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Tytuł:
Zmiany zasad prawa wyborczego do organów jednostek samorządu terytorialnego – czemu służą i dlaczego?
Changes in the rules of the electoral law to bodies of self local government – what are they and why?
Autorzy:
Słobodzian, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902015.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Gdańska Wyższa Szkoła Humanistyczna
Tematy:
election
electoral law
election system
local self-governance
wybory
prawo wyborcze
system wyborczy
lokalna samorządność
Opis:
Polish electoral law, which regulates the local self-government elections is very controversial. The existing legal rules were changed many times since 2011. Among the subjects being discussed one can mention electoral campaigns, candidate registration rules and organization of elections. Frequent changes in the electoral law result in misunderstandings and unwillingness to participate in elections. Their effect is low voter turnout and a large number of invalid votes.
Źródło:
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość; 2015, 12; 23-36
1731-8440
Pojawia się w:
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Polsce
Autorzy:
Osiński, Joachim
Pytlik, Bogusław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/630311.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Parliamentary election, Election law, Voting system, Party system
Opis:
The primary objective of this paper is to present preparations to the European Parliament elections and their course in Poland on all three occasions (in 2004, 2009 and 2014). Election results and political platforms are included in the text as are analyses of the influence of the elections on the changes within Poland’s party system and of electoral laws regarding European Parliament elections.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace; 2016, 3; 11-39
2082-0976
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Remarks on The System of State Authorities in the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan of 8 December 1992
Uwagi o systemie organów państwowych w Konstytucji Republiki Uzbekistanu z dnia 8 grudnia 1992 roku
Autorzy:
Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/940774.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
System of State Authorities Constitution
the Republic of Uzbekistan
president
parliament
election system
system organów państwowych konstytucja
Republika Uzbekistanu
prezydent
parlament
system wyborczy
Opis:
The aim of this article is to present the system of state authorities in the Republic of Uzbekistan, shaped under the provisions of the existing fundamental law amended in 2014. We will also address the question whether the implemented reform of an institutional character means the adoption of a democratic form of government.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie systemu organów państwowych w Republice Uzbekistanu, ukształtowanego zgodnie z przepisami obowiązującego prawa gruntownie znowelizowanego w 2014 r. Postaram się również odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy wdrażane reformy o charakterze instytucjonalnym oznacza wprowadzenie demokratycznej formy rządów.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2016, 6 (34); 35-57
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Formowanie się sceny politycznej Republiki Macedonii
Autorzy:
Wojnicki, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687396.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
party system, democratisation, political parties, election, transformation
system partyjny, demokratyzacja, partie polityczne, wybory, transformacja
Opis:
In the formation of the party system in Macedonia one may distinguish some phases. The first phase lasted from 1990 to 1992 and the characteristic of it was the re-formation of the political arena. The next phase lasted to 1998 and it could be described as the period of dominance of social democrats. VMRO boycotted the second poll to the Assembly in October 1994. The candidate of VMRO was defeated in the presidential election. The period of 1998–2001 was the time of sustainable multiparty pluralism with two major parties – central-left-wing SDSM and central-right-wing VMRO. The next phase started after finishing the Alban conflict (July 2001) when the new Alban party was formed – DUI. The period of 2004–2005 led to divisions of two major parties on Macedonian political arena. There were divisions in SDSM (The party of New Social Democrats emerged) and in VMRO (New National Party emerged – VMRO). Still, they did not weaken Macedonian parties during the election to the Assembly in September 2006. After the election in 2008 the regress in the competition between main parties – SDSM and VMRO was visible. The win-lose game started in the Macedonian political arena and international organisations alarmed on the dangers of functioning democratic institutions.
W kształtowaniu się systemu partyjnego w Macedonii można wyróżnić kilka faz. Pierwsza faza trwała od 1990 do 1992 roku i charakteryzowała się kształtowaniem sceny politycznej na nowo. Następna faza trwała do 1998 roku i opisać ją można jako okres dominacji obozu socjaldemokratycznego. VMRO zbojkotowała drugą turę wyborów do Zgromadzenia w październiku 1994, jej kandydat przegrał powszechne wybory prezydenckie. Okres lat 1998 i 2001 to zrównoważony pluralizm wielopartyjny, z dwoma głównymi ugrupowaniami: centrolewicowym – SDSM oraz centroprawicowym – VMRO. Kolejny etap rozpoczął się po zakończeniu konfliktu albańskiego (lipiec 2001 roku), gdy uformowało się nowe ugrupowanie albańskie – DUI. Okres lat 2004/2005 zaowocował fragmentaryzacją dwóch głównych ugrupowań macedońskiej sceny politycznej. Nastąpiły wówczas rozłamy w SDSM (powstała Nowa Socjaldemokracja) oraz w VMRO (powstała Partia Narodowa – VMRO). Nie osłabiły one jednak znacząco dwóch wspomnianych partii macedońskich podczas wyborów do Zgromadzenia we wrześniu 2006 roku. Po kolejnej elekcji w 2008 roku można zaobserwować swoisty regres w rywalizacji między głównymi ugrupowaniami – SDSM i VMRO, przybrał on postać swoistej „gry o sumie zerowej”, a organizacje międzynarodowe alarmowały o zagrożeniach dla funkcjonowania instytucji demokratycznych.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio M – Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis; 2016, 1, 1-2
2450-6354
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio M – Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Влияние институциональных факторов на детерминацию электорального выбора в Украине
Influence of Institutional Factors on the Determination of Electoral Choice in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Bun, Viktoria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26850889.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Akademia Zamojska
Tematy:
electoral choice
institutional determinants of electoral choice
psychological effect of election system
first and second-order elections
электоральный выбор
институциональные детерминанты электорального выбора
психологический эффект избирательной системы
выборы первого и второго порядка
Opis:
Целью статьи является анализ влияния институциональных факторов на процесс формирования электорального выбора в Украине. Рассмотрены сущность, факторы и основные теории электорального выбора. Главное внимание сосредоточено на институциональных факторах. В перечень институциональных факторов отнесены: форма правления, психологи-ческий эффект избирательной системы, объем полномочий института, который выбирается, роль выборов при формировании правительства, электоральное расписание. Зафиксировано действие психологического эффекта избирательной системы на выборах в Верховную Раду Украины в 2002, 2006, 2007 и 2012 годах в форме сокращения количества партий и блоков, участвовавших в выборах, а также более концентрированного распределения голосов избирателей. Выборы в Верховную Раду Украины определено как “выборы второго порядка”.
This article is aimed at analyzing the influence of institutional factors on the determination of electoral choice in Ukraine. The essence, factors, and main theories of electoral choice have been analyzed. The institutional factors include the following: the form of government, psychological aspect of electoral system, amount of authorities of the elected institute, the role of the elections during the formation of the government, electoral setup. The influence of the psychological effect of the election system in the elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2002, 2006, 2007, and 2012 has been noticed in the form of reduction of the number of parties, as well as in a more concentrated distribution of the votes. Elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are determined as the “second-order elections”.
Źródło:
Facta Simonidis; 2015, 8, 1; 41-62
1899-3109
Pojawia się w:
Facta Simonidis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Election Petitions in Poland: The Efficiency Analysis of the Institution
Autorzy:
Wojciechowska, Jagoda
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594907.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
election petition
election verification
elections
electoral system
voting
democracy
civil rights
Opis:
The article concerns the analysis of procedures connected with election petitions in Poland on the basis of the constituencies under the jurisdiction of the District Court in Toruń. It should be mentioned, however, that research is currently being conducted in other courts, which even at the preliminary stage appears to corroborate the results of the analysis presented in the article. The research focuses on the guarantees of the efficiency of the electoral petition in Poland. The election petition is the most important instrument which is available to verify the validity of elections. The Constitution does not regulate this matter, entrusting the legislator with this task. The possibility of submitting an election petition implements the principle of the external judicial review of the progress of an election or referendum, which can be initiated upon the request of a legal entity entitled to submit the petition. Considering the role of the petition proceedings as well as the values which remain protected within the procedure of settlement, the legislator should demonstrate the utmost care to increase their efficiency. However, the regulations concerning election petitions are scattered around the whole Electoral Code. Furthermore, for an election petition to be justified, there must be a cause-effect link between the law violation and the results of an election, with the burden of proof placed on the petitioner. The overall result is that in judicial practice only in few cases have grievances in election petitions been considered justified.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2018, 3 (47); 491-502
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Irish Party System after 2011: Change or Revolution?
IRLANDZKI SYSTEM PARTYJNY PO 2011 ROKU: ZMIANA CZY REWOLUCJA?
Autorzy:
Żukiewicz, Przemysław
Domagała, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1831879.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-04-29
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Irlandia
wybory
system polityczny
system partyjny
Ireland
election
political system
party system
Opis:
Irlandzki system partyjny po 2011 roku: zmiana czy rewolucja? Irlandzki system partyjny był traktowany do niedawna jako bardzo stabilny. Dominowały w nim dwie rywalizujące ze sobą konserwatywne partie polityczne. które dopiero w latach 90. dopuściły możliwość tworzenia koalicyjnych rządów z innymi partiami. W roku 2011 doszło do historycznej zmiany – wybory parlamentarne po raz pierwszy od 1932 roku przegrała Fianna Fáil. która uzyskała najgorszy wynik w historii. Klasyczne parametry pomiaru dynamiki systemów partyjnych nie odzwierciedlały jednak w sposób odpowiedni tej transformacji. W artykule staramy się wykazać. że bez uwzględnienia istotnych zmian społeczno-kulturowych metoda analizy systemowej skoncentrowana na danych uzyskiwanych na bazie rezultatów wyborczych pozostaje niewystarczającym narzędziem opisu irlandzkiego systemu partyjnego. Dokonujemy rekonstrukcji najistotniejszych wydarzeń związanych z ewolucją tego systemu w latach 2011-2016 i staramy się odpowiedzieć na pytanie. jak relewantne partie polityczne zareagowały na zmianę wzorców rywalizacji.
Until recently the Irish party system has been considered as very stable. It was dominated by two rival conservative political parties. which only in the 1990s allowed the possibility of forming coalition governments with other parties. In 2011 there was a historical change – for the first time since 1932 Fianna Fáil lost the parliamentary elections with the worst result in history. However. the classical parameters of the dynamics of party systems did not adequately reflect this transformation. In the article. we argue that without taking into account significant socio-cultural changes. the method of system analysis. focused on data obtained on the basis of election results. remains an insufficient tool to describe the Irish party system. We reconstruct the most important events related to the evolution of this system between 2011 and 2016 and try to answer the question of how relevant political parties reacted to changing patterns of competition.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2018, 46, 3; 91-107
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Regional — national — supranational. How the German press covers election campaigns on different levels of the political system
Autorzy:
Wilke, Jürgen
Leidecker, Melanie
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471190.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
Germany
election campaigns
election coverage
political system
political communica- tion
quantitative content analysis
Opis:
Th e analysis of election campaigns is a long-standing tradition in communication sci- ence. Since the classic Erie County study (1944) there have been multiple studies on how the mass media cover parliamentary and presidential elections. But the studies primarily focused on elections at the national level and a growing number also at an international level. Th e role of the mass media in regional elections has been analysed considerably less oft en. One fi eld which has been neglected so far is to compare press coverage on the aforementioned three levels of the political system, namely the regional, the national, and the supranational level. Our quantitative content analyses of German newspapers (2009–2011) show if and how much election campaign coverage on these three levels diff ers. Because of these diff erences we propose to distinguish between fi rst-rate coverage (of national elections), second-rate coverage (of regional elections), and third-rate coverage (of European elec- tions). Th e gap between these levels may result in diff erent perceptions of the campaigns by the public.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2013, 6, 1(10); 122-143
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Децентралізація як виклик для партійної системи України
Decentralizacja jako wezwanie dla systemu partyjnego Ukrainy
Autorzy:
Стойко, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489241.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
nationalization
party system
decentralization
ethnoregional party
local election
Opis:
There is no empirical evidence of the negative impact of decentralization on the characteristics of the party system, especially when it comes to the process of party system nationalization in young democracies. In new democracies with non-uniform functional cleavages a high level of decentralization may prevent the formation of a nationalized party system. Political decentralization creates opportunities for the formation of a special, subnational party system that determines selective competition in a particular region. At the same time, financial decentralization expands access to resources (financial, land, etc.) for subnational political actors, which in turn strengthens their positions and makes them independent from the center (administrative, political, financial). However, it is obvious that political decentralization affects the degree of party system nationalization which manifests itself in the phenomenon of regional or ethnoregional parties. Thus, the emergence of ethnoregional parties in Europe is directly or indirectly connected with decentralization processes. In Ukraine, even before the beginning of the active phase of decentralization, local elections in October 2015 recorded the territorial fragmentation of the party system of Ukraine, for which there are no legislative prerequisites. Parties that have managed to become members of regional councils can be classified into five types: 1) parties of the leader’s type, whose leaders were once elected in a majority district; 2) post-Maidan parties, wchich are the result of the revitalization of civil society; 3) pro-government parties, in the lists of which local officials are widely represented; 4) lobbying, defending the interests of large businesses at the local level, because the deeper is decentralization, the more powers will be transferred to local authority; 5) genuine ethnic parties, represented only by “KMKS”; the Party of Hungarians of Ukraine. Even more alarming trends for the party system nationalization were revealed by the recent elections held in the united territorial communities (UTC), formed during the implementation of the territorial reform. The election results in the UTG not only do not reflect, and in some moments even contradict the party structure in parliament, and the results of opinion polls on parliamentary elections.At first glance, the results of the elections in the UTC can be ignored, since they are not representative for the whole country – they cover only about 5% of all voters in Ukraine. In addition, they are held by proportional, and not mixed, as a parliamentary election, system, which can also affect the obtained results. However, together with the results of the 2015 local elections they indicate a tendency towards the denationalization of the party system: the emergence of regional political parties not represented in the national parliament, which can consciously be limited to the local level of politics. The reason is that the deepening of financial and land decentralization will provide them with the necessary resources, at least in the near future.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 158-163
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Electoral System, Political Knowledge and Voter Turnout - Complex Liaisons
Autorzy:
Kwiatkowska, Agnieszka
Cześnik, Mikołaj
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790360.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-16
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
electoral system
turnout
political knowledge
local election
FPTP
Opis:
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the impact of the electoral system on turnout, moderated by political knowledge. Following the introduction of the FPTP system to some city councils in the 2014 elections, we used a quasi-experimental design to compare two sets of economically, socially and culturally similar cities, chosen using the Propensity Score Matching method. Data from two waves of a survey with residents, city councillors and local social leaders after the 2014 local elections showed that, despite widespread public debates, knowledge about the electoral system was very low. The results proved that, although the level of political knowledge was higher in the FPTP system than in the PR system, the turnout in the former was lower, even when controlled by political knowledge. However, the joint impact of the electoral system and political knowledge on turnout was mixed, and depended on the method of measuring political knowledge.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2020, 212, 4; 425-444
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
ZMIANA SYSTEMU WYBORCZEGO DO RAD GMIN A ŁĄCZNOŚĆ Z WYBORCAMI
THE CHANGE OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM TO THE MUNICIPAL COUNCIL AND COMMUNICATION WITH THE VOTERS
Autorzy:
Surówka, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512961.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
electoral system
communication with the voters
election
municipal council
Opis:
The electoral system plays an important role in the process of the determining of the election results. It enables the distribution of the seats among the competing electoral committees, and it affects the balance of the political forces in the representative bodies. But the meaning of the electoral system is not limited to the electoral process. The elec-toral system affects also the communication of the elected people with the voters. The electoral code introduced important changes in the manner of the conduct of elections to the municipal councils. The purpose of this presentation is an attempt to analyse how much these changes may affect the reinforcement of the ties between the councillor and the voters and they may contribute to better representation of the interests of the elec-torate in the work of the municipal council.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 13, 3; 96-112 (17)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kompromis z Cambridge - pomiędzy równością a proporcjonalnością
Cambridge Compromise - Between Equality and Proportionality
Autorzy:
Dniestrzański, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/585553.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Katowicach
Tematy:
System parlamentarny
Traktat lizboński
Wybory parlamentarne
Lisbon Treaty
Parliamentary election
Parliamentary system
Opis:
The problem of allocating seats in the European Parliament among EU member states is still open. The principle of degressive proportionality which is incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty offers so much room to maneuver, that it decides on how the composition of the European Parliament during subsequent terms only to a certain extent. This paper examines the principle of degressive proportionality, showing how from the mathematical point of view it is located between equal and proportional division. The paper suggests, furthermore, a way of measuring to what extent the division of seats is equal and to which proportional. The analysis carried out in the context of the Cambridge Compromise, where a group of mathematicians (invited by Parliament) has submitted a proposal for a long-term solution to the problem of allocation of mandates.
Źródło:
Studia Ekonomiczne; 2014, 203; 50-60
2083-8611
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ekonomiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Personalizacja politycznych preferencji
The personalization of political preference
Autorzy:
Peszyński, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514439.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
personalization
leader effect
presidentialization
election campaign
parties
political system
Opis:
This article includes two main issues: leader effect (parties’ leaders impact on electoral decisions) and increase of social influences on Prime Minister choose. The main aim is to answer two research questions: firstly, to what degree electoral decisions were determined by parties’ leaders, and secondly, to what degree Poles would like to change Prime Minister choose principle? The majority of PO (Civil Platform) electorate (about 30 per cent) were determined by negative attitude to Jarosław Kaczyński. Getting votes against PiS’s (Law and Justice) leader was a tactical choice. The proportion of such answers to the real election results leads to the conclusion that this negative vote was very important cause of PO win. The results of research confirm the thesis about high leader influence on three committees which got the greatest number of all votes. It was especially connected with Palikot’s Movement (RP) results. Here, strong and recognizable leader influenced the victory over PSL (Polish People’s Party) and SLD (Left Democratic Alliance). However, we have to remember about popular slogans of this movement, which was shown by research results. Almost half of all researchers would like to change Prime Minister choose principle. However, we cannot expect a public debate to begin, because Polish Citizens do not propose this issue as subject of sociopolitical discourse. What is more, parties are not interested in this postulate, which is seen in parliamentary debate and parties’ documents.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2012, 3; 175-194
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wpływ większościowego systemu wyborczego na postawy wyborcze Polaków. Casus elektoratu Pawła Kukiza w wyborach prezydenckich 2015
The influence of the majoritarian voting system on electoral attitudes of Poles. Casus of Pawel Kukizs electorate in the presidential election 2015
Autorzy:
Pluta, Kamil
Wujec, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514715.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
electoral system
majoritarian voting system
absolute majority
presidential election 2015
Polska
Pawel Kukiz
Opis:
This article refers to the social and political consequences of the absolute majority system in the presidential election, referring directly to the study of the electorate of Paweł Kukiz from the presidential election of 2015. The first part defines the majority system and points out the difference between the relative and absolute majority system, as well as the described role of the presidential election in 2015. Afterward, based on the author's research on Paweł Kukiz's electorate, authors going to defined the social and political consequences of the majority system in the presidential election. Particular analysis has subject to the electoral motives influencing political behavior during the second round of elections.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 17; 39-56
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
CIĄGŁOŚĆ PROGRAMOWA A WIZERUNEK PARTII POLITYCZNEJ. PRZYPADEK UNII POLITYKI REALNEJ
CONTINUITY OF A POLITICAL PROGRAM AND A PARTY IMAGE. THE CASE OF THE REAL POLITICS UNION
Autorzy:
ĆWIĘKAŁA, GRZEGORZ
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513291.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Real Politics Union
election platform
image
party system in Poland
Opis:
The stability of the political programmes and election platforms and image of politicians is a very important research question in political science. The issues are also very important components of the voters’ decision making process. The voters judge the potential of politi-cians this way. The Real Politics Union is attached to liberal and conservative conceptions and cannot reach higher levels of awareness of voters and also cannot achieve regular election success. There are two kinds of obstacles, with the first being the image of the party and its leaders (tenacity, stubbornness, lack of confidence) and the second are the several objective elements (parties financing system, media silence, the electoral system). The article tries to give a partial answer to the problem of the functioning of small, extra-parliamentary parties and their efforts to enter the mainstream of Polish political arena.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 70-82 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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