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Tytuł:
Around 1948: The “Gentle Revolution” and Art History
Autorzy:
Markowska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909532.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
revolution
art after 1945
communism
autocracy
folklore
Opis:
Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged. 
Źródło:
Artium Quaestiones; 2019, 30; 137-160
0239-202X
Pojawia się w:
Artium Quaestiones
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Joseph Conrad’s essays and letters in the light of postcolonial studies
Autorzy:
Kopkowski, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/638868.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
Conrad studies, postcolonialism, imperialism, nationalism, tsarism, autocracy
Opis:
This article is an attempt to explore the feasibility of using the analytical and interpretational tools offered by postcolonial criticism in order to reassess those texts in which Joseph Conrad expressed his political views. The author’s basic aim is to present the methods which Conrad used in his political essays in order to make a critique of great power politics in Central and Eastern Europe, and in particular to draw attention to techniques and content that were specifi cally designed to deconstruct the imperial practices of Germany and Russia. The article also shows how Conrad constructed a characteristically Polish defensive national identity, thus placing his political thinking within the context of the tradition of Romantic theories of nationalism, which found their finest expression in the writings of Adam Mickiewicz, Juliusz Słowacki and Conrad’s father Apollo Nałęcz-Korzeniowski.
Źródło:
Yearbook of Conrad Studies; 2011, 6, 1
2084-3941
Pojawia się w:
Yearbook of Conrad Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wokół roku 1948: „rewolucja łagodna” i historia sztuki
Autorzy:
Markowska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909506.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
revolution
art after 1945
communism
autocracy
folklore
Opis:
Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World War II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged.
Źródło:
Artium Quaestiones; 2019, 30; 367-391
0239-202X
Pojawia się w:
Artium Quaestiones
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Filozofia wolności i władzy w piśmiennictwie Filareta Drozdowa
Autorzy:
Mazuś, Mikołaj
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2032774.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
orthodox anthropology
synergism
political system
autocracy
revolution
Źródło:
Slavia Orientalis; 2017, LXVI, 3; 437-448
0037-6744
Pojawia się w:
Slavia Orientalis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish Interwar [Non]Democracy from the View-Point of Julije Benešić
Poljska međuratna (ne)demokracija Benešićevim očima
Autorzy:
Pieniążek-Marković, Krystyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/636208.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Second Polish Republic
Julije Benešić
autocracy
intimist literature
Opis:
In the article, the image of Polish democracy/autocracy during the Second Republic has been reconstructed. The subject of the analysis were the autobiographical notes entitled Osam godina u Varšavi written by Julije Benešić who stayed in Warsaw in the years 1930–1938 as a delegate of the Yugoslavian Department of Eductaion and Science. From his currently updated notes, a picture of Poland emerged as a state in which the basic civil rights were regularly broken including those guaranteed by the Constitution. The most glaring examples of the non-democratic actions regarded the problems of the national minorities (specifically the Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Jewish relationships) as well as the prisons for the political opponents (Bereza Kartuska and Brześć). What is more, the observations made by the Croatian translator, writer and linguist illuminate in the form of interesting conotations the Polish mentality.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2019, 17; 191-207
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Civic Education for Democracy During Crisis : Measuring State Media Engagement
Autorzy:
Rak, Joanna
Rezmer-Płotka, Kamila
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140579.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
neo-militant democracy
autocracy
civic knowledge
contentious politics
Opis:
Informed by a research problem of explaining the relationships between the specificity of civic education and public support for authoritarian politicians, this paper aims to propose and test an analytical tool for measuring media engagement in civic education. It contributes methodologically to studies on civic education by delivering a tool that applies to identify and trace state media’s efforts to shape either democratic or autocratic citizenship models. Thereby, it allows monitoring current challenges to civic education for democracy in individual countries. The test contributes empirically to the studies on state-orchestrated civic education by revealing civic education for autocracy in pandemic-driven Poland. It enriches the knowledge of the use of Polish state media by the anti-democratic ruling actors to maintain the status quo.
Źródło:
The New Educational Review; 2022, 69; 82-94
1732-6729
Pojawia się w:
The New Educational Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Absolutyzm” versus „polonizm” Bismarck, panslawizm a powstanie styczniowe
„Absolutism” versus „Polonism” Bismarck, Pan-slavism and January Uprising
Autorzy:
Kopczyński, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519804.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
political thought
January Uprising
Pan-Slavism
autocracy
Poles
Russians
Opis:
The aim of this article is to analyze attitude of the Prussian Prime-Minister – considered as the Architect of German Unification – Otto von Bismarck – towards the phenomenon of social rebellion, which in Polish history became known as the January Uprising. The intention of the Author is not to focus on issues related with wide-ranging diplomatic action of the prospective “Iron Chancellor”, which was crowned with Alsvenlabena Convention. Bismarck was in the limelight not like as well-known „real politician”, but as a political thinker whom he also was. Author analyzes a highly specific conceptual nomenclature of Bismarck, and his attitude towards the Poles, Russians, Pan-Slavism and autocracy. Introduction to the subject is an overview of the evaluations of the insurrection, which was permanently established in Polish intellectual environments, including its traditional divisions between the right wing and the left wing.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2013, 10(17); 45-74
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Становлення інституту губернаторської влади на Волині (кінець XVIII – друга половина XІX ст.)
The Establishment of the Governor’s Power in Volyn (the end of XVIII – the Second Half of the XIX century)
Autorzy:
Бортніков, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489317.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Volyn
Russian empire
autocracy
province
the Governor-General
the civil Governor
Opis:
Many scientific works are lack the specific historical material, but complex, multidimensional processes of Ukrainian state are often considered after simplified traditional schemes, without taking into account regional specificity, due to the prolonged stay of Ukrainian lands in the structure of other state formations. The process of the institution establishment of the provincial government attached from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth territories is stipulated by the policy of the tsarist government aimed at strengthening of the centralized management of the Russian Empire. It acquired the concentrated shape in the «theory of official nationality», which envisaged the integration of autocracy, orthodoxy and nation into the «united and indivisible» Russia. The policy of the central authorities was determined as well by the struggle for spheres of influence between the «Russian imperialism» and by the Polish landowners’ elite, the attempt to tear the Ukrainian population from the Polish revolutionary movement. Catherine II considered each province as a governorship, and therefore at each of them appointed “the sovereign’s Viceroy or the Governor-General and subordinate to him «the ruler of the governorship or the Governor». Later, «the Governor of province or Governor became to be known as civil Governor. The latter had subordinated for the management of economic affairs «the Lieutenant Governor or Vice-Governor”. As a rule, the Governors-General were as well commanders of military districts. On the outskirts of the Empire, the Governor-General are not so much watched, but rather directed the state policy in a certain direction, as a kind of «repeater» of the cultural activities of the state, and in some places its founder. In the North-Western and South-Western region governors-General primarily pursued political goals: «to prevent the possibility of an armed uprising and to tighten the connection of the land with the Empire». The direct management of the province was exercised by civil governors. An important step in determining their place and role in the hierarchy of the higher ranks of the Empire, and a careful regulation of their activities was the «General instructions of the civil governors» (1837) Nicholas I. The order clearly defined the legal status of these governors primarily as «security guards inviolability of the supreme rights of the autocracy.» At the same time they had no right t to «make regulations..., install, taxes or charges», and they are not allowed to change court verdicts or to assume the functions of judges. The order stated the provisions of the welfare of the inhabitants of the province, their protection from unlawful harassment. One of the powerful levers of state policy in the Russian Empire was the Orthodox Church and faith; it is no accident that the civil Governor was given the responsibility in the ensuring favorable conditions for strengthening, protection from the split, the influence of heretical doctrines and facts of the proselytism. At the heart of the provincial institutions there was the principle of their division into administrative, judicial and financial. Full executive power belonged to the provincial government, headed by the civil Governor. The Job title of the provincial Prosecutor, the provincial solicitors for criminal and civil cases, provincial land surveyor, architect, etc. had been founded. Beside the provincial board, the Governor headed a significant part of other provincial agencies. The Governor, who was appointed by the Emperor at his discretion or on the proposal of the Ministry of internal affairs, was formally the head of the local provincial administration. He was the highest representative of the administrative and police authorities in the province, had broad administrative and supervisory credentials.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 192-199
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Democratization and federalization. A comparative perspective between Russia’s and Spain’s early forays into a federal system
Autorzy:
Suárez, Adrián Peñate
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/10492877.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Russia
Russian Federation
democracy
autocracy
federal state
federation
federal system
politics
Opis:
Undoubtedly, Russia occupies a distinct position within the political landscape, differentiating it from Western democracies that themselves exhibit considerable variation. This uniqueness can be attributed, in part, to Russia’s geographic characteristics, encompassing diverse subdivisions characterized by variations in population, natural resources, territorial expanse, and distance from the central authority. However, what truly distinguishes Russia is its contemporary history and recent experiences with federalization— a framework that has defined its operations since it became the Russian Federation following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The objective of this paper is to analyze the distinctive features of Russian federalism in its early stages, employing a comparative perspective against the Spanish case, in order to ascertain the consequences of the legal, organizational, and territorial arrangements established during Russia’s early democratization period. The focus is to evaluate the implications of these changes on the establishment of a legally-binding democracy and a well-functioning federation, ultimately questioning whether Russia genuinely qualifies for either of these classifications.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2023, 2(38); 51-61
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Russia’s domestic and international politics. No explanation without the cognitive-developmental approach
Autorzy:
Oesterdiekhoff, Georg W.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43446254.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-11-01
Wydawca:
Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce
Tematy:
developmental stages
civilization process
political consciousness
international politics
democracy
autocracy
moral values
humanism
Opis:
Russia’s war on Ukraine is not a failure by accident but reflects the mentality and stance of the Kremlin and greater parts of the Russian people. Russia’s international politics pursue imperial dreams, conducted by the most brutal methods. Obviously, the political consciousness of Russians has not progressed to the rates and standards that shape the minds and behavior of politicians and the electorate in the most advanced nations of our time. It is argued that political science must consider research conducted by the cognitive-developmental approach. Contemporary nations operate on differently developed stages of mind and cognition with far-reaching effects on moral reasoning, social understanding, and humanitarian standards. There is evidence that a weaker development of the fourth stage of human cognition, the stage of formal operations, accounts for backwardness concerning the process of civilization. This seems to be the main cause of the chasm between the “Russian World” and the “Free World”.
Źródło:
Polish Journal of Political Science; 2023, 9, 4; 4-27
2391-3991
Pojawia się w:
Polish Journal of Political Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Shameless Official in an Aggressive State: Educational Consequences
Autorzy:
Kobylarek, Aleksander
Madej, Martyna
Máhrik, Tibor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18727848.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
informal education
democracy
autocracy
usurpation
politics
higher education
citizenship education
symbolic violence
Opis:
Modern democracy in the Polish State, as well as respect for minorities of all kinds and women themselves, is collapsing in favour of a particularly close affiliation between the State and the Church. The separation of these two institutions is becoming negligible, if it still exists, and the state and the church have become allies of each other with any educated and/or intelligent element that does not support such a practice. The medieval practices, the stigmatisation of individual groups, patriarchy and the lack of respect for the constitution oppress societies, oppress the rights of citizens and show their place in the ranks. More and more rights are granted only to privileged groups, while others, such as women, LGBTQA+, migrants, the disabled, political opponents, or anyone else who does not support the current actions of the most influential institutions, remain ignored or muddled, vis-à-vis potential voters of the ruling party. Meanwhile, influential citizens can afford to do almost anything. At present, the lord and master decides the fate of all his subjects irrespective of how many protests and on what issues take place in the state, the utter shamelessness of the official can be observed here. Those who invoke God do not seem to believe in Him and, moreover, they act contrary to His principles. What stands out most in their actions is their total ignorance, their hatred of anyone who is against them and their lack of thought for the consequences that will come to them once they lose their power. The only hope seems to be for future voters with full civic awareness.
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2023, 14, 2; 7-13
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dziedziczka Imperium Rosyjskiego Anna Iwanowna 1730–1740
Heiress of the Russian Empire Anna Ivanovna 1730–1740
Autorzy:
Chojnicka, Krystyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/923492.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
Anna Ivanovna
tsarist autocracy
Peter the Great
Russian Empire
tsar
The Supreme Privy Council
Opis:
After the death of its creator, Peter I, Russia owes the continuation of the task of building the empire to four women – Catherine I, Ann, Elizabeth and Catherine II. The above four women had played an important role in the development of the autocratic system in the Russian state. The power of a Tsarist autocratic ruler was the foundation of his political position at least until the middle of the 19th c. The effectiveness in the execution of the rulers resolutions decided about this right to the throne; it constituted a specific legitimization of power. A weak ruler was often removed through armed rebellion or the spreading of rumors whereas a “true,” strong tsar was installed in his place. The imperial power in Russia was unlimited – it was believed to come from God and sometimes it was even identified with the will of the Nation. The latter theory was opposed by Marxist historiography which gave priority to the social-economic structure of Russia. The women ascended to the throne at a difficult moment in Russia’s history, namely after the death of Peter the Great; they were the potential target of attacks from the aristocratic, court, and army opposition circles, as well as the so called Old Believers, or even ordinary people. The rule of Catherine I who became the successor of Peter and the rule of Peter II, was marked by the stigma of rivalry among the aristocratic and courtly circles. Thanks to the support of the Supreme Privy Council, after the death of Peter II, it was Princess Anne of Courland who ascended to the throne in Russia. The assessment of her rule in historiography varies considerably – for instance, the influence of Anne’s favorite – Biron has been rather negatively assessed. The above pejorative appraisal of Princess Anne’s rule may have its source in the way in which the contemporaries tried to justify the Elizabeth’s coming to power in 1717. Anna became a ruler thanks to the support of aristocracy which strove for power in Russia. She accepted the “Stipulations” – or written conditions of her ascension to the tsarist throne; the latter had limited the ruler’s prerogatives. The Imperial Guards and the gentry under the leadership of Prokopowicz and Tatiszczew had stood on the side of strong tsarist rule. Having taken advantage of the support that was granted to her, Anna had seized autocratic rule, liquidated the Privy Council, crushed the opposition of the aristocrats and resumed a continuation of the reforms in the manner of Peter the Great. She strengthened tsarist autocratic authority, laying the foundations for this form of government for the decades to come.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa; 2014, 7, 2; 201-216
2084-4115
2084-4131
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Рeculiarities of the Рolitical and Legal Situation of the Jews during the Great Reforms in the Russian Empire
ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ПОЛІТИКО-ПРАВОВОГО СТАНОВИЩА ЄВРЕЇВ ПЕРІОДУ ВЕЛИКИХ РЕФОРМ У РОСІЙСЬКІЙ ІМПЕРІЇ
Autorzy:
Bezarov, O.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/894383.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Institute of World History
Tematy:
Jews, emancipation, Jewish question, autocracy, Alexander II
євреї, емансипація, єврейське питання, самодержавство, Олександр II
Opis:
У статті досліджено, що політика модернізації соціально-економічного життя в Російській імперії, яку було започатковано урядом Олександра II наприкінці 1850-х рр., створила реальні підстави для емансипації російських євреїв, частина з яких у 1870-х рр. уперше змогла відчути себе повноцінними підданими російської монархії. Проте, внаслідок упередженого ставлення до євреїв з боку самодержавства, політика емансипації євреїв залишалася незавершеною, а їхнє правове становище невизначеним. Натомість унікальна ситуація, за якої, наприклад, бухарські євреї отримали від російського уряду громадянські права та свободи, засвідчувала неоднозначність політичних підходів стосовно розв’язання єврейського питання в Російській імперії. Критерій політичної лояльності російських євреїв визначав їх майбутній правовий статус в імперії.
In the article it is researched that the policy of modernization of social and economic life in the Russian Empire, conducted by the government of Alexander II, since the end of the 1850s, created realprerequisites for emancipation of the Russian Jews, certain categories of which could feel full-fledged subjects of the Russian monarchy for the first time already in the 1870s. However, as a result of theprejudiced attitude towards the Jews on the part of the autocracy, the policy of emancipating the Jews turned out to be incomplete, and their legal status was uncertain. Nevertheless, the unique situation in which, for example, the Bukharian Jews managed to obtain civil rights and freedoms from the Russian government, pointed to the ambiguity of political approaches to the settlement of the Jewish issue inthe Russian Empire. The criterion of political loyalty of Russian Jews determined their future legal status in the empire.
Źródło:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії; 2018, 6; 95-103
2707-6776
Pojawia się w:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Investment in public capital, distribution, and governance
Autorzy:
McGuire, Martin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1198789.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
Economic Autocracy
Benevolent Dictator
Consensual Society
Public Investment
Social Capital
Redistribution
Majority Rule
Optimal Government
Leviathan
Opis:
How does the redistribution of income that a regime prescribes for society and the amount of public-good social-overhead investment it provides depend on the nature of that regime? And how do these infl uence said society’s productive success? Connections among these phenomena informed much of Mancur Olson’s (1982, 1991) life-work now so foundational to the literature on redistributive politics, economic growth/prosperity, and the nature of regimes. Still a transparent simple account of how the nature of a regime determines trade-offs between transfers and public capital investment can improve the foundations and clarify anomalies present in the literature. Here we elaborate a model to address these questions and we prove, contrary to received wisdom, that redistribution can reduce or actually and unexpectedly increase supplies of public overhead capital. Redistributive taxation reduces capital productivity, which incentivizes governments to supply less. But, contrary to conventional wisdom, redistribution can also so deplete the tax base that to offset some of the loss government will actually invest more in the way of public-overhead factor inputs than would a less redistributive regime of an otherwise comparable society.
Źródło:
Decyzje; 2015, 24; 123-154
1733-0092
2391-761X
Pojawia się w:
Decyzje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zrewidowany paradygmat systemowy. Wyjaśnienia i dodatkowe elementy w świetle doświadczeń państw postsocjalistycznych – część druga
The system paradigm revisited: Clarification and additions in the light of experiences in the post-socialist region – Part II
Autorzy:
Kornai, János
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/903990.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Małopolska Szkoła Administracji Publicznej
Tematy:
autokracja
demokracja
system kapitalistyczny
system socjalistyczny
transformacja postsocjalistyczna
Węgry
autocracy
democracy
capitalist system
socialist system
post-socialist transition
Hungary
Opis:
Termin paradygmat został wprowadzony do filozofii nauki przez Thomasa Kuhna, który posłużył się nim do określenia specyficznego podejścia wykorzystanego przez daną szkołę badawczą do analizowania przedmiotu badań. Badacze używając tego samego paradygmatu, szukają odpowiedzi na podobne pytania badawcze i wykorzystują zbliżone metody i podejścia. W pracy opublikowanej w 2000 roku autor tego eseju wprowadził termin paradygmatu systemowego (system paradigm), który odnosi się do systemów funkcjonujących w społeczeństwie. Niniejsze studium rozwija teoretyczne zagadnienia zarysowane we wcześniejszym artykule, uwzględniając doświadczenia z transformacji państw postsocjalistycznych. Pierwsza część jest porównaniem systemu socjalistycznego i kapitalistycznego, autor opisuje ich główne cechy i konkluduje, że system kapitalistyczny został wprowadzony w państwach poprzednio socjalistycznych z wyjątkiem Korei Północnej i Kuby. Część druga to analiza różnych postaci kapitalizmu na podstawie typologii zbudowanej na dominujących formach polityki i rządów. Wyróżnione zostały trzy istotnie różniące się między sobą typy kapitalizmu: demokratyczny, autokratyczny i dyktatorski. Huntington pisał o „trzeciej fali” demokratyzacji. Studium to kończyła konkluzja, że trzecia fala dobiegła kresu (has dried up): tylko w jednej dziesiątej z 47 państw postsocjalistycznych społeczeństwa żyją w ustroju demokratycznym, podczas gdy we wszystkich pozostałych państwach tej grupy przeważają autokratyzm i dyktatura. W trzeciej części eseju autor podejmuje wątki aparatu konceptualnego i analitycznego w odniesieniu do Węgier, gdzie funkcjonuje kapitalizm, natomiast przeważającą formą w polityce i rządzeniu jest autokratyzm – tu można znaleźć ważne cechy wspólne dla Węgier i innych państw kapitalistycznych czy innych ustrojów autokratycznych. Taki rezultat jest zgodny z obserwacją, że istnieją mniej fundamentalne cechy typowe dla Węgier („hungarica”), które odróżniają się od cech innych państw.
The term paradigm was introduced to the philosophy of science by Thomas Kuhn – he used this term to denote the specific approach applied by a school of research to examine its subject matter. Using the same paradigm, researchers seek answers to similar questions, and employ similar methods and concepts. In an article published in 2000, the author of this essay introduced the term system paradigm, which focuses on the systems functioning in a society. This study develops the theoretical considerations outlined in that earlier article on the basis of experience of post-socialist transition. The first part compares the socialist and capitalist systems, describing their main characteristics, and concludes that the capitalist system has become established in former socialist countries, except for North Korea and Cuba. The second part analyzes varieties of capitalism within a typology which classifies prevailing forms of politics and government. Three markedly different types are identified: democracy, autocracy, and dictatorship. Huntington wrote about the “third wave” of democratization. This study concludes the third wave has dried up: for the 47 postsocialist countries, only a tenth of the population live in democracies, while autocracy or dictatorship prevails in all other countries in this group. The third part of this essay applies the conceptual and analytical apparatus to Hungary, where capitalism exists, and autocracy is the prevailing politico-governmental form – here we can find important characteristics common to other capitalist countries or other autocracies. This finding is compatible with the observation that there are some less fundamental characteristics unique to Hungary, or “Hungarica”, which differ from the characteristics of all other countries.
Źródło:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance; 2017, 4(42); 7-22
1898-3529
2658-1116
Pojawia się w:
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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