. As regularly excessively drinking the persons were recognized who - according to their mother’s statements - got drunk more often than once a week or had been taken into the detoxication entre. There were 253 (76.4%) such persons in the main group and 44 (40%) in the control group. Also, a category of persons who drank most frequently was distinguished, those who were probably alcoholics. In this category there were included persons who - according to their mothers’ statements - got drunk at least twice a week or had been taken into the Detoxication Centre at least three times. There were 122 (37%) such persons in the main group, and 17 (16%) in the control group. As to the symptoms of social maladjustment, they were decidedly greater in the main group than in the control group, which dated back as far as their childhood. And so, for instance, severe school problems (uncompleted elementary education or repeating classes) were found in 60.7% of the examined persons and in 42.3% of their brothers from the control group. 57.1% of the examined persons and 30.6% of their brothers from control group committed thefts outside their home and respectively 23.9% and 10.8% were placed in reformatories in consequence of their stealing. The differences in the extent of social maladjustment among both groups increased with age, and grew particularly large in the age of adulthood. And so, as many as 57.1% of the examined persons stayed out of work or worked irregularly as compared with 21.6% of their brothers from the control group. Suicidal attempts and self-injuries were performed by 29.3% of persons under scrutiny and by 9% of their brothers from the control group. There are also obvious differences as to the extent of delinquency in both groups. 42% of the persons examined and only 17.1% of their brothers had action brought against them in Penal Administrative Commissions and 60.1% of the persons examined and 28.8% of their brothers were convicted by court. Taking into account those convicted by court only, the percentage of recidivists was 50.8% in the test group and 46.9% in the control group, whereas the character of delinquency was similar in both groups, the majority being violent offences. Considering the fact that the control group consisted of brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25, the great difference in the occurrence of the symptoms of social maladjustment between the two groups should be emphasized. Considering the decidedly negative character of the family background of both the persons examined and their brothers from the control group, the extent of social maladjustment in both groups could have been expected to be similar. On the other hand, it could be assumed that from the very criterion of selection to the main group - that is, from the information that the person in question regularly drank excessively, while there was no such information as to the brothers from the control group - it appears that alcohol is the factor that causes the larger extent of social maladjustment among the persons examined as compared with their brothers from the control group. However, this argument seems doubtful in the light of the data as to the social maladjustment during childhood, when drinking did not as yet come into question. As early as in the childhood, the persons examined manifested symptoms of social maladjustment to a decidedly higher degree than their brothers from the control group. In thus seems more probable that the larger intensity both of drunkness, and of other symptoms of social maladjustment is based on the personality characteristics, which are revealed in the early childhood. It is, however, beyond the limits of the present study to supply documentary evidence for this argument or to point out - on the basis of the empirical data - some individualistic characteristics influencing the subsequent social maladjustment; it will be accomplished in another study. This problem was, however, worthy of attention, being important for the theory as well as for practice, all the more so as the trend now prevails to take into account first of all the environmental factors in preventive and corrective treatment. The material presented above seems to suggest that the extent of social maladjustment among different persons with equally negative family backgrounds is influenced at least to the same and perhaps even greater degree by individual psychological than by environmental factors.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 339-362
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Przyczyny sieroctwa rodzinnego w świetle badań ogólnopolskich
The Causes of Family Orphanhood
Autorzy:: Janowska, Halina
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699064.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1982
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: sieroctwo
sieroctwo społeczne
sieroctwo rodzinne
rodzina
demoralizacja
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
emocjonalna patologia
dzieci i młodzież
placówka opiekuńcza
orphanhood
social orphanage
family orphanage
family
demoralization
social maladjustment
emotional pathology
, children and youth
guardianship facility
Opis:: The study contains the results of an empirical research carried out in Poland devoted to the macro- and microsocial conditions of family orphanhood. In the first stage (1978), 97% of the population of all children’s homes, inhabited at the time of the study by 24,000 persons, were examined, and in the second stage (1980), 2.1% of this population were examined (520 persons, which made the sample representative of the country). The notion of family orphanhood was introduced in the study to describe the situation of children who are under care of State institutions due to the lack of care in their own families. The notion of social orphanhood is thus limited - in this formulation - to the situation when the State, in spite of negligence of basic parental duties by the parents, has not yet taken over the care of the child. The extent of social orphanhood in Poland is rated at approximately 10% of the population of children and young people aged 0-17. The extent of family orphanhood is rated at approximately 5 promile in the age group 4-18. The growth of family orphanhood shows the triple increase of the phenomenon during the last 20 years. At the time of the study, 58% of family orphans were in State; children's homes. From the point of view of the research tasks, this group of children and young persons was considered the most representative, as the principles of placing children under other forms of care (that is, for instance, foster homes, family children's homes, centres for school education and special educational institutions for socially maladjusted children and young people) are based on particular criteria of selection. Below a summary of the results of the study is presented. The greatest intensity of family orphanhood and crime can be found in the western and northern regions of Poland. As revealed by the statistical analysis, the intensity of these phenomena in various parts of the country is significantly correlated. Their joint source are the by-products of social changes. In the social conditions promoting the phenomenon of anomy, the group patterns of deviant behavior may reach broader social circles; the tendency to perceive that behavior as contradictory to the norms diminishes then. This tendency concerns criminal behavior to a much greater extent than the behavior from which the family orphanhood results. Thus the growth of social orphanhood measured indirectly (for instance, by the rate of care and protection cases in courts), seems to be more diagnostic as a ratio of increase of pathogenic social phenomena than as an index of reported crime. The growth of pathogenic social phenomena can be studied indirectly by means of a structure analysis of attributes of the population selected in a particular way. The structure of particular attributes of the population of institutions for children and juveniles varies significantly according to the intensity of the pathogenic social phenomena in different parts of the country. In the voivodships where this intensity is greater, a higher percentage of children under psychiatric care or those whose parents have been deprived of their parental rights, is to be found significantly more frequently; the distributions of frequency in the separate age groups are random in the examined population. In the voivodships where the ratio of pathogenic social phenomena is lower, the most numerous age group is that of 13-15, which means that - more often than in the remaining voivodships - the important reason for sending children to institutions are their educational problems connected with puberty, and not a generally worse situation of the families which would cause sending children to institutions regardless of their age. On the microsocial scale, the main cause of family orphanhood is the disorganization of the family related to the individual and social characteristics of the parents. Taking into account the level of disorders in the social behavior and that of disturbances in emotional relations between the members of the family, 4 categories of families were distinguished in the population examined. The majority are the families disturbed both in their social functions and in emotional relations; there were as many as 78.2% of them among 5200 families. The families which, however undisturbed, were educationally inefficient for other objective reasons (financial problems, housing problems, illness, disability, death of one parent were 7.1% of the cases. There were also 8.5% of the families with only emotional relations disturbed, and 6.3% of those with only social behavior disturbed. Thus the majority, that is, as much as 84.5% of the children were brought up in criminogenic environment. 75.3% of fathers and 55% of mothers were regularly drinking excessively; alcoholism was found in 55.6% of fathers and 19.6% of mothers; 66.6% of the mothers’ friends who lived together with the family were heavy drinkers. The high percentage of drinking mothers in those families should be noted. Lack of a permanent employment was found among 27.6% of fathers and 41% of mothers. Due to their alcoholism and poor professional training, a considerable part of the children's guardians found it difficult to obtain and keep a job. Until the time of the study, 15% of fathers and 6% of mothers had already been imprisioned; no reliable information was gathered as to their previous criminal records. Professional prostitution was found among 12% of mothers, while sexual promiscuity among as many as 40%. The instability of emotional bonds is a striking feature of the families examined. Only 1/3 of the parents are married. In 53% of the cases, the parents admittedly live together, but one of them is temporarily absent due to imprisonment or stay in a mental hospital, which are the most frequent reasons. 73% of the families live in very difficult financial conditions, 61% have serious housing problems. A very poor state of health (serious chronic diseases) was found in 18% of fathers and 23% of mothers. Health and physical development of children and youths in children’s homes are distinctly worse than the average in the country. Their height in 49,3% of the cases does not reach the age norm, the respective percentage in the case of weight being 42%. A half of the children had suffered from serious diseases, as shown by 48.6% of the cases of hospitalization. In as much as 17% of the children the past or present diseases are connected with damages of the central nervous system or with functional changes which reflect on their mental functions (cerebral concussion, epilepsy, acute neuroses). 17% of the ailments and diseases are immediately related to grave neglect (untreated advanced form of tuberculosis, effects of accidents). Congenital defects are found in 5% of cases. In the group of family orphans, the types of mental deficiency and personality disorders which impede the normal social functions can be found more frequently than in the entire population of children and young people. Only 56% of the children came within the limits of the normal intelligence level. The symptoms of nervousness - more or less intense - were observed among as many as 90% of them. There were only 13% of the children without any disturbances of behavior (that is, inhibition, increased kinetic restlessness, timidity, emotional sensitivity, aggressiveness etc.). Developmental deficiencies were found in as many as 84% of the children; the most frequent were those in the sphere of the development of visual (34.5%) and auditory (22.3%) functions, the least frequent were the disturbances of speech (13.8%). Deviant behavior is more frequent among the concerned population than in the entire population of children and youths in respective age groups. The following three types of behavior proving the threat of demoralization were found: behavior connected with school maladjustment, with environmental maladjustment against the background of defective emotional relations (excluding the one based on emotional disorders of the passive type, like inhibition, timidity, etc.) and delinquent behavior or that pointing to disturbed socialization. The most frequent are the types of behavior revealing school, maladjustment (41.4%), those revealing distrubances of emotional relations (28%), and the least frequent are types of behavior of deliquent character or pointing to disturbed socialization. It is worthy of notice that the intensity of behavior of the first and third types markedly decreases in the children’s homes, while in the case: of the second type, that is of behavior revealing disturbances of the emotional sphere, the decrease is much less visible. In the conditions of the children’s home the emotional compensation, which is an important problem, is difficult to solve.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 233-270
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Rodziny wieloproblemowe – charakterystyka 222 rodzin z dzielnicy Praga-Północ
Multi-problem Families - the Characteristics of 222 Families From the Warsaw District Praga-North
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699070.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1982
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: rodzina wieloproblemowa
Praga-Północ
rodzina
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
alkoholizm
przestępczość
typologia rodzin
karalność
multi-problem family
Prague-North
family
social maladjustment
alcoholism
criminality
family typology
penality
Opis:: The object of the study initiated in 1975 in the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences was to get acquainted with the extent of social maladjustment in the families known to be characterised by the cumulation of socially negative factors. They were, called multi-problem families. In on study primary criteria for the selection of families were alcoholism and excessive drinking, which was based on the assumption, proved by many criminological studies, that alcoholism causes the most severe disturbances in the functioning of the family. Other symptoms of social maladjustment, such as crime, prostitution, child neglect, were recognized as the derivatives of alcoholism. 222 families living in the Warsaw district Praga-North were examined, in which at least 2 adult membres were known to the police as regular excessive drinkers. Data about the families examined were gathered by means of interviews with the district constables of the police. On the grounds of the interview a questionnaire was filled in, including such data on all members of the family who were living together, as: regular excessive drinking and behavior related to it, delinquency, trouble-making and threat to the safety of their family and neighbours, attitude towards work, performance of parental duties, prostitution and other symptoms of social maladjustment. They were supplemented by the data from other official sources, among other: court records, registers of the detoxication centres, data from the juvenile section of the police regarding the state of care of the children and their social maladjustment. The majority of the multi-problem families examined inhabit poorly planned areas. The houses are mainly old, neglected, assigned for demolition (and thus not repaired). There are no bathrooms nor WCs. Many of the tenements lack running water. The housing conditions of these families as regards the density of their tenements is considerably poorer than the average of the remaining part of the district and of the entire city. The financial standing of the families, according to the police constables, is “poor” or” very poor” in over a half of the examined cases. The social and professional status of the members is low. 70% of men and 90% of women lack any vocational training. At the time of research, the examined population of 222 families consisted of 437 men and 360 women aged over 17 and 233 children aged 0-16 (over a half of them were small children aged up to 10). The extent of social maladjustment of the entire adult population is as follows: As few as 9% of the men and 37% of the women do not drink excessively. The remaining regularly drink excessively or are alcoholics. It is interesting that a substantial intensity of excessive drinking was found even among the youngest group of the examined adult males, that is those aged 17 - 20. Only 15% of the men in this age group do not drink excessively. The excessive drinking of the persons examined is connected with other symptoms of “problem drinking”. Over 57% of the men and 17% of the women were detained at the detoxication centre more than 3 times. The persons under examination also frequently have cases brought against them in the Penal Administrative Commissions because of breaking of peace when intoxicated. Over 40% of the men had such cases brought against them at least 3 times. More than a half of the men in the multi-problem families are the so-called “persons dangerous to other members of the family when drunk”. This stands for behavior such as making rows at home, beating their wives or other members of the family, turning them into the street, demolishing their flats. The population of the men is also characterized by an improper attitude towards work. Approximately 45% of them do not work though they could. On the basis of the obtained information it can be stated that they either are provided for by the others, or they live on illegal business or various odd jobs, or they profit by illegal means. In the light of the data mentioned above as to the drinking habits of the members of the families examined the question arises if any relationship can be found between their excessive drinking and their staying out of work. Approximately 92% of the men who are known to stay out of work without any reasonable cause can be recognized as alcoholics. The extent of crime in the multi-problem families is significant, with 57% of the men having been convicted at least once, and 32% - 4 times or more. There were also 20% of the women with criminal records. Contrary to expectation, in the structure of crime of the examined population violent offences balance those against property. Among the population of the women from the problem families, 1/5 are suspected of prostitution. When discussing the social maladjustment of the women, the problem of performing maternal duties cannot possibly be ignored. 70% of the mothers of small children do not secure the care for them, and in some cases the child neglect becomes more flagrant. Only about 1/5 of the entire population of the adult members of the families examined reveal none of the symptoms mentioned above, the percentage in the case of men being as low as less than 9%. In the second part of the study an attempt is made to characterize the families from the point of view of the intensity of social maladjustment in the entire family. Among the 222 families there were 39, the members of which had no criminal record, that is, in over 80% of the families there occurs the co-existence of alcoholism and crime. In more than half of the families not even one adult member could be recognized as positive - that is, not drinking excessively, with a clear court record and regularly working. There is one such person in 54 families, 2 such persons in 36 families, and in only 15 families 3 persons were recognized as favourably meeting the above criteria. On the basis of the proceedings employed to define the degree of social maladjustment of each of the families, nearly 1/3 of them were found to reveal a very high intensity of cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment. Such families create a serious social problem to the still greater extent than the others. Analysing the educational situation in the families on the basis of their classification as regards their structure, the situation in question is found particularly unfavorable in the families where the mother regularly drinks excessively or is a prostitute. This applies particularly to the situation of small children. In nearly all the families with small children the sometimes flagrant negligence of the children was found. The mothers did not care for their children, left them without any care, did not secure for them any sufficient food nor clothing, the children having in many cases no other source of assistance. As the children grow up, their neglect and the influence of negative social patterns in the family repeatedly lead to the symptoms of social maladjustment, which increase gradually sometimes reaching very grave forms. Multi-problem families require special care and assistance of the qualified social services. This applies particularly to children who are brought up in exceptionally unfavourable conditions. An early intervention in the situation of those children is vital. It should lead to neutralizing the negative influence of family milieu, which in a great part of the cases requires the isolation of the children by placing them in a children's home. The assistance applied towards the family should also consist in financial and medical aid (including the treatment of early stages of alcoholism).
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 291-337
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Rozmiary przestępczości wśród dawnych podopiecznych sądu opiekuńczego – dzieci rodziców z ograniczoną władzą rodzicielską
Extent of Crime Among Former Juveniles Whose Parents Were Limited in Their Parental Authority, and Who Were Under the Care of Juvenile and Civil Courts
Autorzy:: Strzembosz, Adam
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699060.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1982
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość
sąd opiekuńczy
ograniczona władza rodzicielska
władza rodzicielska
kara
warunki rodzinne
małoletni
zaburzenia w zachowaniu
karalność
rozmiary przestępczości
niedostosowanie społeczne
criminality
guardianship court
limited parental responsibility
parental authority
penalty
family conditions
minor
behavioral disorders
penality
extent of crime
social maladjustment
Opis:: The reported research is a continuation of the studies on families under court’s supervision in consequence of the limitation of parental authority. The former studies were conducted on the sample of such families representative of the entire country, which consisted of 757 families with the total of 1,436 children in whose interest protection proceedings has been instituted in 1973. While in that phase of research an attempt was made to characterize the families and the children that came within the above proceedings and to describe the action of the court and the efficiency of the measures adjudicated by the court, in the present studies the further fates have been studied of 330 boys and 252 girls - formerly under the care of the court - who were aged at least 19 on September 1, 1980 (they were aged 19 - 24, mean age being 22). During the research, it was found that among the persons under examination - after coming up to the age of 17 (upper limit of minority) - there were 27% of men and 7% of women with criminal records (12% of men and 2% of women had been convicted at least twice). This percentage was three times higher as regards the convicted men and 8 times higher as regards the convicted women in comparison with the extent of crime measured by the number of convictions among men and women aged 21. Among the convicted men there were as many as 49% convicted for larceny, 19% for robbery, and 13% convicted for offences against person. As many as 84% of men were convicted for offences against property only, or for these offences as well as for others. The structure of crime of the persons under scrutiny differs from that of the whole of young adult offenders (aged 17 - 20) as regards the high percentage of those convicted for larceny. In this respect it resembles the structure of crime of the juveniles formerly under care of juvenile courts in, the cases pertaining to parental rights in Warsaw, but only as regards the sons of alcoholics (also aged 22 on the average), as the sons of non-alcoholics were in a much higher percentage convicted for offences against person, characterized by a large intensity of aggressiveness. The offences of the persons under examination resemble juvenile delinquency in the eldest age groups, though the harmfulness of their offences is much greater. 50% of the convicted men had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment already in their first case, 95% - in their second case, and all of the convicted men –in their third case. An attempt was made to differentiate the category of the investigated sons who would be characterized by a higher extent of crime when aged over 17; however, no increase in offending was found both among children from broken homes and among those whose parents revealedconsiderable social demoralization. Even the percentage of socially demoralized mothers whose sons had criminal records when aged over 17 was only slightly higher than that of socially adjusted mothers of the convicted men. On the other hand, the men coming from towns were considerably more frequently convicted as compared with those coming from the rural areas, which seems to shake the now established opinion about the small differences between the intensity of crime in the town and the country, if we take into account the offender’s place of residence and not the place where the given offence has been committed. In spite of the confirmation by the present study of the well known regularity that there is a higher percentage of persons convicted when aged over 17 among those who revealed early behavior disorders, and in spite of the fact that there is a correlation between the improvement in the minor’s behavior accomplished by the probation officer during his supervision and the subsequent clear record of his former probationer - no correlation was found between the way in which the supervision had been performed and the criminal records of the men when aged over 17. Such a correlation was not revealed even by comparing the most highly estimated supervision with this actually not performed at all. This proves the predominating role of factors other than probation officer’s supervision in the process of forming social attitudes of the youth. Since even those of the probation officers, who perform their supervision reliably and efficiently, are not in approximately one half of the cases able to cause improvement of their probationer’s behavior, then the role of other factors independent of the officer’s action is immense and their further negative or favourable influence may - in course of time - wholly destroy the impact of the methods of supervision. Therefore not only the probation officer’s efforts should be supported by creating the actual possibilities for him to organize the proper educational environment for his probationer but also these social processes should be strenghtened which promote the internalization by children and youths of favourable patterns of behavior and moral standards.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 271-290
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Karalność uczniów nieprzystosowanych społecznie
Criminal Cases of Socially Maladjusted Schoolchildren
Autorzy:: Ostrihanska, Zofia
Wójcik, Dobrochna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699130.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1984
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: niedostosowanie
zachowanie
przestępca
rodzina
środowisko
maladjustment
behaviour
delinquent
family
environment
Opis:: 1. The study discussed in the present paper is a continuation of the research on extent and determinants of social maladjustment among schoolchildren in Warsaw elementary schools, which was conducted in the years 1976-1979. Over 600 classes (grade III-VIII) were then examined, which makes the total numer of 17,662 children aged 9-16. Teachers indicated children who revealed symptoms of social maladjustment (such as regular truancy, many-hours loitering around the streets without control, running away from home, stealing, frequenting company of demoralized colleagues, drinking alcohol, sexual demoralization, vandalism and frequent aggressive behaviour). 885 boys (which makes 10 per cent of all schoolboys included in the study) and 220 girls (2.7 per cent of all girls) were found to reveal these children, which included information as to the child’s family environment, school situation, school failures, behaviour, health, and symptoms of social maladjustment. From this general popuration of 885 schoolboys who revealed symptoms of social maladjustment, a group of 262 boys was separated whose symptoms were particularly intense and cumulated. This group then underwent a detailed individual examination. As a control group to match this group of 262 boys whose symptoms of social maladjustment were cumulated and intense, 151 boys were drawn by lot from among those of all schoolboys who had not been mentioned by the teachers as children who reveal symptoms of social maladjustment, and who were classmates of the socially maladjusted boys. The control group underwent the same individual examination. 2. At the stage of the study presented in the present paper the aim was to answer the following questions: - how many of the schoolchildren indicated by the teachers because of various symptoms of social maladjustment had cases in court before they were included in the study. – how many of them had cases in court during the five years of follow-up study. – what was the total number of children who had ever had cases in court and what was the intensity of their criminal careers. –is there any difference between the socially maladjusted schoolchildren who had cases in court and those with a clean record, as regards any features of their family environment or the kind of symptoms of social maladjustment, which caused them to be included in the study. Is there any difference between them as regards their school failure or the results of psychological examination. In order to answer these questions, in mid 1982 it was checked if the children indicated as socially maladjusted had cases in court as juveniles or as young adults (aged 17 and over). The examined persons were then aged 15-23. The cases of persons concerning whom it was impossible to obtain data, as to their criminal record were excluded from the analysis therefore, finally the examined population consisted of 859 boys and 220 girls. 3. At the moment when the examined schoolchildren were indicated by the teachers as revealing symptoms of social maladjustment, 6.9 per cent of the socially maladjusted boys and 3.7 pet cent of the girls had criminal cases in family courts. A considerable majority of these children (5.1 per cent of the boys and all girls, 3.7 per cent) had only one case in court. The cases occurred generally at the age 14-16. The number of children who had had cases of care and protection during anamnesis is comparatively large: 5.5 per cent of boys and as many as 16.3 per cent of girls. The examination of the schoolchildren's further criminal careers during the following 5 years produced the following results: - 20.9 per cent of boy were convicted by courts within that period (10.2 per cent had cases in family courts, 5.7 per cent- in ordinary courts, 5 per cent- both in family and in ordinary courts). - 4 per cent of girls were convicted (3.6 per cent by family courts, 0.4 per cent by ordinary courts). It should be added that on account of the age, only 629 boys and 178 girls could have had cases in ordinary courts. Among them, 14.8 per cent of boys and one girl were convicted. The percentage is high, as part of those who „could have had cases" were only 17 years old, the probability of their conviction being thus minimal. 25.7 per cent of boys convicted by ordinary court committed aggressive acts, while 70.7 per cent were convicted only for offences against property. When the entire examined period (anamnesis and follow-up period) is discussed together, it appears that every fourth boy (23.4 per cent) and every thirteenth girl among all socially maladjusted children were delinquent. This result certifies to the generally known difference between the extents of delinquency of boys and girls. However, the represented proportion changes diametrically if one takes into account not only criminal cases, but also those of care and protection. 12.2 per cent of boys and as many as 25.4 per cent of girls had cases of care and protection in family courts. There were 26.4 per cent of socially maladjusted boys and 28.6 per cent of girls who had cases in family courts (criminal and care and protection together). The high percentage of girls who had cases of care and protection may be connected to their worse family situation which demanded intervention, as well as with the fact, that girls revealed symptoms of sexual demoralization more frequently than boys (as many as 1/5 of socially maladjusted girls in grade VIII); these symptoms awoke concern of the adult and may induce them to seek intervention of a court. Such symptoms, not being offences, may only be a reason for instituting tutelar proceedings. Another problem was also examined, that is of the features of the examined persons and of their family environment (as revealed by the questionnaires filled in by the teachers) which would differentiate the delinquent boys from those who had never been convicted. The delinquent boys were found to live in worse family backgrounds, in which criminality of parents or siblings or alcoholism of the father occurred more frequently. Instead, the delinquent boys were not found to live more frequently in broken homes or separately from their parents. The delinquent boys were more socially maladjusted than those never convicted: they revealed a greater numer of symptoms of social maladjustment, their teachers informed more frequently of threir thefts, drinking, contacts with demoralized colleagues, and truancy. Instead, the delinquent boys were not described by the teachers as fighting with their schoolmates „often” and „very often” more frequently than those never convicted. It may be that such a description of a child by the teacher was unreliable; the boy's aggressive behaviour may have been a temporary phenomenon, resulting from actual social situation; aggressiveness revealed at school may have been separate from the entire syndrome of social maladjustment. However, at the present stage of the study we are not in a position to take up any attitude towards these possible explanations. Neither the many-hours loitering around the streets was found to significantly differentiate the delinquent boys from those never convicted. This results from the fact that loitering is a typical way of spending time of the considerable majority of socially maladjusted boys, therefore it does not differentiate those who were convicted from the others. 4. In the group of 262 individually examined boys who revealed intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment, the extent of delinquency appeared to be larger than in the entire population of 885 socially maladjusted schoolboys from which this group has been selected. During anamnesis, 32 per cent of boys had criminal cases in family courts; 78.9 per cent of them had only one case, 18.3 per cent had two cases, and 2.8 per cent -three or more cases. During the follow-up period, 28.2 per cent of the examined boys had cases in court, including 14.1 per cent who had cases in family courts only, 7.6 per cent who had cases in ordinary courts only, and 6.5 per cent who had cases both in family and in ordinary courts. Within the whole of the examined period (both anamnesis and follow-up period), nearly half of the examined boys were convicted: 29.4 per cent had cases in family courts only, 5.3 per cent- in ordinary courts only, and 14.1 per cent-both in family and in ordinary courts. Therefore, every second boy from the group with intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment had cases in court within the examined period, while every fourth one from the entire population had been convicted. Poor material and housing conditions of the family, insufficient care of children, broken home and bad conjugal life of the parents were not found to be significantly connected with the delinquency of the examined boys. Instead, a correlation of statistical significance was found between delinquency and excessive drinking of the fathers, their own criminal records and periods of imprisonment, as well as between the sons' delinquency and the lack of elementary education of the parents. On the other hand, no difference was found between delinquents and non-delinquents as regards the teachers' estimation of their intelligence level and learning difficulties pointed out by their mothers and themselves. None of the biopsychical variables taken into account in the study was found to differentiate both groups: lowered level of intelligence, eyesight defect, hearing defect, disturbances of speech, dyslexia, probable past lesions of the central nervous system, troubles with concentration, very slow rate of working. Persisting neurotic symptoms. Indeed, these factors were present rather more frequently among the non-delinquent boys, distinctly connected with their learning problems and school failures. On the other hand, delinquents actually repeated classes more frequently than non-delinquents, got bad marks in various subjects, and their learning progress was estimated as worse by the teachers. Delinquent boys more frequently behaved badly at school beginning from the lowest standards, they played truant from various lessons, were disobedient and disturbed the course of the lessons, had lower marks for behaviour and stated that they did not like school. The socially maladjusted delinquents used to spend time in company of friends older than themselves more often than the non-delinquent boys; they themselves described those friends as badly behaved and drinking alcohol. They were also substantially more often connected with groups of juvenile delinquents according to the teachers' opinion. They revealed a considerably larger intensity of symptoms of social maladjustment. Among these symptoms, only the frequency of aggressive behaviour failed to differentiate the delinquent and non-delinquent boys, which means that as regards the individually examined group, the result concerning the entire population was confirmed. Therefore, the delinquency of the examined persons was related to the greater intensity of their social maladjustment, to their negative family environment and their school situation connected not only with objective learning difficulties but also with the child's reluctant attitude towards school and teachers, and with the teachers' disfavourable opinion of his learning progress and behaviour. It is also worth mentioning that in the control group of 151 schoolboys who were not indicated by the teachers as revealing symptoms of social maladjustment, only one person was found who had been convicted by court during the entire examined period.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 143-166
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Polskie sądy rodzinne w świetle badań empirycznych
Polish Family Courts in the Light of Empirical Research
Autorzy:: Strzembosz, Adam
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962276.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1984
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: sąd rodzinny
badania empiryczne
Polska
family courts
empirical research
alimony
family
jurisdiction
judge
Opis:: 1. The idea of family jurisdiction is not new, yet it continues to raise animated discussion and controversy. Family courts which exist in many countries have miscellaneous and frequently rather narrow competence. Elsewhere, experiments have been made with family courts for many years now, consisting in taking observations of the works of a few family courts, the traditional orgnization of jurisdiction maintained in the entire country. The family jurisdiction, enforced in Poland on January 1st, 1978, was introduced in the entire territory, the competence of family courts outlined most broadly: all cases directly connected with family relations (affiliation of a child, alimony, nullification and dissolution of a marriage, adoption, limitation, suspension and deprivation of parental authority, institution of legal protection, etc.), cases connected with penal acts committed by juveniles, cases of compulsory treatment of alcoholics in closed hospitals, and offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, fell under competence of family courts. Family courts which are departments of district courts, have assembled nearly half of the cases coming in a district court. At the same time, cases have been divided between the judges basing on the territorial principle: every judge hears all kinds of cases coming in from the territory he has been assigned. This way, all cases essentially connected with the functioning of a given family were always to be judged by the same judge. The broad competence of a family judge and the fact that he heard all cases concerning the members of a given family was to create conditions in which all problems appearing within that family would be treated on a broad basis in every case, to ensure that each particular pronouncement concerning that family be compact and complementary, to guarantee the correctness of decisions owing to the knowledge of the whole of conflicts which occur in that family, and to make preventive activities broader and deeper. The creation of family courts caused the liquidation of juvenile courts, all their cases having passed to the family courts, as well as the transference of a considerable part of cases heard before by civil courts and a small number of cases from criminal courts. Such a far-reaching reform of organization of common jurisdiction has justified the study of the effects of introduction of family courts, the more so as juvenile courts played an important part in the system of preventive measures against delinquency and other forms of social maladjustment. Therefore, it was the aim of the study to find out if family courts realize their function in practice, and what are the factors that determine difficulties or irregularities in case the courts fail totally or partially to fulfill their object. The study embraced various sources of information about the functioning of family courts, i.e., first of all, statistical data on the jurisdiction in cases which now come within the scope of family courts from two periods: before and after they had been transferred to the family courts (years 1976-1977 and 1978-1981). Another extremely important source of information about the functioning of family courts was the analysis of cases of particular kind judged by juvenile, civil, and criminal couits, and then by family courts. Among the cases which provided a particularly great amount of information as to the way in which family courts fulfilled the goal they were planned to fulfill, were divorce suits, limitation of parental authority, penal acts of juveniles, and criminal cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth. Such cases require well-prepared materials before they are examined, comprehensive study of particular legal problems from the point of view of the interest of the family, first of all children that are brought up in it, and finally (apart from divorce suits) active execution of the sentence, as the method of execution determines the results of the entire preceding activity of the court. A detailed study was made of a standard sample of cases now investigated by 8 family courts - small, medium, and large, each of the 4 family courts created on January 1st, 1978, matched with one of the 4 family courts which had been functioning before that day as experimental courts. In this way comparison could have been made between the functioning of new family courts and those which had been working for some years to find out if the lenght of the period of work of the family court contributed to eliminating of various mistakes and dificiencies resulting from lack of experience during the first years of work of the family court. The standard of work of the "new" family courts emerging from the analysis of cases was also compared with that of juvenile courts, civil courts, and criminal courts which had been departments of the same district courts, by way of analysis of the same kind of cases judged before the reform of jurisdiction. This comparison was to provide information about changes which took place in preliminary proceedings, setencing, and execution of sentences, after family courts had taken over the cases which had been investigated before by other departments of district courts. Another source of information was the examination on the spot of the conditions of work of the 8 family courts the files of which had been analysed, including their staff, the system of social probation officers, the number of different duties imposed, and the power to execute decicions. Finally, the opinion on family courts was asked of family judges themselves, of professional probation officers of these courts, and of solicitors, whose experience in appearing before different courts in cases of the same kind seemed particularly valuable. A questionnaire examination also included the family judges who had judged in juvenile, civil, and criminal courts before the jurisdiction reform, so as to define their attitudes and opinions as regards various problems of family life. The aim of the questionnaire was to find out any differences between the attitudes of former juvenile court judges in comparison with other judges working subsequently in family courts. 2. The analysis of statistical data concerning the 6-year period (including 4 years after family jurisdiction had been introduced) did not reveal any symptomatic difference which could be related to the creation of family courts. As regards divorce suits, for instance, neither the percentage of cases discontinued due to the reconciliation of the parties increased, not that of dismissed cases; in cases concerning parental authority, the structure of decisions did not change; in cases of penal acts committed by juveniles but a small increase of less radical sentences was noticed; finally, as regards cases of offences against family, guardianship, and the youth, the only change was a slight reduction of the number of sentences to the penalty of deprivation of liberty without conditional suspension of execution in favour of limitation of parental authority. The results obtained through a detailed analysis of court files of cases formerly heard by juvenile, civil, and criminal courts were much the same as regards the contents of issued decisions. Nevertheless, in some spheres of activity of family courts some favourable changes occurred; unfortunately they were accompanied by a considerable regress in other spheres. In particular, family courts investigated the situation of children of divorcing parents more precisely than the civil courts, but on the other hand they neglected material problems, less frequently adjudging alimony amounting to a sum higher than demanded, less frequently deciding ex officio as to the means of using a common appartment by the divorced parties and adjudging eviction from the appartment of the party who particularly grossly disturbed the family peace. In all cases where the court's decision should be properly executed by the family court machine, a considerable deterioration of the way of execution took place. This resulted both from the lack of adequate interest in this problem on the part of family judges who were engaged mostly in jurisdiction, and from remissness of professional probation officers who were also burdened with many other tasks and whose work was supervised by family judges but in a minimal degree. In spite of their contact with many kinds of cases, family judges showed little interest in prevention. It was interesting to find out that also the former juvenile judges who had been accustomed to give a lot of attention to various preventive activities, now did not differ by any means in this respect from the former civil and criminal judges. Also the functioning of the "old" family courts was by no means superior to that of the "new” ones, and it was even inferior in some spheres - therefore, the standard of work of the courts was determined by other factors and not by the lack of experience. The analysis of decisions from the point of view of complexity of their approach to the whole of the problems existing within a given family gave no evidence as to any differences between decisions in the same kinds of cases issued by family courts on the one hand, and juvenile, civil, and criminal courts on the other. Also the anticipation that decisions of family courts would be more compact and complementary to each other if several different cases of members of the same family would be heard by the same court, came true but to a minimal extent. Firstly, the percentage of families towards which at least 2 decisions had been issued by a family court during its period of existence was considerably low, amounting to 25 per cent of families ever included in any legal proceedings. Even in the case of those family courts which had been functioning for 7 years, the percentage in question was not high, amounting to 32 per cent. Secondly, in spite of the principle of territorial division of cases among the judges, only in half of cases, all suits concerning a given family were heard by the same judge. Thirdly, due to the nature of a considerable number of cases, the material gathered for them during the proceedings was of no importance as regards the way of examination and the essence of decision issued in the next case (this concerns first of all suits for alimony). Eventually, only in every seventh case both the same judge had heard the former case as well as the present one, and in the former case material had been gathered which was valuable for the better knowledge of the family and the more relevant judgement. It should also be mentioned that in the case of many of the decisions, there was considerable probability that the verdict sentences would have been similar, had they been adjudged by another judge of the same court, or of civil or criminal court. Therefore, it was impossible to ascertain that the creation of family courts had considerably contributed to a greater complexity, compactness, and complementariness of judgements. The opinions on the functioning of family courts gathered from judges, probation officers, and solicitors have confirmed a number of remarks made during the analysis of court files and the direct examination of the conditions of work of the selected family courts. In spite of the fact that the very idea of creating family courts has been estimated favourably by the majority of the examined persons (62 per cent), a considerable part of them pointed to the following defects: too wide range of tasks of family courts, the resulting overwork which hindered adequate preventive activities, the domination of jurisdiction as compared with other tasks of the family court. One third of the respondents could not see any advantage in the creation of family courts. Half of them was of opinion that the introduction of family courts failed to increase the protection of children and the youth against demoralization (this was most frequently the opinion of the family judges themselves). The second questionnaire, concerning opinions and attitudes of family judges, revealed the statements of the former juvenile judges concerning family and its problems to be more complete and definite as compared with statements of the former civil and criminal judges, and to take into consideration more frequently the psychological, pedagogical, social in its broadest sense, and even medical, aspects of these problems. One should, however, bear in mind that, as revealed by the analysis of files, no evidence was found of better work of the former juvenile judges as compared with other family judges. In the final part of the present article an attempt was made to draw conclusions from the results of the study. Having discussed different possible variants of changing the competence of family courts, a definite model of a family court was suggested, characterized by a different internal structure, narrowed competence and a better defined position in the system of prevention of social maladjustment of children and the youth.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 167-225
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Sytuacja młodzieży w społeczeństwach postindustrialnych
The situation of youth in post-industrialized societies
Autorzy:: Takala, Hanna
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699190.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1985
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: sytuacja młodzieży
społeczeństwa postindustrialne
edukacja
rodzina
kultura młodzieżowa
kontrola społeczna
situation of youth
post-industrialized societies
education
family
youth culture
social control
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1985, XII; 59-68
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Prognoza wychowawcza w odniesieniu do dzieci z rodzin rozbitych przez rozwód
Educational prognosis in the case of children from homes broken by divorce
Autorzy:: Sokołowska, Alicja
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699253.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1987
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: praca
dzieci
rodzice
rodzina
rozwód
zachowanie
badanie
edukacja
wynagrodzenie
przyszłość
potrzeba
miłość
work
person
child
parents
family
divorce
behavior
examination
education
consideration
future
need
love
favourable prognosis
Opis:: The family, the child's first environment in which his social traits are formed, is imposed upon him and all it is able and wants to offer him is given to him without his consent, choice, and frequently awareness. The parents or persons who replace them decide for the child and organize his existence in his interest in the early stages of his life, and hand down to him the norm sand values according to their own consciousness and beliefs. All of their activities, aimed at the child and at other persons or things as well as their way of perception of and reaction to outer factors, constitute the fabric from which the child derives patterns for his own behaviour. The parents and the closest environment shape the child’s attitude towards himself and other persons through purposeful action and through situations specially created or rendered accessible to the child. In the early childhood in particular, before the child goes to school, his parents play the leading part in his development. For this reason, their human quality is of importance. Despite the fact that there is a vast literature on the family the specialists and practicians in social sciences keep submitting new problems that want explanation. The prognosis of the child's future fate depends first of all on his family environment. The child's socialization, development and mental growth take a normal course if conditions have been provided for his needs to be satisfied. Particularly in the case of a child, the need of love, and attachment predominates among mental needs, with that of favourable contacts with other persons developing somewhat later. A child accepted by his family and cherished with affection –provided he is convinced of that - feels safe and believes that his guardians act for his benefit. The climate at home which is created first and foremost by the parents, is not only important for the child's development but frequently leaves permanent traces in the mind of an adult –often as patterns of behaviour. Children devoid of favourable conditions of socialization in their families often cause serious educational problems and are commonly defined as difficult. The origins of their maladjustment can first of ,all be found in a faulty socialization which makes them more open to bad influence and more apt to break the obligatory social and legal norms. In studies of juvenile delinquents, the symptoms of disturbances in their families are usually found. Divorce is always a result of certain anomalies within the family and brings about disadvantageous conditions for the child's socialization. The future way or life of the child is usually difficult to forecast, during proceedings before the court in particular. For this reason, in more difficult or even doubtful cases, the court appoints an expert who is usually a psychologist or an educator. Admittedly, the expert's observations and findings influence the court’s decision; yet after the decision has become valid and the further course of events does not call for reopening of the proceedings, hardly anybody cares whether the decision concerning the child was really in his interest and whether the situation imposed upon him corresponds with his wishes. At the Faculty of Psychology of the Warsaw University, examinations ordered by the court have for many years been performed in case of children and young persons, including divorce cases of parents, Examination took at least 2-3 visits which rendered possible a comprehensive appraisal of the environment and of the child entangled in his parents conflict. Examination ordered by the court went beyond the child's future situation, including his past and future as well. This made it possible to roughly estimate the influence of a new family situation on the further course of the child's mental development and process of socialization. A follow-up was planned beforehand to verify the conclusions of the examination and the court’s decision. It was interesting to learn about the child's further fate, to compare it with the earlier prognosis, and to examine the child's attitude towards his previous situation (during his parents divorce) and the influence it exerted on him. The above follow-up was conducted in 1984. A hundred persons from Warsaw who had grown of age after the divorce proceedings were included in the study. Therefore, while at the moment of the examination the youngest examined person was aged 2, and the eldest nearly 18, at the moment of follow-up, the previously examined as children were aged 18 to over 30. The time between these two examinations varied from 5 to over 17 years. Only the youngest subjects were just finishing secondary school or starting higher education or some kind of professional training at the time of the follow-up. The elder ones were students or those starting their professional career, while the eldest ones prepared to set up a family and an independent life. The follow-up provides data to verify the prognosis which may either be confirmed or prove incorrect, particularly if new circumstances emerged (or those unknown before) that vitally influenced the examined person's fate. The follow-up may be related to the prognosis in the following four ways: the prognosis was positive which is confirmed by the follow-up (P+F+); the prognosis was negative and negative data are also provided by the follow-up (P-F-); the prognosis was positive which is however not fonfirmed by the follow-up (P+F-); the prognosis was negative but the follow-up appears positive (P -F +). The findings of the follow-up were included in all of the above four group's as follows: P+F+ 82 cases P- F- 4 cases P+F - 6 cases P-F+ 8 cases There were no surprises in the extreme groups: the fates of the child were anticipated to take a favourable course provided the court takes the expert's conclusions into account (P+F+); or the prognosis was bad irrespectively of the court's possible decision (P- F-). On the other hand, in the groups where the follow-up failed to confirm the prognosis, either the diagnosis was wrong or new facts occurred after the examination which conclusively influenced the child's situation. The most numerous was the group of cases in which follow-up confirmed a favourable prognosis. In those cases, the family environment involved was different, as much as the parents mentality and personality traits, cultural standards, living conditions, the child's emotional ties with his parents and many other features. However, there were certain common features which favourably influenced the child's fate and they justified good prognosis. Divorcing parents accepted the court's decision truly in the child's interest pushing their own wishes and ambitions to the background. They remained loyal to each other and respected the child’s rights. They were able to create a climate which guaranteed the feeling of safety of the child and respect for his affection towards the parents. In these conditions, the effects of divorce were less painful for the child and the child could regain mental balance shaken by his parents conflict. In the cases where follow-up confirmed a negative prognosis, the parents considered divorce proceedings to be their business exclusively. The child was just a supplement to their lives which they did not take into consideration; they provided no support for the child who had to depend on himself only, trying to overcome difficulties for which he was not prepared. The fates of the children in the case of whom prognosis proved not consistent with follow-up are interesting. A change for the better meant that the expertise and the court's decision mobilized the parents, and the subsequent course of events confirmed the fact that parents are indispensable if they act in genuine good faith, manifesting kindness towards the child and mutual tolerance and trust. In the last group, the follow-up failed to confirm a favourable prognosis. This was due to facts that occurred some time after the first examination and were difficult to anticipate, which negatively influenced the child's fate (e.g. death of a good guardian). The follow-up made it possible to verify the relevance of methods applied in the examination as well as its general conception, according to which the child referred by the court for examination is an important but not the only element of his parents divorce. In such cases, the expert examines in a different way and context and from a different point of view the same problems in which the court is interested; however, he is able to examine more extensively and penetratingly the conditions that are inaccessible or difficult of access for the court, due to the lack of professional knowledge if not for other reasons. The follow-up confirmed the importance of the family in the child's education and socialization. A broken home creates conditions that can eventually lead to a minor's maladjustment: if there are no factors to stop it, a broken home may produce a delinquency originating situation for the child.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 97-114
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Dezorganizacja społeczna a przestępczość
Social disorganization and crime
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699249.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1988
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: dezorganizacja społeczna
przestępstwo
przestępczość
rodzina
kontrola społeczna
gang
dewiacja
podkultura młodzieżowa
przestępstwo przeciwko życiu
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
zachowanie
social disorganization
crime
delinquency
family
social control
deviation
youth subculture
crime against life
social maladjustment
behaviour
Opis:: The notion of social disorganization, rather seldom used in sociology today, used to have a broad application in the American sociology of the 1920-1940s, in particular in the analysis of effects of such social processes as mass migrations, urbanization and industralization. The term of social disorganization was given to the negative effects of social changes related to these processes. Presently, this term is sometimes used in the analysis of the contemporary highly developed societes when discussing the stability of their cultural systems and the functioning of their basic social institutions. There are also in sociology many definitions of social disorganization; generally, it may be defined as the state of a disturbed social balance resulting from a social change first and foremost. What is the value of this term for a criminologist? Irrespective of the type of definition of social disorganization applied, one of its basic determinants is considered to be crime both as a mass phenomenon and as an individual act. Therefore this term is used in sociology since a long time to designate social phenomena that are rather varied for that matter. Traditionally, the term "social disorganization’’ meant in criminology social situation f und in the so-called delinquency areas which emerged in the period of vehement development of American cities as a result of mass migrations in search of livelihood. In traditional handbooks of criminology, a generalization of experimental findings concerning the processes that take place in delinquency areas is usually called the theory of social disorganization. Not long ago, a work by R. Kornhauser was published which is an attempt at a new approach to the development of the sociological theory of crime. In the work, two basic analytic models of investigation of crime conditions are distinguished. One of them is the model of social disorganization interpreted as a relative lack of a formulated system of values in a given culture and as a disturbed relationship between culture and the social structure. Two theoretical approaches can be distinguished here which are derived from the notion of social disorganization. They are: the model of social control and the model of strain. According to the first of them, disorganization results in the weakening of social control which manifests itself in disturbances either of the process of socialization or of the functioning of the basic social institutions, being thus conductive to the emergence of a delinquent or otherwise deviant behaviour. Acording to the second of the above-mantioned approaches, social disorganization brings about the rise of pressure towards delinquent behaviour, the strain resulting from the divergence between the socially formed aspirations and the expectations as to their realization. According to the authors of this classification, the main representatives of the social control trend are Thrasher as well as Shaw and McKay, and of the strain one-Merton, Cohen who derived his theoretical discussion from Merton's conception of anomy, and Cloward and Ohlin. The notion of social disorganization is also referred to in works of other theoreticians of criminology, such as for instance Sutherland and Sellin. They both refer to the results of the societies's cultural differentiation, that of the structure of norms in particular. Cultural diffrentiation, which is one of the effects of social disorganization, may sometimes - in extreme cases – assume the form of a conflict of cultures, i.e. of a state of fundamental conflict between the systems of norms and values of the separate social groups. Social disorganization cannot be treated as an explicitly defined and measurable social phenomenon. Instead, we can measure some situational determinants of disorganization which can be applied in studies of such social processes as migrations, vehement urbanization, rapid industrial development of regions with no industrial traditions, socio-economic crises, etc., on the one hand, and in studies of a disturbed functioning of social institutions that are particularly important for the society (the family in particular) on the other hand. In Poland, there is quite a rich tradition of investigating some aspects of social disorganization, as for instance studies of the effect urbanization and industrialization have on crime, of the symptoms of disorganization in urban environment, and above all of various aspects of family disorganization and their connection with delinquency. The notion of social disorganization, though susceptible of various interpretations, nevertheless seems useful in criminology as it makes it possible to combine into a syndrome the various traits of certain social situations that are conductive to delinquent behaviour.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1988, XV; 9-32
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Praca kuratora dla nieletnich w opinii sędziów sądów rodzinnych i kuratorów społecznych
The opinion of family courts judges and voluntary probation officers on their work
Autorzy:: Wójcik, Dobrochna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699296.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1988
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: sąd
sędzia
praca
sąd rodzinny
resocjalizacja
kurator
terapia
nieletni
rodzice
opinia
court
judge
work
family court
resocialization
probation
therapy
minor
parents
opinion
Opis:: The paper contains the results of a questionnaire study carried out on national representative samples of family courts judges (277 persons) and voluntary probation officers (247 persons). The main aim of the study was to obtain the practicians opinion as to the model of probation service existing in Poland and its ideal vision, as well as the conception of the work of a voluntary probation officer with a juvenile delinquent and his milieu and the: effectiveness of such work. comparing the statements of judges and voluntary probation officers, the author intended to find out what opinion the persons who play various parts in the process of resocialization of juveniles have on the educational work of voluntary probation officers: what this work should be and what it actually is. The picture that emerges from the statements of both groups of respondents is not favourable, the appraisals made by family courts judges being more, critical as a rule than those of voluntary probation officers. Some of the respondents statements are declarations and wishes. Over a half of the family courts judges (58 per cent) and about 80 per cent of voluntary probation officers consider the voluntary-cum-professional model of probation service for juvenile delinquents found in our country to be a good one (although only a part of them approve of it fully, with the remaining ones accepting it conditionally and submitting various proposals for its improvement). On the other hand, as many as 42 per cent of judges and about 20 per cent of voluntary probation officers opt for the performance of supervision -by professional probation officers only. To substantiate their standpoint, these persons argue that voluntary probation officers lack qualifications, are insufficiently engaged in educational work with juveniles, and that in their case difficulties arise in executing the proper performance of supervision. Also the enrollment of voluntary probation officers is disapproved of, the examined persons stating that in the face of a small number of applicants for this work, no requirements can be imposed upon them, and many of them are chance persons with no training whatever. As few as 7.6 per cent of family courts judges and as many as 48.6 per cent of voluntary probation officers are of the opinion that probation officers are well prepared to perform their function of resocialization. In the opinion of most respondents, the number of voluntary probation officers is greatly insufficient. The author was also interested in the respondents vision of the voluntary probation officer's work with a juvenile and his milieu, the elements that should prevail in this work: education, care or supervision, and the actual situation in this respect, as well as the real course of this work. Most respondents (78 per cent of judges and 52.2 per cent of probation officers) stresed the educational elements of a voluntary -probation officer's activity. :What is alarming, however, is the fact a considerable group both of family courts' judges (21.3 per cent) and of voluntary probation officers (30 per cent) believe formal supervision to be the most important aspect. Yet as shown by the findings of the study, the actual work of .a voluntary probation. officers departs greatly from the declared ideal model. Voluntary probation officers are burdened with an excessive number of supervised juveniles, with about 30 per .cent of them supervising over 10 persons which is the number set as the maximum. The majority of respondents demand a reduction of the number of juveniles under supervision, which is however difficult to be fulfilled because of the lack of candidates willing to become probation officers. As appears also from the respondents statements, there is no elaborate conception of the voluntary probation officer's work. Too much weight is attached when appraising this work to its formal criteria (e.g. the number of probation officer's contacts with the juvenile). Instead, the quality of his work is inadequately analyzed. Admittedly, both professional probation officers and most of all family courts judges lack sufficient data to carry out such an analysis: namely, the information about a voluntary probation officer's work come from his reports that are frequently faulty as regards quality, contents and promptness; this appears not only from the judge's but also from the voluntary probation officers' own statements. Co-operation between voluntary probation officers on the one hand, and profesional probation officers and family courts' judges on the other hand, is also faulitly organized. The respondents perceive this co-operation as the opportunity to settle definite legal, educational and organizational matters rather, than as a regular influence of the family court towards an improvement of the voluntary probation officers' qualifications and an increase of their educational impact on the juveniles. In resocializing activities, great weight is attached to the educational methods applied by the voluntary probation officer. His basic method is considered to be that of individual therapy which should be accompanied by group and environmental therapy. As appears from the statements of most voluntary probation officers, the forms of their work, and of influencing the juvenile in particular, were rather modest and poorly differentiated, the probation officers revealing litt1e initiative and being either relucant or unable to make the contacts with juvniles supervised by them more diversified. As few as about 20 per cent of the examined voluntary probation officers were in good contact with some of their probationers at any rate, the contact being of a therapeutical character (which was important in so- far as over 40 per cent of probation officers stated that they supervised- juveniles with personality disorders). In resocializing work, the posibilities of influence in a group of young persons are insufficiently used. Moreover, voluntary probation officers meet with many difficulties in co-operating with their probationers families, their contacts with the institutions engaged in crime prevention, education or social assistance being also unsatisfactory. Voluntary probation officers co-operate rather regularly with schools, the police, the Polish Committee for Social Aid and occupational guidance centres only (though naturally the degree of a voluntary probation officer's co-operation with the abovementioned institutions differs). The respondents of both groups expressed their opinions about the effectiveness of the supervision, its conditions and criteria. In general, views of family courts judges and of volunatry probation officers converged to a high degree, the majority of respondents being of the opinion that nothing but the juvenile's complete and positive participation in the social life and proper performance of due social roles testifies to a successful ending of a supervision. Convergences could also be found. between the judges and the probation officers opinions about the conditions of success vs. failure of supervision. Discussing successful supervisions respondents of both groups stressed the importance of good relations between the probation officer and his probationer, co-operation with the juvenile’s parents, their emotional commitment and readiness to act jointly with the probation officer, the probation officer's competence in getting into emotional contact with the juvenile and his family and to win their confidence. According to the respondents, the most important factors that determine a failure of supervision are: the juvenile's considerable demoralization, influence of the negative peer group, a negative family milieu and a lack of co-operation. with the probation officer on the part of the parents. Therefore, respondents of both groups lay a great emphasis on the importance of emotional relations which should link the three parties involved: the juvenile, his parents, and the voluntary probation officer. The necessity of mutual approval, understanding and respect for each other’s rights, was particularly stressed. Mutual good emotional relations linking the above-mentioned persons seams to be the key issue as far as success or failure of super- vision is concerned. If both the juvenile and his parents have a favourable attitude towards the probation officer and trust him, it will be much easier for him to persuade the juvenile of the necessity of regular learning or changing his conduct, and his parents-of the need for co-operation. Therefore the findings point to the fact that the declared shape of the work of a voluntary probation officer is much better than the actual one. The final part of the questionnaire was devoted to the use of educational measures and obligations of juvenile delinquents and their parents resulting from provisions of the Act of Nov. 26, 1982 on the proceedings in cases concerning minors. The Act introduced new educational measures and obligations of juveniles, as well as the possibility of punishing the juvenile's parents with a fine and notifying their workplaces or social organizations they are members of about their failure in parental obligations whenever this failure is caused by the parents fault. About 60-70 per cent of the judges never applied the newly introduced educational measures nor imposed obligations upon juveniles, although over a half of the judges and 60-70 per cent of the voluntary probation officers are convinced that it was right to introduce these new measures. A part of the respondents however (one-fourth of the judges and one-fifth of the probation officers) express their doubts as to the possibilities of the family court's supervision of performance of the obligation imposed upon juveniles. Very few judges applied disciplinary measures towards the juveniles parents in practice, although about 25 per cent of them express an opinion as to the effectiveness of a fine, and about 18 per cent believe that notifying the parents workplace may bring about satisfactory results. As compared with judges, voluntary probation officers expressed their favourable opinion as to the effectiveness of these measures more frequently (44 and 62 per cent respectively). Because of a relatively short period of binding force of the new provisions (which was about one and a half years at the moment of the study), the problem of application of some of the educational measures and obligations in particular, as well as the judges and probation officers opinion as to their pertinence and the possibilities of supervising their execution should be investigated further.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1988, XV; 203-249
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Po latach znów Stowarzyszenie "Rodzina Wojskowa"
Autorzy:: AT.
(at).
Powiązania:: Polska Zbrojna 1990, nr 44, s. 1, 5
Data publikacji:: 1990
Tematy:: Stowarzyszenie "Rodzina Wojskowa" 1990 r.
Rodzina wojskowa organizacje 1990 r.
Military community organizations
Military family
Opis:: Fot.
Dostawca treści:: Bibliografia CBW

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Tytuł:: Pożądane zmiany
Autorzy:: Piasecka, Maria.
Powiązania:: Żołnierz Wolności 1990, nr 50, s. 4
Współwytwórcy:: Rasała, Wiesław. Opracowanie
Data publikacji:: 1990
Tematy:: Organizacja Rodzin Wojskowych 1990 r.
Rodzina wojskowa organizacje 1990 r.
Organizacje społeczne wojskowe 1990 r.
Military family
Military community organizations
Dostawca treści:: Bibliografia CBW

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Tytuł:: Obowiązek troski pasterskiej w zakresie przygotowania wiernych do życia w małżeństwie i rodzinie
L’obbligo della cura pastorale della preparazione dei fedeli alla vita nel matrimonio e nella famiglia
Autorzy:: Krzywda, Józef
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/662928.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1992
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:: przygotowanie do życia w rodzinie
przygotowanie do życia w małżeństwie
troska pasterska
preparation for marriage
preparation for family life
priesthood
Opis:: L ’Eglise catholique, sachant que le bien de la société, son existence et son progrès sont profondément liés à celui de la famille, enseigne et proclame à tous le dessein de Dieu sur le mariage et sur la famille En plus, L’Eglise est convaincue qu’une progression et développement d’une société dépend de la promotion d ’une personne humaine qui ne se fait que dans le cadre de la famille.C’est le Concile Vatican II et l’enseignement du Magistrére de l’Eglise qu’apportent son enseignement adéquat sur le mariage et sur la famille de notre temps. Il est évident que lèveque est celui qui est le premier responsable de la pastorale familial dans le diocèse. Selon l’enseingnement du Concile et d’epres ce q u’ordonne le can. 1063: „Les pasteurs d’âmees sont tenus par l’obligation de weil- ler à ce que leur propre communauté d’Egliese fournisse aux fidèles son assistance pour que l’état de mariage soit gardé dans l’esprit chrétient et progresse dans la perfection...”Le pape Jean-Paul II dans l’Exhortation Apostoliue „Familiaris consorito” met en lumière tous les problèmes actueles du mariage et de la famille d’aujourd’hui dans le monde contemporain. Lui, il veut dire que l’avenir de l’humanité passe p ar la famille et c’est pour cela qu’il fait appel urgent à tous les hommes de bonne volonté qu’ils s’emploient de toutes leurs forces à sauvagarder et à promouvoir les valeurs et les exigences de la famille.Le- voici ce sujest là qui a été abordé en lumière de l’enseignement de l’Eglise dans l’esprance de voir les choses d’une manière plus juste et profonde.
Źródło:: Ius Matrimoniale; 1992, 3; 5-16
1429-3803
2353-8120
Pojawia się w:: Ius Matrimoniale
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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