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Tytuł:
Red danger before elections: Trick or threat?
Autorzy:
Křeček, Jan
Vochocová, Lenka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471015.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
anti-communism
Czech newspapers
parliamentary election
specific status
qualitative analysis
Communist Party
media involvement
Opis:
Before the parliamentary election in 2006 we focused on the tendency of the Czech soci- ety and especially media to exclude one of the parliamentary parties – the Communist Party – from the government and to actively construct its status as specific. We designate this tendency as anti-com- munism, a word commonly used in the Czech political communication. According to our outcomes, anti-communism was a remarkable trend at the pages of at least three Czech dailies: Mladá Fronta DNES, Lidové noviny and Hospodářské noviny. The anti-communism as performed in their content was not only a media representation of an all-society phenomenon. It was actively constructed and supported by the journalists, editors and publicists of these dailies. Especially the two fi rst mentioned newspapers can be perceived as actively anti-communist media both in the sense of their own involve- ment (the agenda setting, the content of editorials, etc.) and the manifest support of anti-communist voices (even PR information at the news pages). Právo, the fourth analyzed newspaper, can be by contrast characterized as anti-anticommunist or at least anti-antileftist trying to construct a more positive image of the Communist Party and challenging the anti-communist tendencies
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2009, 2, 2(3); 307-318
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Społeczny odbiór debat przedwyborczych kampanii parlamentarnej 2011
The Social Reception of the Pre-election TV Debates of the 2011 Parliamentary Campaign
Autorzy:
Jaruga, Kinga
Krawczyk-Antońska, Żaneta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514769.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
TV election debates
the 2011 parliamentary elections
political campaign
Opis:
Pre-election TV debates are not merely a means of providing information. Their primary objective is the implementation of carefully formulated marketing strategy. The process of making politics personalized and entertaining undoubtedly contributes to the surge in their popularity. They become not only a means of conveying the information included in election manifestos or outlining the profiles of candidates. They create a kind of show, based on specific rules and a top-down program, designed to reach out to voters effectively. Public opinion polls clearly show that the evaluation of the effectiveness of such programs is strongly correlated with the declared policy preferences. This article presents an image of pre-election debates with the use of the 2011 parliamentary campaign. The main aim of the discussion is to answer the question of whether pre-election television debates are an effective way of reaching out to voters. The second aspect of the analysis is the context of ”the debate over the debate”, which gives a specific character to the events described.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2012, 3; 109-126
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sytuacja polityczna w Polsce i Europie na łamach gazety seryjnej „Dyáriusz Seimu Electionis” z 1697 roku
THE SERIAL NEWSLETTER DYÁRIUSZ SEIMU ELECTIONIS OF 1697 ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN POLAND AND EUROPE
Autorzy:
Gadocha, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421959.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Poland in the late 17th century
the Election Sejm of 1697
Polish parliamentary press
August II the Strong (Frederick Augustus I of Saxony)
François Louis de Bourbon
Prince de Conti (1664–1709)
Opis:
By focusing on this little known parliamentary publication of 1697 this article attempts to make an addition to the early history of the Polish press as well as unveil an interesting source to the history of Poland during the interregnum after the death of King Jan III Sobieski. The article examines the news coverage of the Dyáriusz Seimu Electionis (unearthed by Konrad Zawadzki) by confronting it with the information in other contemporary sources such as diaries, memoirs and broadsheets. The editors of the Dyáriusz arrange its contents under two separate headings, Home and Abroad. While the former category Home goes beyond the coverage of parliamentary stories, the Abroad section follows current events in Europe
Źródło:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej; 2012, 15, 1(29); 5-22
1509-1074
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Uwarunkowania społeczno-polityczne wyborów parlamentarnych w Polsce w 2011 roku
Socio-political determinants of parlimentary election 2011 in Poland
Autorzy:
Leszczuk-Fiedziukiewicz, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514757.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
socio-political determinants
parliamentary election
influence of media
political competition
plane crash in Smolensk
criticism of Catholic Church
activity of T. Rydzyk
Janusz Palikot`s party
Polish voters absence
public opinion
Opis:
The present article aims to describe socio-political context which has proceeded before parliamentary election 2011 in Poland. It draws attention to the perception of parties and candidates and political preferences those voters who are interested in election. There are many voices the polish politicians activity in campaign takes places in divided country. One of the social expectations is connected with exploration of plane crash in Smoleńsk on April 10th 2010. Public opinion is focused on critic of government and leader`s party (PO) Donald Tusk who is treated as a persona personally responsible for death oh 96 persons in a plane crash. On the other hand we can see strong activity and leadership of monk Tadeusz Rydzyk, tried to put impact on voters (PiS). Rydzyk tries to use catholic radio called „Radio Maryja” to political agitation. The activity of Catholic Church in political campaign was one of the theme discussed by many experts and commentators. Although competition between parties was concentrated on two candidates (Tusk, Kaczyński) new party – „Palikot`s Movement” (Ruch Palikota) was opened. It focused on criticism of Catholic Church, Catholic values and tried to appeal to voters interested in modernity in many levels of socio-political life. The success of Janusz Palikot`s party was possible thanks to personality and charisma of the leader (well known as an author of many spectacular events in politics) and his project of „Modern Country”. The other element of the context of parliamentary election 2011 was mobility of Polish electorate, permanently reduced. Because of the voters absence diagnosis of civil society in Poland seems to be worse than in the other countries in Europe. This proves that situation before parliamentary election 2011 in Poland was specific. The main research materials were: newspaper articles, interviews in magazines, TV advertisements, sociological surveys, websites. It has used problems from range of different sciences: sociology, media and political marketing.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2012, 3; 11-26
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wybrane czynniki wpływające na decyzje wyborców w elekcji parlamentarnej w 2011 roku
The selected determinants for voters decision in parliament election in 2011
Autorzy:
Alberski, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514695.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Parliamentary elections 2011
electoral behaviors
election campaign
electoral decisions
Opis:
This part of the report describes two problems, which were included in both questionnaires from 2010 and 2011. First issue asks about the time, when the voter made his decision for which political option he would vote for. Second problem concerns about factors, which determines for which candidate, he would choose. In 2010 we research this problem in reference to Local election. This time our questions refers to candidates in elections to Sejm and Senate. We wanted to verify the trends we observed in Local and Presidential elections in Parliamentary election. Obtained data in great part confirms conclusions from previous researches. Once again it turned out that majority voters was sure of their political preferences long before the voting, so they weren’t susceptible to electioneering. Another observation, which was confirm by the researches made in the end of 2011, relates to limited effectiveness of electioneering on voter. Our researches don’t show any greater differences in factors, by which voter made his decision for which candidate he vote for in Parliamentary election.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2012, 3; 91-107
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Finansowanie parlamentarnych kampanii wyborczych – specyfika polska
Financing the parliamentary election campaigns - specificity of Poland
Autorzy:
Dolińska, D.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/324243.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Politechnika Śląska. Wydawnictwo Politechniki Śląskiej
Tematy:
finansowanie partii politycznych
parlamentarne kampanie wyborcze
Polska
polityka
financing political parties
parliamentary election campaigns
Polska
politics
Opis:
Problem finansowania partii politycznych jest omawiany od wielu lat w związku z ogromną groźbą korupcji, która jest wynikiem stykania się sfer polityki i biznesu. Artykuł jest poświęcony analizie finansowania parlamentarnych kampanii wyborczych w Polsce, w aspekcie prawnych i politycznych podstaw. Praktyka III RP wskazuje na fakt, że w wielu przypadkach zawiłość obowiązujących regulacji prawnych utrudnia prawidłowe wypełnianie obowiązków określonych przez ustawodawcę.
The issue of financing political parties has been discussed for many years as there is a big threat of corruption resulting from the contact of politics and economy. The article is devoted to analysis of financing election campaigns for the Sejm (upper chamber of the Parliament) and Senate of the Republic of Poland stemming from the legal and political background. The Polish practice shows that is many cases complexity of regulations prevents proper fulfillment of responsibilities.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe. Organizacja i Zarządzanie / Politechnika Śląska; 2013, 65; 87-100
1641-3466
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe. Organizacja i Zarządzanie / Politechnika Śląska
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Amendment of Ukrainian Electoral Law and the Principle of Alternation in Power (Parliamentary Election in 2012)
Zmiana ukraińskiej ordynacji wyborczej a zasada alternacji władzy (wybory parlamentarne w 2012 r.).
Autorzy:
Prokop, Maryana
Galewska, Iwona
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2154742.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
alternation in power
monopoly
parliamentary election
election
Opis:
The objective of this article is to attempt to analyse the new regulations in The Law of the Ukraine in Elections of People’s Deputies of Ukraine of November 17, 2011 in the context of the guarantee of compliance with the principle of alternation in power. The authors ask questions is the answer to the following question: To what extent do the new regulations in electoral law guarantee the principle of alternation in power and to what extent do they contribute to the monopoly of the ruling party. Considering the research problem presented in the introduction it is necessary to state that, on the one hand, partial guarantee’s of the principle alternation in power is a characteristic trait of the Ukrainian electoral system, while on the other hand, aspiration of the ruling party to maintain its monopoly is also fairly evident.
Artykuł porusza zagadnienia analizy nowych zapisów ustawy o wyborach deputowanych do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy z 17 listopada 2011 r. w kontekście gwarancji zasady alternacji władzy. Autorki stawiają pytanie o to w jakim stopniu nowe zapisy ordynacji wyborczej zapewniają zasadę alternację władzy a w jakim stopniu prowadzą do monopolu partii rządzącej. Autorki rozstrzygając postawiony we wstępie problem badawczy, doszły do wniosków, że specyfiką ukraińskiego systemu wyborczego jest z jednej strony częściowe zagwarantowanie zasady alternacji władzy, z drugiej wyraźne dążenie partii rządzącej do utrzymania jej monopolu. Daje to podstawy twierdzić, że przykład ten możemy traktować jako pewnego rodzaju hybrydę między antynomicznymi punktami continuum.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2013, 40; 19-32
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformations in second-order campaigning: A German-Finnish comparison of campaign professionalism in the 2004 and 2009 European parliamentary elections
Autorzy:
Tenscher, Jens
Mykkänen, Juri
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471145.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
professionalization
election campaigns
European parliamentary elections
political parties
Germany
Finland
Opis:
In this article, we address the problem of measuring professionalism of political cam- paigns in European parliamentary elections. We use a comparative research design with party-level campaign data from two fairly similar EU member states, Germany and Finland, and two elections, 2004 and 2009. Th eoretically, our analysis is based on the so-called party-centred theory of profes- sionalism, which puts an emphasis on party characteristics in explaining the variance of campaign professionalism. We hypothesize that besides observing increasing party-level campaign professional- ism in time and higher levels of professional campaigning in Germany, professionalism is positively associated with a party’s size, its right-wing orientation and recent change of leadership. We found support for the time-eff ect and party size, whereas evidence in country comparison, ideological orien- tation and change of leadership was inconclusive, suggesting signifi cant diff erences among countries and elections. It also seems that the political left harbours the most professional parties. Th is calls for a re-evaluation of the party-centred theory of campaign professionalism.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2013, 6, 2 (11); 171-187
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Candidate Selection in the 2014 European Parliament Election in Poland
Autorzy:
Flis, Jarosław
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514550.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
party candidate selection
European parliamentary election
candidate list position
Polish party system
Opis:
The article presents the determinants of creating candidate lists in European Parliament elections in Poland. Its subject context is the evaluation of importance of selected factors with reference to the effect obtained in the election. The main study hypothesis assumes different patterns of creating candidate lists in EP elections in comparison to parliamentary elections, involving the combined occurrence of several determinants. The first of them is the tendency to fill the highest positions in candidate lists with popular people well-known in the media, who have an advantage over anonymous ones. The second factor is territorial bonds connecting candidates with the electoral district where they stand for election. Another determinant taken into consideration is the territorial form of the candidate list. The last important element of analysis is the concentration of support, determined by the position on the candidate list.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 129-143
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kompromis z Cambridge - pomiędzy równością a proporcjonalnością
Cambridge Compromise - Between Equality and Proportionality
Autorzy:
Dniestrzański, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/585553.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Katowicach
Tematy:
System parlamentarny
Traktat lizboński
Wybory parlamentarne
Lisbon Treaty
Parliamentary election
Parliamentary system
Opis:
The problem of allocating seats in the European Parliament among EU member states is still open. The principle of degressive proportionality which is incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty offers so much room to maneuver, that it decides on how the composition of the European Parliament during subsequent terms only to a certain extent. This paper examines the principle of degressive proportionality, showing how from the mathematical point of view it is located between equal and proportional division. The paper suggests, furthermore, a way of measuring to what extent the division of seats is equal and to which proportional. The analysis carried out in the context of the Cambridge Compromise, where a group of mathematicians (invited by Parliament) has submitted a proposal for a long-term solution to the problem of allocation of mandates.
Źródło:
Studia Ekonomiczne; 2014, 203; 50-60
2083-8611
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ekonomiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od „dobra Polski” do „zadania Tuska” – tużpowyborcze komentarze redakcyjne w ogólnopolskiej prasie codziennej w latach 1989–2011
From “the good of Poland” to “the tasks of Tusk” – post-election editorials in national newspapers in the years 1989–2011
Autorzy:
Worsowicz, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/967277.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
editorial
newspapers
parliamentary election
Opis:
The article analyses a collection of 52 editorials published in 19 national journals between 1989 and 2011 directly following general elections. The purpose was to establish how an editorial in the Polish daily press of that time evolved, if it was a form used by editors to make official statements about important social events, how the relationship between texts’ functions were shaped, and how this affected the meaning content of published material. It was established that at first editorials highlighted the fundamental significance of the results of general elections for the creation of a new political and social order in Poland and emphasized the obligation this imposed on both voters and those seeking election. In the mid-1990s, authors regarded the act of voting as an important and proven tool for putting public life in order that did not always serve its purpose. In the 21st century, publicists were more inclined to perceive the mechanisms of democracy through a personal dimension. The editorial gradually drifted away from being a text which focused on the election and participation in it as exceptional and seminal. It started to become a collection of the author’s personal evaluations and of conclusive opinions on the current political situation. Not lacking in judgmental statements, it was meant to provide an understanding of a situation rather than to urge to a specific action. Commentators evaluated the outcome of each election, referring to detailed issues, such as turnout, the potential, anticipated difficulties the winner of an election would face, and the factors that would determine the outcome. The anticipation of upcoming events remained an essential feature of the editorial; authors, however, gradually retreated from advising politicians on specific solutions.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica; 2014, 23, 1
1505-9057
2353-1908
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Parliamentary Election Held in Poland in 2005 and 2007 According to the “The Guardian”
Autorzy:
Kustowska, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1627342.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
the British press
parliamentary election in Poland
Poland’s image in Great Britain
political parties in Poland
Opis:
Parliamentary elections has always been arousing extreme emotions in Poland. The 2005 and 2007 elections were widely addressed in the Polish media. Furthermore, the election campaign and the final election results attracted the attention of the British press, which was reflected in a number of articles published in the United Kingdom in 2005 and 2007 respectively. The main reason behind interest that the British press had in the political situation in Poland had to do with large population of Polish emigrants residing in the UK. The article is aimed at presenting the standpoint of one of widely-read English dailies which shapes not only the British foreign policy, but also the British public opinion, namely “The Guardian”. Through presenting the profiles of two main political parties running for the 2005 and the 2007 elections in Poland (i.e. Civic Platform as well as Law and Justice), “The Guardian” did its best to affect the results of the vote. The articles published in the daily not only described the political parties, but were also aimed at creating the image of Poland in Great Britain. Depending on the election results, the image of Poland and Poles was subject to change. “The Guardian”, British daily dealing with political matters, devoted much of its attention to parliamentary election held in Poland in Autumn 2005 and 2007. Before taking a good look at articles published in the newspaper, it is worth presenting the profile of the daily and political preferences expressed by its journalists. Originally “The Manchester Guardian”, “The Guardian” was first published in Manchester in 1821, and since 1961 has been coming out also in London. At the very beginning a weekly, now it is published Monday through Saturday and owned by world-famous Guardian Media Group plc., “The Guardian” boasts of being the first British daily produced entirely in colour. Having in mind the place and moment in history when it was first published, “The Guardian” is said to have liberal-democratic character, in other words to be in favour of the political programme outlined by British Labour Party. As for parliamentary election, since 1945 “The Guardian” has been a committed supporter of Labour Party or Liberal Democrats (an exception was election held in 1951 when the daily backed the candidature of Winston Churchill). Political sympathy expressed toward liberal parties is reflected in articles published by the daily. This was also the case with press coverage of two leading Polish political parties running for election both in 2005 and 2007, namely Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland (PO).
Wybory parlamentarne w Polsce budzą duże emocje. Wybory w 2005 i 2007 roku były szeroko opisywane prze polskie media. Kampanią wyborcza oraz ostatecznym rezultatem wyborów zainteresowały się także brytyjskie media. Zainteresowanie to znalazło odzwierciedlenie w artykułach prasowych, które ukazywały się w 2005 i 2007 w Zjednoczonym Królestwie. Głównym czynnikiem, dla którego prasa w Wielkiej Brytanii zainteresowała się sytuacją polityczną w Polsce była duża liczba emigrantów z Rzeczpospolitej przebywająca na terenie Wysp. Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie stanowiska jednego z najważniejszych angielskich dzienników, który kreuje nie tylko brytyjską politykę zagraniczną ale także wpływa na opinię mieszkańców Wielkiej Brytanii – gazety “The Guardian”. „The Guardian” poprzez zaprezentowanie dwóch odmiennych wizerunków głównych partii politycznych w Polsce – które miały zmierzyć się w wyborach w 2005 i 2007 roku – Platformy Obywatelskiej i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, starał się wpłynąć na wynik głosowania. Artykuły prasowe, które ukazywały się na łamach publikatora opisywały nie tylko partie polityczne, ale także miały na celu wykreowanie wizerunku Polski na Wyspach. W zależności od wyniku głosowania obraz Polski i Polaków ulegał diametralnej zmianie.
Źródło:
Studia Maritima; 2014, 27, 1; 217-234
0137-3587
2353-303X
Pojawia się w:
Studia Maritima
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Earthquake of the European Election in France. About Front National, French Party System and Politics
Autorzy:
Renard, Ludovic
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642945.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
French Politics
European Parliamentary Election
National Front Party
Party System – New Politics
Opis:
The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French “presidentialist” constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zmiana systemu partyjnego Republiki Czeskiej po wyborach do Izby Poselskiej w 2013 roku
Changing of the Czech party system after the elections for the Chamber of deputies in 2013
Autorzy:
Czyżniewski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/585481.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
Republika Czeska
wybory parlamentarne
system partyjny
partie antysystemowe
Czech Republic
parliamentary election
system parties
anti-system parties
Opis:
Od czasu pierwszych wyborów do Izby Poselskiej (1996 r.) w Republice Czeskiej utrzymywał się ustabilizowany system wielopartyjny z dwiema partiami dominującymi – lewicową ČSSD i prawicową ODS – partią komunistyczną jako trzecią siłą w Izbie oraz dwiema lub trzema mniejszymi partiami prawicowymi lub centroprawicowymi. W wyniku przedterminowych wyborów przeprowadzonych 25 i 26 października mandaty uzyskało aż siedem partii. Wybory oznaczały zmianę dotychczasowego systemu partyjnego, ODS znalazła się wśród trzech partii o najmniejszej liczbie posłów, a dwie zwycięskie partie po raz pierwszy nie mają ponad połowy miejsc w Izbie. Istotne jest wejście do Izby Poselskiej dwóch partii populistycznych, powstałych krótko przed wyborami, ANO i Úsvit. Największy sukces odniosła partia ANO, która jest drugą siłą w Izbie i ma tylko 3 mandaty mniej od zwycięskiej partii ČSSD. Zarówno ANO, jak i Úsvit można uznać za partie antysystemowe, bowiem swoją strategię wyborczą budowały na sprzeciwie wobec istniejącego systemu partyjnego w Republice Czeskiej i konsekwentnie odmawiają określenia się na linii lewica/prawica. Koalicja rządowa stworzona przez lewicową ODS, populistyczną ANO i centrową partię chadecko-ludową (KDU–ČSL) nie jest oparta na bliskości ideałów, a socjaldemokraci nie będą mogli przeprowadzić najważniejszych zmian zapowiadanych w trakcie kampanii, takich jak wzmocnienie ochrony socjalnej obywateli oraz zmiany w ustawie o restytucji majątku kościelnego.
Since the first election for the Chamber of Deputies (1996) in the Czech Republic there has remained stable multi-party system with two dominant parties – left-wing ČSSD and right-wing ODS, the communist party as a third force in the Chamber and with two or three smaller right or centre-right wing parties. Seven parties received seats as a result of the early legislative election held on 25 and 26 October. The election resulted in a change of the existing party system – the ODS was amongst the three parties with the smallest number of deputies and the two winning parties did not hold more than half of the seats in the Chamber for the first time. It was important that the two populist parties, which occurred shortly before the election, ANO and Úsvit, entered into the Chamber of Deputies. The greatest success was achieved by the party ANO, which is the second force in the Chamber and has only 3 seats fewer than the winning Social-Democratic Party. ANO and Úsvit can be regarded as anti-system parties, since their election strategy was based on opposition to the existing party system in the Republic and both consistently refused to identify themselves on the left/right line. The coalition created by left-wing ČSSD, populist ANO and centrist, christian-democratic and agrarian party (KDU– ČSL) was not based on the proximity of ideals and the Social Democrats would not be able to carry out most important changes announced during the campaign, which was strengthening social protection of citizens and the changes in the law on the restitution of church property.
Źródło:
Studia Wyborcze; 2014, tom XVII; 91-109
1898-0082
Pojawia się w:
Studia Wyborcze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pozycja prezydenta w systemach politycznych krajów pokomunistycznych a fragmentacja systemu partyjnego
The Role of a President in Political Systems of Post-Communist Countries and the Party System Fragmentation
Autorzy:
Rafałowski, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/427074.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
prezydent
wybory parlamentarne
fragmentacja systemu partyjnego
powszechne wybory prezydenckie
president
parliamentary election
party system fragmentation
direct presidential election
Opis:
Szeroki zakres uprawnień władczych prezydenta i powszechne wybory szefa państwa to najważniejsze komponenty prezydenckiego modelu ustrojowego. Chociaż te dwa aspekty systemu rządów są ze sobą logicznie powiązane i ich występowanie jest empirycznie skorelowane, to mają one sprzeczne konsekwencje dla liczby partii w systemie politycznym. Hipoteza głosi, że silni prezydenci poprzez swoje nieformalne wpływy wspierają własne zaplecze polityczne, co prowadzi do koncentracji głosów wyborców. Z drugiej strony wybory powszechne to okazja do wyłaniania się nowych liderów i budowania przez nich politycznego zaplecza, co sprzyja powstawaniu nowych ugrupowań i prowadzić może do zwiększenia fragmentacji systemu partyjnego. Niniejszych artykuł prezentuje empiryczne potwierdzenie wymienionych hipotez wykorzystując ilościowe dane o wyborach, które odbyły się w krajach pokomunistycznych.
The presidential powers and the direct elections of the head of the state are two crucial components of presidentialism. Despite the two elements being logically and empirically correlated, they can lead to contradictory consequences for the number of parties in a polity. Strong presidents may use their informal influences to support their own political milieu and to encourage the concentration of votes. On the other hand direct election of the president allows all the candidates to establish and promote their own parties and help them in gaining support in elections that might lead to greater fragmentation. In this paper I confirm the aforementioned hypotheses testing the independent effects of presidential prerogatives and the mode of election on the number of parties at the electoral level using data from post-communist countries.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2015, 4(219); 79-100
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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