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    Tytuł:
    Postawy mieszkańców Krakowa wobec Marszu Równości – raport z badań
    Autorzy:
    Piechota, Grażyna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/528393.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2011
    Wydawca:
    Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    Tematy:
    tolerance
    demonstrations
    sexual minorities
    social inequality
    Opis:
    Equality Parades, which are connected with demonstrating social diversity which is the source of social inequality of Polish society to the public and which have been organised in big Polish cities for a few years, get a varied public response. They evoke reluctance of a part of the society, are actively supported by others but the majority of Poles do not openly declare their support or disapproval for public manifesting of otherness and demanding equal rights for minorities. Lack of open manifestation of views thus makes it difficult to analyse tolerance level that would determine the actual attitude of Poles to minorities, including sexual ones. The survey that was carried out in Krakow after Equality Parade in 2010 was an attempt to examine the views of Krakow residents concerning the organisation of such demonstrations and getting to know the level of tolerance for public manifestation of views by minorities, including sexual ones.
    Źródło:
    Państwo i Społeczeństwo; 2011, 4; 49-63
    1643-8299
    2451-0858
    Pojawia się w:
    Państwo i Społeczeństwo
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    L’identité discursive féminine dans le récit manifestant lors des mobilisations citoyennes en Pologne en 2020
    Feminine discursive identity in the narrative of the civic protests in Poland in 2020
    Autorzy:
    Woch, Agnieszka
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43665751.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2024
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    identity
    female
    slogan
    demonstrations
    discourse analysis
    Opis:
    The present contribution is a corpus-based analysis of protest messages that could be read during demonstrations in Poland against the decision of the Constitutional Court imposing further restrictions on the abortion law in 2020. The corpus is made up of 1000 texts written on placards and banners of the demonstrators, which were photographed and uploaded on newspaper websites or on Facebook between October 22 and November 22. The author examines the slogans with the aim of grasping the discursive identity/identities of protesting women, and reflect on the changing perception of the role of women in the Polish society.
    Źródło:
    Studia Romanica Posnaniensia; 2024, 51, 1; 183-193
    0137-2475
    2084-4158
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Partycypacja polityczna w Polsce
    Political participation in Poland
    Autorzy:
    Tybuchowska-Hartlińska, Karolina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514539.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
    Tematy:
    political participation
    Polska
    local initiatives
    demonstrations
    petitions
    Opis:
    Basing on research carried out on a representative group of Poles, as part of a national research project called „Political preferences. Attitudes-Identities-Behaviours”, it can be concluded that respondents the most often point expressing their beliefs through petitions (23%), local initiatives (21%) and demonstrations (12%). Research shows that men more frequently than women express their opinions through petitions (54,2%-45,8%), local initiatives (54,3%-45,7%) and demonstrations (61,6%-38,4%). Inhabitants of villages and towns over 200 thousand people were nearly two times more active than citizens of medium-sized villages. Having at least a secondary school education definitely increases people’s activity (approx. 40%), more than having a vocational education (approx. 13%). Expressing views is also dependent on age because younger people do it more frequently than elder ones. The most indicated were individuals in the age group 25-34 (62%), more rarely although in comparable proportions people aged 18-24 and 35-44 while in the next age groups that activity drops significantly. People aged 18-24 and 45-54 the most willingly take part in demonstrations. People aged 25-34 sign petitions and engage in local initiatives. Among citizens in the age of 55 and more there is not evident diversity in the forms of participation. The differences in the behaviour of people with various views are also highlighted. Those who declare themselves as left wing prefer petitions (39%) against local initiatives (35%) and demonstrations (26%). Centrist voters the most often choose petitions (49%) against local initiatives (34%) and demonstrations (17%). And people who declare themselves as right wing mainly indicate local initiatives (43%) against petitions (36%) and demonstrations (21%). But those citizens, who could not determine themselves, the most often decide to petitions (49%) against local initiatives (32%) and demonstrations (19%). Taking under consideration declared political views there are no significant differences when it comes to membership in political parties, trade unions, non-government organizations and local associations. Greater disproportions are highlighted when comparing belonging to different types of organizations. Regardless of the opinions the most popular are local associations, followed by non-government organizations, trade unions, and the least political parties. In conclusion, it can be said that the political participation in Poland clearly indicates who is more frequent and who is more seldom willing to be active in this area. It seems to be an important clue for those wishing to take effective activities to increase the involvement of citizens.
    Źródło:
    Political Preferences; 2015, 10; 51-70
    2449-9064
    Pojawia się w:
    Political Preferences
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Opolskie manifestacje w obronie demokracji
    Opole demonstrations in defense of democracy
    Autorzy:
    Daniel, Katarzyna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2011045.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021
    Wydawca:
    Ośrodek Badawczy Facta Ficta
    Tematy:
    demonstrations
    defense of democracy
    free courts
    enlargement of Opole
    Opis:
    Opole is a provincial city of the smallest region in the country. Nevertheless, its inhabitants manifest their views on matters important from their point of view. The analysis of the largest protests in recent years in this region shows that the inhabitants of Opole most often and loudly demonstrate in defense of democracy – both at the national and local level. In the chapter Opole demonstrations in defense of democracy, Katarzyna Daniel proposes an analysis of two problems that caused Opole inhabitants to take to the streets, i.e. protests in defense of the broadly understood judiciary initiated in 2017 and demonstrations and strikes caused by the enlargement of the administrative borders of the city of Opole on January 1, 2017. Cyclical demonstrations in many cities grew stronger when changes were proposed regarding, inter alia, election of members of the National Council of the Judiciary by the Seym by a simple majority, introduction of disciplinary liability of judges, or retirement of the First President of the Supreme Court during an uninterrupted six-year term of office in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. On the other hand, the cause of numerous demonstrations in Opole was frustration related to the disregard for the voice of the inhabitants regarding the enlargement of the city (over 90% responded negatively in social consultations). The opponents of the enlargement of Opole believed that the incorporation of their communes was done by force, against the local community, for reasons that were not entirely purely moral. The most active were the inhabitants of the Dobrzeń Wielki commune, who, along with other demonstrators, expressed their dissatisfaction in the form of: numerous demonstrations, collecting signatures on letters opposing the enlargement of Opole, high activity in public consultations, road blockades, a protest in Warsaw, meetings with journalists and local government officials, politicians or a hunger strike. These were undoubtedly one of the largest and cyclically repeated protests in Opole for several years. The causes of the problems were indicated, as well as the course and forms of manifestation and its effects.
    Źródło:
    Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media; 2021, 7, 1; 131-153
    2719-8278
    Pojawia się w:
    Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Redemocratization efforts in Hungary as a second try: civil society organizations and mass movements
    Autorzy:
    Agh, Atilla
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/473320.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
    Tematy:
    democratic innovations
    redemocratization
    bottom-up democratization
    participatory movements
    regular mass demonstrations
    Opis:
    This paper tries to argue that Hungary has been the classical case for the decline of demo- cracy, including the marginalization and the state control of civil society that may be turned into the redemocratization efforts in the spirit of “bottom-up democratization”. This decline of democracy has been accomplished by the Orbán governments since 2010 given their two-thirds supermajority that has allowed them to introduce a new Constitution without national consent and without approval by referendum. The radical change in legislation has also concerned the regulation of civil society organizations and the freedom of the media. As a result, a strong resistance has emerged against this increasing authoritarian rule, pro- ducing a series of democratic innovations and has promised a second try of democratization.
    Źródło:
    Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje; 2015, 31(4); 9-35
    1640-1808
    Pojawia się w:
    Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wybrane demonstracje, zamieszki i ekscesy w Toruniu w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej
    Selected Demonstrations, Riots, and Disturbances in Toruń in the Second Republic of Poland
    Autorzy:
    Tomaszewski, Patryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2233611.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
    Tematy:
    zamieszki
    demonstracje
    porządek publiczny
    zamieszki w Toruniu
    riots
    demonstrations
    public order
    riots in Toruń
    Opis:
    W artykule przedstawiono demonstracje, wiece i towarzyszące im niekiedy zamieszki, jakie miały miejsce w latach 1920–1939 w Toruniu. Autor pokazuje, z jakich przyczyn dochodziło do zamieszek w Toruniu i kto brał w nich udział, a także ich skutki.
    The article discusses the demonstrations and rallies and the sometimes accompanying riots that took place in 1920–1939 in Toruń. The author presents why riots took place in Toruń, who participated in them and what consequences they brought about.
    Źródło:
    Dzieje Najnowsze; 2022, 54, 1; 31-52
    0419-8824
    Pojawia się w:
    Dzieje Najnowsze
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Key actors of the pro-palestinian demonstrations in Germany as a follow-up of the attack of Hamas on Israel in 2023. Situation analysis
    Autorzy:
    Ozdyk, Sławomir
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/40406047.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Hamas
    Islamic religious gathering
    Middle East
    demonstrations
    radical Palestinian groups
    Palestinian refugees
    Jews in Germany
    Opis:
    In German cities thousands of people take to the streets, demanding a ceasefire in the Middle East. Despite the police warnings of delegalizing gatherings in case of law breach, the Holocaust is regularly relativized and hatred – regularly incited. During demonstrations, posters with the slogans, e.g., “Stop genocide in Gaza”, “From the river to the sea, we demand equality”, “Israel. A terror sate” or “Culture of the apartheid” are shown. The demonstrations are called by various pro-Palestinian groups with the co-participation of the German far-left political spectrum. During the gatherings we also face appeals for the establishment of the Islamic caliphate in Germany. In some cases, “being pro-Palestinian” is only an excuse to hold a strictly “Islamic religious gathering”, which is seen, e.g., from the fact that, during the marches, a strict sex segregation is obeyed, including the placement of women with children at the end of the protesters’ column.
    Źródło:
    Reality of Politics; 2023, 26; 76-88
    2082-3959
    Pojawia się w:
    Reality of Politics
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    December 1970 – Half a Century Later: Current State of Research and New Perspectives
    Autorzy:
    Eisler, Jerzy
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1059115.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
    Tematy:
    gdańsk
    gdynia
    szczecin
    edward gierek
    władysław gomułka
    december 1970
    workers’ protests
    street demonstrations
    history of communism
    history of historiography
    Opis:
    What is commonly referred to in Poland as ‘December 1970’ was one of the most important and most tragic moments in the history of this country after the Second World War. Then, a violent suppression of workers’ revolts in several Polish cities on the Baltic coast, by the Citizens’ Militia and the army, and the subsequent changes in the leadership of the Polish United Workers’ Party took place. After fourteen years in power, the First Secretary of the Central Committee, Władysław Gomułka, was replaced by the former member of the Politburo and also the First Secretary of the Voivodship Committee in Katowice, Edward Gierek. The military operations on the Polish coast, alongside the Citizens’ Militia, involved some 27,000 soldiers and 550 tanks, 750 armoured carriers and 2,100 cars. Also, 108 aircraft and helicopters, as well as 40 vessels of the Polish Navy were deployed. Apart from the period of martial law (1981–1983), never during peacetime has the Polish Army been put on standby on such a scale and used to such an extent to pacify the society. According to official data, a total of 45 people were killed and 1,165 wounded on the Baltic coast. Although over 80 books and brochures have already been published on ‘December 1970’, we still do not know the answers to all the questions. The role played by the Soviet authorities at that time has been researched the least. However, without free access to the post-Soviet archives stored in Russia, which seems hardly possible in the near future, it will be difficult to make new findings on this issue.
    Źródło:
    Zapiski Historyczne; 2020, 85, 4; 5-24
    0044-1791
    2449-8637
    Pojawia się w:
    Zapiski Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ruch pokojowy w RFN (Friedensbewegung) w pierwszej połowie lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku
    Autorzy:
    Świder, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647866.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Tematy:
    peace movement
    peace demonstrations
    anti-missile protests
    German Social Democracy
    Green Party
    disarmament
    the FRG
    Cold War
    ruch pokojowy, demonstracje pokojowe, protesty antyrakietowe, socjaldemokracja niemiecka, Partia Zielonych, rozbrojenie, RFN, zimna wojna
    Opis:
    In the 1980s, the peace movement, which was mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people in protests against the double act passed by NATO in December 1979, was an integral element of the West-German political stage. It influenced the system of power and internal conflicts within the German Social Democracy (SPD), being the strongest opponent of the policy run by the government of Chancellor Schmidt. It also contributed to the formation of the Green Party and was the object of polemics within trade unions. Apart from that it provided a stimulus for debates of the ethical and religious character within the Catholic and Protestant Churches in the FRG. Lastly, it was the object of controversy and a symbol of social activity and force
    W latach 80. XX wieku ruch pokojowy mobilizujący setki tysięcy osób w protestach przeciwko podwójnej uchwale NATO z grudnia 1979 r. był istotnym elementem zachodnioniemieckiej sceny politycznej. Wpływał na układ sił i konflikty wewnętrzne w socjaldemokracji niemieckiej (SPD); będąc największym oponentem polityki prowadzonej przez rząd kanclerza Helmuta Schmidta, przyczynił się do powstania Partii Zielonych, a jego działania doprowadziły do zaistnienia polemiki w związkach zawodowych i były bodźcem do dyskusji etycznych i religijnych w Kościele katolickim i protestanckim w RFN. Stał się również przedmiotem wielu kontrowersji oraz symbolem aktywności i siły społecznej.
    Źródło:
    Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2017, 24, 2
    1428-9512
    2300-7567
    Pojawia się w:
    Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wpływ rewolucji październikowej na przemiany rewolucyjne na ziemiach polskich w latach 1917–1920
    The influence of the October Revolution on the revolutionary changes in Poland at 1917–1920
    Bлияние Октябрьской революции на революционные перемены на польских землях в годы 1917–1920
    Autorzy:
    Wiktor, Zbigniew
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1993263.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-06-30
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    October Revolution
    labor movement in Poland
    class struggle
    opportunism
    revisionism
    Polish independence
    strikes
    demonstrations
    revolutionary situation
    proletariat
    bourgeoisie
    territory
    contradictions
    Polish-Soviet war
    Temporary Revolutionary Committee of Poland
    counterrevolution
    Октябрьская революция
    рабочее движение в Польше
    классовая борьба
    оппортунизм
    ревизионизм
    независимость Польши
    забастовки
    демонстрации
    революционная обстановка
    пролетариат
    буржуазия
    поместье
    противоречия
    польско-советская война
    Временный революционный комитет Польши или Польревком
    контрреволюция
    Opis:
    The main thesis of article is the influence of the Oktober Revolution on the revolutionary changes in Poland at 1917–1920. It’s described causes and results of war world 1 and the fall of 2.I nternationale. In next time were organizing the revolutionary parties of Socialdemocracy and established communist parties, which 1919 united and established in the 3th Internationale – Communist The great ideological-political role in this process played revolutionary part od Russian Socialdemocracy – bolsheviki with W.I.Lenin as leader. The polish state was fall at the end 18th century and on the war world one since 1915 the territory was occupied by Germany and Austria. There at 19th century developed capitalizm and were estblishing worker parties especialy Great Proletariat, Polish Socialist Party (PPS), Socialdemocracy of Polish Kingsdom and Litauen (SDKPi), in next time from PPS was established PPS-Left. Workers were also under ideological influence of Polish katholic church, of national and solidarity movements. At 1917–1920 were many strikes and demonstrations, the class struggle developed in cities and in the country. There were also the struggle for the independent polish state in form of 2 main class forces: 1. bourgeoisie and landlords and 2. socialist proletariat. The workers (also partialy peasants) were organizing in the councils of worker delegates (like in Russia), there were about 100 councils in main industrial centres of Poland, but they were to weak in victorious struggle against capitalist forces at 1918–1920, especialy when the Poland-Soviet Russia war breake out. In Juli 1920 in Białystok was established The Contemporary Revolutionary Committee of Poland as a Revolutionary Government of Polish Soviet Republic, but it was collapsed together with Polish revolutionists and Soviet Red Army in battle by Warsaw August 1920. In result Polish revolution defeated and won the Polish bourgeoisie and landlords with the support of international capital. There is established the liberal-democratic state, which persisted to 1926, to coup d’ etat of Marshall J. Piłsudski.
    Главный тезис статьи зааключается во влиянии Октябрьской револю- ции на революционные перемены на польских землях в годы 1917–1920. В статье были назвны главные причины начала 1. мировой войны и падения 2. Интернационала. Со временем возникли фракции социалдемократических партий, которые организовались в комунистические партии и в 1919 году учредили новый 3. ИнтернационалКомунистический. Большую идейно-теоретическую и организаторскую роль сыграли революционные русские социалдемократы – большевики во главе с В.И. Лениным. Польские земли находились под разделом и были территорией борьбы чужих армий. Капитализм быстрее всех развивался под русским раздлом. Действовали многие рабочие партии, в том числе революционная СДКПиЛ, ППС-Левая и оппортунистско-реформистская ППС. Большое влияние на рабочих оказывал тоже Костёл католический, националистические группировки и группировки солидарности. В годы 1917–1920 проходили многие забастовки и рабочие демонстрации, тоже бедных крестьян и деревенского пролетариата. В 1918 году развилась борьба за создание возраждённого, нового независимого польского государства. Сталкивались две концепции: буржуазно-помещичья и пролетарско-социалистическая. Рабочие, крестьяне создавали советы делегатов рабочих, которых было около 100, однако были они слишком слабые, чтобы стать ведущим субъектом борьбы за власть. Важную роль в росте революционного влияния сыграла польско-советская война в годы 1919–1920 и создание Временного Революционного Комитета Польши в Белостоке. Окончательно в ходе классовой борьбы, многих восстаний, воен, а особенно польско-советской, сформировалось буржуазно-помещичье государство в форме демократической парламентарно-кабинетной республики. Оно существовало до мая 1926 года, когда наступил военный переворот маршала Й. Пилсудского, который ввёл авторитарную форму правления.
    Źródło:
    Studia Orientalne; 2019, 1(15); 93-107
    2299-1999
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Orientalne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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