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Tytuł:
Геополітичні стратегії парламенту Польщі у контексті набуття членства в ЄС та НАТО
Strategie geopolityczne parlamentu polskiego w kontekście przystąpienia Polski do UE i NATO
Autorzy:
Нечипоренко, Юлія
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489293.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
parliament of Poland,
coalition government,
EU,
NATO
Opis:
Poland came up to the EU membership gradually, reorientation on the West in trade and economic sphere was accompanied by desire of establishing with them close political relations. After the Warsaw Pact expiration polish leaders had to decide also the question of safety concerning the incorporation in NATO, at that membership in EU and NATO was considered as the related key objectives of the foreign policy. In 1988-1993 years the democratic reform of the armed forces of Poland was characterized by the political forces unsuccessful attempts to achieve a certain visibility of macro-stablity and come to an agreement concerning control of the armed forces. Poland received an offer of cooperation with NATO within the program «Partnership for the sake of peace» in January 1994 at the summit in Brussels with other CEE countries. In 1999 year the Polish Parliament ratified the North Atlantic Treaty, demonstrating consolidated position of the political forces concerning that question. To the Council of Europe took a decision for the start of negotiations concerning the accession to the EU, Poland had to satisfy the political criteria, for execution of which, the consolidated position of the political forces concerning eurointegrational question had to exist. The application for membership in EU was made then, when the majority of places in parliament belonged to the political party, which had been created before the parliamentary elections in 1991 year from the political forces connected with the previous system. Already on July 16 of the 1997 year the „Agenda 2000”, which was presented at the meeting of European parliament, denoted that, the political institutes of Poland function stably and consistently, and the parliamentary elections in 1991 and 1993 years had been free. Poland was recommended to negotiations concerning its membership, and its accession to the European Union took place while the fourth parliament cadence was functioning, when the majority belong to leftist forces.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 78-85
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
British Party System Change. The Impact of Changing Voters, Devolution and Cabinet Coalition on the Two-Party System
Autorzy:
Kapsa, Izabela
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642953.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
British party system
coalition government
devolution
general elections
political participation
Opis:
The article describes the analysis of the modern British party system in the age of changes and transformations. In particular, it analyzes the changes in the electorate as well as the legal-institutional conditions which, in consequence, led to a shift in the balance of power between the political parties on the parliamentary level that occurred after the 2010 general election. Forming a coalition in the Parliament and the Cabinet marked the beginning of an ideologically and politically difficult rule of two parties which both politicians and voters alike had to learn. I argue that the above circumstances led to a certain “crisis” not only in the way administration is handled but also in the society’s political participation. Simultaneously, it relates to what I view as a change in the British party system. The present article largely focuses on the transformations within the British party system that occurred in the early 21st century, on the genesis of the processes which affects the transformations in the above system, as well as on the causes and effects of these phenomena.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Syriza in power (2015-2019): A Review of Selected Aspects
Autorzy:
Lorencka, Małgorzata
Aravantinou Leonidi, Giulia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514537.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Syriza
radical left party
coalition government
Greek democracy
Prespa Agreement
Opis:
What are the consequences of Syriza coming to power in Greece in 2015? Did it become a new Weimar Germany for the future Europe? In this article we test the hypothesis that winning two consecutive parliamentary elections in 2015 and forming a government contributed to a farther institutionalisation of this party within the rules of Greek democracy. This article is based on data from the Greek Ministry of Interior and the website of the Greek parliament. This text aims at presenting the process of transformation of Syriza - a radical, left-wing, anti-establishment and anti-austerity party into a governmental entity, pro systemic and accepting the principle of the democratic state of law. All this was due to the establishing of the governmental coalition with ANEL, a nationalist party; social-economic reforms; the reform of the electoral system for parliamentary elections; the proposal of a constitutional reform and the ending of the nearly 30-year dispute with Macedonia. The electoral failure during the parliamentary elections on the 7th of July 2019 finishes a 4-year governance of Syriza and enables us to try to evaluate this experiment for the first time. A key finding of our investigation is the need to highlight the respect for the democratic rules by Syriza during its government and its further institutionalisation as one of the main groupings of the contemporary party system in Greece.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2019, 24; 5-26
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wiceprezes Rady Ministrów jako członek Rady Ministrów
Deputy Prime Minister as a Member of the Council of Ministers
Autorzy:
Juchniewicz, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51458369.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Deputy Prime Minister
Council of Ministers
coalition government
wiceprezes Rady Ministrów
Rada Ministrów
rząd koalicyjny
Opis:
The Vice-Presidents are optional members of the Council of Ministers. Their appointment to the government depends on the Prime Minister and also on coalition arrangements. Under the 1997 Constitution, there was no uniform model for the appointment of deputy presidents of the Council of MinistersThe vice-presidents do not have any independent powers. Pursuant to Article 6 of the Act on the Council of Ministers, the Deputy Prime Minister may direct the work of the Cabinet in the event of the absence or temporary inability of the Prime Minister to perform his/her duties. The vice-president performs the tasks and competences within the scope entrusted to and on behalf of the Prime Minister. In the context of membership of the Council of Ministers, their position is equivalent to that of the other members of the government, and to an analogous extent they have duties and may exercise rights.
Wiceprezesi Rady Ministrów są fakultatywnymi członkami Rady Ministrów. Ich powołanie w skład rządu zależy od Prezesa Rady Ministrów, a także od uzgodnień koalicyjnych. Pod rządami Konstytucji z 1997 r. nie wypracowano jednolitego modelu powoływania wiceprezesów Rady Ministrów. Wiceprezesi nie posiadają żadnych samodzielnych kompetencji. Zgodnie z art. 6 ustawy o Radzie Ministrów wiceprezes RM może kierować pracami gabinetu w przypadku nieobecności lub czasowej niemożności wykonywania obowiązków przez premiera. Zadania i kompetencje wiceprezes wykonuje w powierzonym zakresie i w imieniu premiera. Natomiast w kontekście członkostwa w Radzie Ministrów ich pozycja jest równorzędna z pozycją pozostałych członków rządu, w analogicznym zakresie ciążą na nich obowiązki oraz mogą korzystać z praw.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2024, 3(79); 11-20
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Direction of Slovak Party System After the Parliamentary Elections in 2016
Autorzy:
Kováčová, Natália
Jankurová, Andrea
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832644.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
voters
elections
coalition models
political parties
government
Opis:
The aim of this paper is in the context of the main specifics of the Slovak parliamentary elections in 2016 to highlight the party development in Slovakia and to predict its future direction. Parliamentary elections due to electoral instability and fluctuations determined the configuration of the parliamentary political scene. The proportion of new, nonsystem parties was increased and output was to create surprising ruling coalition which has dissolved the existing ideological and ethnic line. The ambition of the paper is tho highlight the political situation that followed the elections and significantly modified the distribution of political forces existed previously.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2017, 22(22); 152-164
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kohabitacja a trwałość gabinetów koalicyjnych w Polsce po 1991 roku
THE IMPACT OF COHABITATION ON THE DURATION OF COALITION GOVERNMENTS IN POLAND AFTER 1991
Autorzy:
Banaś, Michał
Lechowicz, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513480.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
system of government
political regime
cohabitation
coalition governments
Opis:
In relation to the systemic transformation, which began in Poland in 1989, there was a need to define a new political regime. Eventually it was decided to settle upon a system of government which is characterised by the duality of executive power exercised by the President, as well as Prime Minister and the government accountable to parliament. This element of the political regime creates the potential for cohabitation – an inher-ently conflictual phenomena which can have many negative consequences. One of them is the possibility of its negative impact on the duration of the coalition cabinet. In this article, we intend to test the hypothesis, according to which the phenomenon of cohabitation has a negative impact on coalition governments through the reduc-tion of their duration. The aticle consists of four parts. The first briefly characterizes the evolution of the Polish political regime, highlighting the potential for cohabita-tion which is created by the dual structure of executive – the permanent element of Polish system of government. In the second part we explain the concepts of the cabinet government and the coalition. In the third section we describe coalition gov-ernments formed in Poland in the years 1991–2014 and the phenomenon of cohabitation occurring during their lifetime. In the fourth part we examine the impact of cohabitation on the duration of coalition governments in Poland. The conclusions of the analysis are presented at the end.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 13, 4; 5-24 (20)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Party Behavior and the Formation of Minority Governments – Experiences in Denmark
Autorzy:
Radek, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514781.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
party leaders
minority government
coalition
Nordic States
Denmark
party behavior
elections
majority
parliamentary members
Opis:
In many modern democracies, the leaders who make important influential political decisions are highly likely to be party politicians or indeed party leaders. Very often they cannot prepare an adequate strategy for their political parties because it is usually impossible to find out all necessary elements for projecting the goals. It is not surprising that political parties are the most important organizations in modern politics and in the contemporary world, only a few states do without them. The reason that political parties are well-nigh ubiquitous is that they perform functions that are valuable to many political actors. Political parties play a major role in the recruitment of top politicians, on whom the momentous and painful political decisions often fall. With very few exceptions, political chief executives are elected on the slate of some established political party, and very often the head of government continues to serve as the head of the political party that propelled him or her into office. Democracy may be conceived as a process by which voters delegate policy-making authority to a set of representatives, and political parties are the main organizational vehicle by which such delegation takes place. The main aim of this article is focus on the minority government, which are especially common in the Scandinavian countries. They can be more easily formed and maintained where the party system makes it difficult to secure support for an alternative majority coalition to be formed, a vote of investiture is not required, and a government can stay in office unless there is an absolute majority against it. In the article will be emphasized some case studies of Denmark minority government formation and durability. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the specific of minority cabinet in Denmark.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 107-124
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Results of 2019 Parliamentary Elections in the Perspective of 2018 Local Government Elections
Autorzy:
Gajewski, Szymon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1977303.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
2018 local government elections
2019 parliamentary elections
Law and Justice
Citizens’ Coalition
Civic Platform
Opis:
The analysis of the results of the elections to regional parliaments of 2018 allows to take a closer look at the current political preferences of the electorate one year before the parliamentary elections. The distribution of support for political parties in individual provinces shows that Law and Justice (PiS) enjoys constant, high and stable support, which will most likely allow this party to extend mandate to rule the country for the next 4 years. The largest opposition party, the Civic Platform (PO), sees the chances of victory in uniting further opposition groups around itself. The common start with Nowoczesna under the name of the Citizens’ Coalition (KO) did not meet the expectations. However, the distribution of support in the local government elections showed that the actions consolidating the opposition are currently the only chance to fight a leveled electoral fight with Law and Justice (PiS).
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2019, 4 (48); 632-641
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Integracja środowisk samorządowych w województwie podkarpackim na przykładzie Inicjatywy Społecznej „Wspólnota Samorządowa” w 2002 roku
Integration of self-governmental circles in the Podkarpackie voivodship on the example of the Social Initiative „Local Government Community” in 2002
Autorzy:
Szczepański, Dominik
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22444318.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Social Initiative „Local Government Community”
coalition
Civic Platform
Law and Justice
National League
Podkarpackie voivodeship
elections
Inicjatywa Społeczna „Wspólnota Samorządowa”
koalicja
Platforma Obywatelska
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Liga Krajowa
województwo podkarpackie
wybory
Opis:
Celem poznawczym artykułu była analiza procesu integracji środowisk samorządowych w województwie podkarpackim z uwzględnieniem trzech poziomów: makro (ogólnych koncepcji integracyjnych na poziomie ogólnopolskim), mikro (odnoszących się do zaangażowanych w ten proces polityków lokalnych) i mezo (uwzględniających aspekty organizacyjne omawianych podmiotów). Wyjaśnieniu poddano integrację środowisk samorządowych w dwóch wymiarach: organizacyjnym – obejmującym różnorodne podmioty polityczne (parlamentarne, samorządowe, społeczne), a także programowym, służącym urzeczywistnieniu konkretnej wizji rozwoju województwa podkarpackiego oraz odnoszącym się do określonego systemu wartości. Do realizacji celu badawczego posłużyły następujące pytania: Jakimi metodami zamierzano osiągnąć porozumienie wyborcze? Z jakimi podmiotami politycznymi zamierzano stworzyć koalicję wyborczą? Czy była to inicjatywa o charakterze samorządowym czy politycznym?
The aim of the paper was to analyse the process of integration of self-governmental communities in the Podkarpackie voivodeship, taking into account three levels: macro (general integration concepts on the national level), micro (referring to local politicians involved in this process) and mezo (taking into account organisational aspects of the entities in question). Integration of self-governmental circles was explained in two dimensions: organisational – encompassing various political entities (parliamentary, selfgovernmental, social, etc.), as well as programmatic, serving the realisation of a specific vision of development of Podkarpackie voivodeship and referring to a specific system of values. The following questions were used to realise the research objective: with what methods was the electoral agreement intended to be achieved? With which political entities was it intended to create an electoral coalition? Was it a self-government or political initiative?
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2022, 20, 2; 176-195
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Oddziaływanie prezydenta na tworzenie i profil rządów w warunkach labilnej wielopartyjności: od nacisku do perswazji – uwagi o stuleciu doświadczeń w Finlandii
The impact of the president on the formation and profile of governments in conditions of labile multi-parytyism: from pressure to persuation – comments on a century of experience in Finland
Autorzy:
Grzybowski, Marian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/50370789.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
dismissal of the cabinet/minister/prime-minister
Eduskunta
Finland
cabinet (coalition cabinet, majority cabinet, minority cabinet)
college of electors
creative competences
instrument of influence
formation of the cabinet/government
minister
parliament
political party
prime minister
president
cabinet’s resignation
election (parliamentary, presidential)
dymisja rządu (premiera, ministra)
Finlandia
gabinet (koalicyjny, mniejszościowy, większościowy)
kolegium elektorów
kompetencje kreacyjne
instrument wpływu
kreowanie rządu
parlament
partia polityczna
premier
prezydent
ustąpienie rządu
wybory (parlamentarne, prezydenckie)
Opis:
Profesor Tadeusz Szymczak, wybitny konstytucjonalista i „dobry duch” Alma Mater Lodziensis, większości środowiska konstytucjonalistów i ustrojoznawców kojarzy się ze studiami nad federalizmem w państwach europejskich oraz nad instytucją prezydenta. Stulecie Jego urodzin skłania do prześledzenia ewolucji statusu i oddziaływań prezydenta na funkcjonowanie europejskich systemów państwowych oraz do refleksji nad przekształceniami w statusie konstytucyjnym i politycznym tej instytucji ustrojowej i w jej funkcjonowaniu. W kręgu ewoluujących prezydentur w państwach europejskich godnym refleksji przeobrażeniom ulegała prezydentura finlandzka. Jednym z pól istotnych ustrojowo przeobrażeń zwieńczonych – po osiemdziesięciu latach – zmianą regulacji konstytucyjnej (przez zastąpienie aktu z 1919 r. nową regulacją konstytucyjną z 1999 r.) było wykonywanie kompetencji powoływania premiera i rządu, przyjmowania ich dymisji oraz inspirowanie bądź akceptowanie rekonstrukcji składu partyjnego i osobowego. Wymiar rocznicy skłania do objęcia uwagą okresu zbieżnego z czasem, jaki upłynął od narodzin Profesora, tj. pełnego już stulecia.
Professor Tadeusz Szymczak, an eminent constitutionalist and “good spirit” of Almae Matris Lodziesis, is mostly associated with studies on federalism in European countries and the institution of the president. The centenary of His birth prompts us to trace the evolution of status and influence of the president on the functioning of European state systems and to reflect on the transformations in the president’s constitutional and political status and its functioning. In the circle of evolving European presidents, the president of Finland has been transformed worthy reflection. One of the areas of significant constitutional impact – after eighty years – was the change of the constitutional regulation (by replacing the Act of 1919 with a new constitution of 1999 and, in such frame especially, exercising the president’s powers to appoint the prime minister and the government, accepting his resignation and inspiring the reconstruction of the party or personal composition of the cabinet. The dimension of the anniversary make us pay attention to the period that coincides with the time that has elapsed since the Professor’s birthday, i.e. a full century.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2023, 104; 53-76
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 10

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