Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "alcohol." wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 380
Tytuł:
Ekstrakt alkoholowy w przyprawach korzennych. Nowa metoda oznaczania
Alkogolnyjj ehkstract vytjazhki prjanostejj. Novyjj metod opredelenija
Alcohol extract in spice seasoning (new method of estimation)
Autorzy:
Gubarewski, L.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/872929.pdf
Data publikacji:
1959
Wydawca:
Narodowy Instytut Zdrowia Publicznego. Państwowy Zakład Higieny
Tematy:
przyprawy korzenne
olejki eteryczne
ekstrakt alkoholowy
oznaczanie
metody oznaczania
spice
essential oil
alcohol extract
determination
determination method
Źródło:
Roczniki Państwowego Zakładu Higieny; 1959, 10, 2
0035-7715
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Państwowego Zakładu Higieny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spożycie napojów alkoholowych w Polsce w świetle badań ankietowych
Survey on Alcohol Consumption in Poland
Autorzy:
Święcicki, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699290.pdf
Data publikacji:
1964
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
badania ankietowe
spożycie alkoholu
survey
alcohol consumption
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1964, II; 293-345
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Osoby niejednokrotnie przebywające w izbie wytrzeźwień
Individuals Taken Repeatedly into a Detoxication Centre
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699218.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nadużycie alkoholu
izba wytrzeźwień
abuse of alcohol
detoxication centre
Opis:
In Poland we have at present in towns 29 detoxication centres with 1,226 beds; people found by the police in public places in a state of intoxication are more and more often taken to detoxication centres instead of being arrested and taken into custody (a stay in a public place in the state defined as state of drunkenness is in Poland not subject to penalty). Between 1966-1972 from 60 to 70% of those arrested for drunkenness were throughout the country sent to detoxication centres and not taken into custody. The average annual number of men placed in the Warsaw detoxication centre in the years 1968-1970 amounted to approximately 27,550 and that of women to 1,500. The number of men taken to the centre for a second time during the course of a year amounted to approximately 4,200, and three or more times – 4,500; the number of women placed in a centre for the second time during the course of one year amounted to approximately 200, for the third time or more – to approximately 500. The category of individuals taken to a detoxication centre several times during the course of one year thus is substantial. There were 32%  of men with a least two such stays, and 40% of women from among the total number people taken to the centre. This category of individuals is called habitual drunkenness offenders, which, as we know, exists in many countries. Selected as a sample for the studies, discussed here were not individuals who had repeatedly been taken to the detoxication centre during the course of one and the same year. The idea was to eliminate those individuals as to whom we were sure that they were alcoholics. The research, conducted in 1970 in the detoxication centre in Warsaw by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences embraced that category of men who during a period of over five and a half years were at least three times taken there and the category of women who during the period of five and a half years were taken there at least twice. Each individual, listed in 1970 by the detoxication centre, in the order they were entered in the book, was checked from the beginning of 1970 in the centre’s records for the past five years (1965-1969) and in such a way material was completed on 500 men who during that period had at least been sent there three times and on 250 women sent there at least twice. Among men taken time and again to the detoxication centre there is a large percentage of older people, because in 1970 as many as 50,5% were over 40 and a mere 11.4% were below 30. The median age of these men amounted to 40.2; we find, as is known, similar figures in publications dealing with the problems of alcoholics. Those taken only three times to the centre amounted to approximately one-fourth of the total number of men, those taken 4-6 times accounted for 37%, 7-9 times – 19% and 10 or more times – 20%. Among the latter category of 98 patients of the centre 52 were taken there 10-15 times, 26 – 16-20 times and 20 – 21 times and more. As results from the above those who were only 3-6 times registered by the centre constitute 61% of the total number, and without taking into account additional data about arrests by the police of the people whose state of intoxication did not require their isolation in a detoxication centre, the true picture of the extent of deviations in the behaviour of the investigated, caused by intoxication would be distorted. That is why the decision was taken to add to the data related about the frequency of stays in the detoxication centre additional data on arrests by the police of men in a state of intoxication, who had been already registered in the centre three times, four times, six times and 8-9 times; it was not considered necessary to introduce analogical procedures for those listed many times during that period in the centre – from 10 to over 21 times, since it is to be assumed that these as a rule are already alcoholics. Taken into account in this respect was not only the period between 1965-1970, but also later years between 1971-1973, in order to find whether excessive drinking of alcohol by the investigated, causing police intervention, did not get worse. It turned out that only with men registered in the centre three times the percentage of those arrested additionally by the police did not surpass the figure of 33, but with those listed by the centre four times – it already amounted to 48%, six times – 55% and 8-9 times – 53%. This shows that beginning with 4 stays in the centre the percentage of people arrested by the police because of drunkenness already amounted to at least approximately 50%. Taking into account the number of arrests, figuring in police records, it was found that those arrested at least 5 times there, were in turn among those listed in the detoxication centre 3, 4, 6 and 8-9 times: 10%, 30%, 32% and 47%; of those listed 10 and more times: 0, 15%, 14%, and 27%. Thus the studied material is the subject of substantial differentiation if, in addition to stays in the detoxication centre, one takes into account arrests by the police and the number of such arrests. Taken into account additionally were court convictions which makes it possible to answer the question, how many men listed in the  centre until the end of 1973, were neither arrested by the police nor convicted by a court for offences, as a rule committed in a state of intoxication. Of such former patients of the centre, without the behaviour patterns, referred to and connected with excessive drinking of alcohol, there remained at the end of 1973: among those listed in the centre 3 times – 44%, among those listed in the centre 4 times – 38%, among those listed in the centre 6 times – 25%, among those listed in the centre 8-9 times – 31% . Distinctly noted was an intensification of deviations in the behaviour in a state of, intoxication in the examined individuals during the course of the last three years (1971-1973). At the end of 1973 over 50% and 60% of the investigated with previous 3 and 4 stays in the centre and approximately 70% beginning with 6 stays in the centre, may without any special objections be considered alcoholics. It should, however, be borne in mind that there exists a large category of alcoholics whose systematic drinking alcohol to excess does not cause a behaviour that requires the intervention of the police and that is why, in regard even to these individuals among the investigated with whom, in addition to frequent stays in the detoxication centre, no other additional negative features were noticed, the suspicion that they may be alcoholics, is nevertheless justified. In this study under discussion here, during which no individual, psychological and medical investigations or environmental research were carried out, these problems could not be properly clarified. 82% of the men who more than once were brought to the detoxication centre were blue-collar workers and only 8.5% – white-collar workers. 63% had regular jobs and 31% worked from time to time or did not work at all (information regarding work is, however, not based on reliable data). The percentage of those who are not working (and those working from time to time) increases together with the number of stays in the centre; amounting to: 18% of those listed three times in the centre, 22% – 4-6 times, 39% – 7-9 times and 55% – 10 times and more. 50% of the men were not convicted by courts, 20% – were once convicted, 16% – 2-3 times and 14% – 4 times and more. Together with the growing frequency of being registered in the centre there also grows the percentage of those convicted by a court   from 42% (3 times listed in the Centre) to 66% (in the group listed 10 times and more). 62% of the men registered in the centre as “not working” were convicted by a court, 69% – of those working from time to time and 40% – of those who were working regularly. Studying the group of men who had been convicted it was found that the late beginning of convictions, only when they were already 30 and more, is found with 31% of those convicted who are 30-39 years old and with as many as 65% among those who are 40-49; in the group with convictions when 50 and older – the first convictions occurred after 50 with all of them. Among the total with convictions only 18% were first convicted when below 21. However, among those offenders who were first convicted at the age of 17-20 we find the largest percentage (4l%) with later convictions amounting to 4 and more. Markedly smaller numbers of the men over 40 have been convicted than is the case among the younger age groups (p < 0.001). However, the percentages of recidivists, convicted 4 times and more are similar in the various age groups, beginning with the age of 30. The above-mentioned data testify above all to the fact that the majority (70%) of men listed time, and again in the detoxication centre, whose median amounted in 1970 already to 40.2 years, either had not previously been convicted at all (50%) or had faced charges only once (20%), while the category of recidivists with multiple convictions is not numerous (14%). The results of studies also testify to the fact that approximately 45% of the total number of those convicted, faced charges for the first time only when they were already 30 years old. Dealing with data on the delinquency of those convicted by a court once and 2-3 times, it was found, that in the structure of their delinquency offences against property did not surpass 22% and 23% of all the offences committed, and offences with physical or verbal aggression and other offences, as a rule also caused by insobriety, amount respectively to 68% and 60% of the committed offences. Among a small group of recidivists, convicted at least 4 times, only 45% of the recidivists committed mainly or exclusively offences against property (larcency), while in the case of 48% there dominated offences with physical and verbal aggression. To the typical offences, with physical aggression belong acts that are not particularly dangerous, such as slight bodily injury, “il-treatrnent of family members” and assaults upon policemen. Within the group referred to above only a very small sub-group of the recidivists with multiple convictions, who committed mainly aggressive acts caused by insobriety, can also found crimes in the form of more serious aggressive acts, such as robbery, serious bodily injuries, brawls, combined with the use of a dangerous instrument. Despite this, even among recidivists with severe degradation there is only an insignificant number of such recidivists who committed at least four offences combined with physical aggression ‒ there were only 7 out of 67 ‒ 10.4%; they constitute a mere 2.8% of the total of convicted persons. The group of recidivists with severe degradation and at least 4 convictions accounts for no more than 28% of the total number of those convicted; the deliquency of the remaining men who are frequently listed in the centre is rather a marginal phenomenon. During the past three years (1971-1973), side by side with the intensification of alcoholism there could be noticed among the investigated an increase in the percentage of those with convictions in the group listed 3 times in the centre from 42% to 49%, in the group listed 4 and 6 times from 44% to 57%  and 62% and in the group listed 8-9 times from 53% to 62%. But the structure of the offences did not undergo any changes ‒ petty offences, that socially are less harmful and caused by insobriety, predominate. Out of the 250 women, listed at least twice in the detoxication centre during the period of 5 and a half years, have been set apart 128 women noted in police records as prostitutes (P) and 122 women about whom such data were lacking (NP). 70% of the P were listed at least 4 times (32% ‒ eight  times or more). 60% of the NP were registered only twice (14% at least 8 times). The prostitutes are younger than the remaining women ‒ the age median of P arnounted to 35.4 years, that of NP ‒ 42.3 years. 48% of the women with the symbor “P” were below the age of 35 years, 24% of the NP. Among the NP as many as 30% were already 50 years old and more (among the P 13%). Those who are not prostitutes thus are considerably older, but among the prostitutes, too, are women from the age groups above 35 years. (Note that while in 1970 there were among the total number of prostitutes, known to the police throughout the whole country, 44% who were at least 31 years old, as many as 73% of the studied prostitutes registered in the Warsaw detoxication centre were at least 30 years old). Prostitutes were often arrested by the police because of drunkenness – only 30% were arrested less than 10 times, 34% from 10 to 29 times and 27% ‒ 30 times and more. Only 32% of those who were not prostitutes were arrested during this same period because of drunkenness, in the following 3 years (1971-1973) ‒ 34% and among the total of the arrested 56% were arrested only 1-2 times and a mere 22% ‒ 10 times and more. Women listed time and again in the centre have much worse data related to education and work than men, listed there from time to time. Among P there were 20% of women with incomplete primary school education, and NP ‒ 39%; 69% of the women had no trade, including P and NP; not working (or working only from time to time) were 72% of the P and 60% of the NP. Data regarding convictions testify to the fact that 64% of those who were not prostitutes had no convictions and only 6% NP were convicted by a court four and more times. Only 28% of the prostitutes had no convictions, 22% were convicted once, 20% ‒ 2-3 times, and 30%, four times and more. The first convictions at an age below 25 were found with 40% of the prostitutes and only with 11% of the NP, 31% of the P had their first conviction at the age of 30 and 7l% of the NP. Those who were not prostitutes as a rule had no convictions and among the few who had faced charges, the beginning of delinquency took place only after 30 (with approximately 30% ‒  only after 40). In the delinquency structure of P as well as NP larcency constitutes only 36% and 33%; undoubtedly this mainly means stealing from men. Most of the offences committed by P and NP are not serious. The material about women obtained from the detoxication centre points to their marked social degradation, probably reaching back to the period preceding their turning into alcoholics and also indicates the deepening of their social degradation, together with age and the intensification of their alcoholism.   *   The results of the research under discussion testify to the fact that the majority even of those who were registered less than 10 times during those five and a half year in the detoxication centre, are certainly already alcoholics. Studies revealed that in addition they had been frequently arrested by the police for drunkenness (though not isolated in detoxication centres) and had faced courts, charged with typical offences for people drinking alcohol to excess. Thus, even less frequent stays in a detoxication centre should already be an indication for the health and social care service to intervene, in order to find alcoholics requiring treatment.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 70-107
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawcy przestępstw i wykroczeń systematycznie nadużywający alkoholu
Excessive Drinkers and Alkoholics Convicted of Offences and Contraventions
Autorzy:
Szelhaus, Stanisław
Łojko, Elżbieta
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962245.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sprawca przestępstwa
sprawca wykroczenia
nadużycie alkoholu
perpetrator of an offence
malfeasant
abuse of alcohol
Opis:
The printed elaborations, in this part of the Archives, contain the re sults of research conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences  anfddeal with three categories of people: ‒ 564 offenders were qualified as having committed acts of hooliganism in Warsaw, in 1964, in an inebriate state, acts combined with physical aggression on people unknown to the offender; further delinquency of these offenders is checked during the course of eight years; ‒ approximately 900 who were in 1967 charged with “disturbance of  public peace or indecent behaviour in a public place,, (Art. 27, decree on fighting alcoholism); out of a random sample of 300 delinquents charged with these offences, information was obtained regarding their further appearances in court  (Penal Administrative Commission) for the period of five years (till the end of  1972), arrests by the police while intoxicated and court convictions; ‒ 500 men and 250 women, listed in detoxication centres at least three times (women twice), during the period of over 5 and a half years till the second half of 1970, about whom information was gathered, regarding also other arrests by the police while intoxicated, ending up in the detoxication centre, as well as information about their court convictions; with part of  the cases information was obtained about the follow-up period of the investigated during the years 1971-1973. The above-mentioned three categories were taken into account, because research was to embrace only those offenders who while committing the offence were intoxicated. These examinations were to reveal the dimensions of heavy drinking and of their delinquency. Research conducted by the Department of Criminology so far which took into account alcoholism, dealt with people, mainly from among young adult and adult recidivists marked by serious social degradation. Efforts were made to find out whether and since when they were drinking alcohol to excess and to what extent they were alcoholics. Taken into account was the category of recidivists, revealing symptoms of alcoholism. This research concentrated on various individuals where one actually could expect the possibilities of frequent or systematic heavy drinking, but in regard to whom no information was available regarding the frequency of deviations in the behaviour of the investigated under the influence of alcohol, as well as data about their delinquency, neither its intensification nor the type of offences committed. Despite the fact that it was impossible in the studies presented here to conduct individual psychological and medical examinations, or environmental research, nevertheless the collected large amounts of material seem to enable us to get an idea about the phenomenon of a large scope and social significance. Together with the increase in excessive drinking of alcohol in many countries there also emerges the category of people having conflicts with the penal code while intoxicated and of people charged with disturbance of public peace. There are relatively few studies of this large population, committing as a rule minor offences. Initiating such research the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences intended above all to find out how often various categories of persons, committing typical offences connected with drunkenness, are “problem drinkers” with intensified symptoms of deviations in behaviour and how many of them have already to be considered alcoholics. Such findings can be most significant when planning campaigns, aimed at revealing at an early stage cases requiring the interference of institutions set up to fight alcoholism, in order to prevent in such a way the spreading of certain offences and crimes.
Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I. Stanisław Szelhaus: Sprawcy przestępstw o charakterze chuligańskim II. Elżbieta Łojko: Sprawcy wykroczeń o zakłocenie spokoju publicznego w stanie nietrzeźwym III. Stanisław Batawia: Osoby niejednokrotnie przebywające w izbie wytrzeźwień IV. Stanisław Batawia: Wnioski wynikające z badań
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 15-123
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawcy wykroczeń o zakłócenie spokoju publicznego w stanie nietrzeźwym
Intoxicated Individuals Responsible for Breaches of the Peace
Autorzy:
Łojko, Elżbieta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699222.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
spokój pibliczny
sprawca wykroczenia
nadużycie alkoholu
public peace
malfeasant
abuse of alcohol
Opis:
This work discusses the results of investigations conducted by the Polish Academy of Sciences Department of Criminology, concentrating contraventions (petty misdemeanours) committed in Warsaw by “disturbance of public peace or by giving rise in a state of intoxication to indignation in a public place or place of work”. Such contraventions were covered by Art. 27 of the 1954 Act on Fighting Alcoholism, which provides for three months of imprisonment or a fine of 4,500 zlotys. As from 1972, the new Contravention Code makes the following provisions for such offences (Art. 51). Para. 1. Whoever disturbs peace, public order or night rest with shouting, noise, alarm signals or other disorder or gives rise to public indignation is liable to two months imprisonment, a fine up to 3,000 zlotys, or a reprimand. Para. 2. If the act designated in para. 1 is of the nature of hooliganism or if the offender committed it while intoxicated he is liable to three months imprisonment, to limitation of personal freedom, or to a fine (up to 5,000 zlotys). The average number of those annually convicted in Poland of disturbing the peace while intoxicated amounted between 1970-1972 to ca. 167,930, and between 1965-1967 to ca. 122,900. The average annual number of individuals convicted in Warsaw between 1970-1972 amounted to ca. 14,730, and between 1965 and 1967 ‒ to 11,800. Investigations were conducted in 5 out of 7 Penal Administrative Commissions (bodies of citizens empowered to deal with contraventions), under the auspices of the Boards of People’s Councils and involved some 900 men, convicted in 1967 of the contraventions indicated above. Data concerning all of them were collected from official records of convictions and prison terms up to the end of 1972. A random sample of 300 (out of those 900) were investigated as regards further sentences passed by Penal Administrative Commissions during the years 1967-1972 for new cases of breach of the peace while intoxicated, information as to time spent in detoxication centre (where drunks are held until sober), and police records of arrest in public places in a state of intoxication of those investigated. Data obtained concerning the number of cases tried by Penal Administrative Commissions cannot be considered as complete. The age of individuals who committed relevant offences in 1967 was as follows: 17-20 ‒ 10.8%    (96),            35-39 ‒ 14.6%            (127), 21-24 ‒ 11.2%  (100),             40-44 ‒ 10.3%           (90), 25-29 ‒ 17.8%  (158),             45-49 ‒ 6.5%  (58), 30-34 ‒ 19.5%  (175),            50 and over ‒ 9.3% (83).             Note that the group from 40 years old and above is more numerous (26%) than the group aged 17-24 (22%). The average age of those investigated in 1967 was 33 years, the median ‒ 32 years. The average age of those investigated in 1972 was 38 and the median ‒ 37. During the five years between 1967 and 1972 out of the 300 men of the random sample, 59% were only once charged with disturbing public order while intoxicated, 17% ‒ twice, 9% ‒ 3 times and 16% ‒ 4 times or more. But taking into account additional information about detainments in detoxication centre, arrests by the police in public places while intoxicated, and also criminal records, it appears that during the cource of five years only 20% of those investigated, who were only once charged before a Penal Administrative Commission for disturbing public order, did not, while intoxicated, get into such trouble as involved police intervention. Note that 34% of those tried once by the Penal Administrative Commission has been convicted by the court, and as many as 71% of those tried at least twice. Conviction by regular courts of those investigated will be discussed briefly at the end of this summary. Taking into account, in addition to, arraignments before a Penal Administrative Commission, only detainment in detoxication centre and arrest by the police for being intoxicated, the situation is as follows: ‒ among those arraigned before a Penal Administrative Commission only once for disturbing public order, arising out of intoxication, further cases of police intervention on grounds of insobriety were recorded during the course of five years as concerning 53%; ‒ among those twice convicted by a Penal Administrative Commission, police intervention more than twice was recorded as regards 81% of those investigated; ‒ among those convicted three times by a Penal Administrative Commission, police intervention more often than three times was recorded as regards 96%, and among those convicted four times and more by Penal Administrative Commission, there were none with less than 5 cases of police intervention. Police intervention at least as many as six times was depending on the number of convictions for contravention due to intoxication (1, 2, 3 and 4 and more convictions by the Penal Administrative Commission) as follows: 12% ‒44% ‒69% and 92%. Police intervention at least as many as ten times necessitated by intoxication ‒ 5% ‒ 10% ‒ 19% and 50%. 4l% kept altogether out of a detoxication centre during the fiveyear period, 20% were there once, 9% ‒ twice, 15% ‒3-4 times and 15% ‒ 5 times or more. Among those investigated who kept altogether out of a detoxication centre was a significantly larger percentage of people with only one case of arraignment before a Penal Administrative Commission. Among those appearing on the records of detoxication centre there were also some who had in addition been arrested by the police for intoxication (without having been sent to detoxication centres). Note that, together with the increase in the number of convictions by a Penal Administrative Commission, there is also a marked growth in the percentage of those conveyed to detoxication centre ‒ from 50% to 73%. Taking into account data on offenders tried by courts from the time they were 17 years old till 1972, when their average age amounted to 37 years, it was found, that 50% of those who disturbed public order while intoxicated, had not yet been convicted by courts, 19% had been convicted once, 19% ‒ 2-3 times and 12% ‒ at least 4 times, There is a significant difference between those not convicted and those convicted by a court, depending on the number of their arraignment in a Penal Administrative Commission. While 75% of those investigated who had not been convicted by a court had been tried by a Penal Administrative Commission only once, this applied only to 40% of those who had been convicted by a court; only 5% of those not convicted and 27% of those convicted by a court had been arraigned before a Penal Administrative Commission 4 times or more. Together with the number of triars by penal Administrative Commission there is a decrease also in the percentage of persons not convicted by a court, while the percentage of individuals convicted once increases from 16 to 24, of those convicted 2-3 times ‒ from 13 to 28 and of those convicted 4 times and more ‒ from 5 to 27. Examination of the age at which those investigated were first convicted by a court, revealed that in the group of those convicted 1-3 times by a court, 25%  had been sentenced for the first time at the age of 17-20 years, 25% at the age of 21-24. Of those convicted 4 times or more, 38% had been sentenced for the first time when 17-20 years old and 26% at the age of 21-24. Thus, there were more recidivists with multiple convictions among those arraigned for the first time when still under 21. As many as 38% of those convicted less than 4 times and 19% of those convicted 4 times or more were arraigned for the first time after the age of 30. Note that only 18% of delinquents between 17 and 20 had been charged in the Juvenile Court while under 17. Although as regards the group of recidivists convicted 4 times and more it was found that there had been convictions at an earlier age than was the case with those convicted 1-3 times, nevertheless this initiation was markedly later than was the case with the typical multiple recidivists who were previously investigated by the Polish Academy of Sciences Department of Criminology. Among those recidivists as many as 67% had been previously convicted when under 21; among those who disturbed public order while intoxicated and were convicted by court, the corresponding percentage is 37%. The structure of offences of the individuals investigated, is highly characteristic of people who systematically consume alcohol to excess. Among the offences for which those investigated were convicted by courts less than 4 times, only 24% were qualified as offences against property, while as many as 46% were offences involving aggression (as a rule physical aggression) ‒ with a predominance of minor assaults without causing any bodily harm and slight bodily injuries or assaults on policemen, as a rule committed under the influence of alcohol. Even among offences of which were convicted recidivists who had already previously been sentenced at least four times, not more than 33% stole, while as many as 51% committed offences involving aggression (of the kind of those already referred to). Offences against the person committed by all those investigated were usually (80%) minor assaults and slight bodily injuries; not more than 13% lead to serious crimes of this type. In analysing data on offences committed by those investigated it should be borne in mind that 52.5% of the total of those responsible for breaches of the peace while under the influence of alcohol had not been previously convicted by a court and approximately 20% have been convicted only once.   *   The research here discussed, covering a five-year period after a hearing in 1967 before a Penal Adrninistrative Commission and serving as a starting point for further studies, revealed trends of some practical importance: ‒ together with the growing number of trials of breach of the peace while under the influence of alcohol, there is an increase in the numer of individuals investigated who were brought to detoxication centres, in the frequency of such occasions, and in other interventions by the police; moreover records show a growing percentage of those convicted by courts and of recidivists, convicted four times or more; – the percentage of individuals investigated who have to be taken to the detoxication centres shows an increase from 50% in the case of those only once arraigned before a Penal Administrative Commission to 71% with the case of those arraigned twice, and 73% of those charged at least three times in the Commission; – as from the second trial of an individual before a Penal Administrative Commission an intensified deterioration is to be observed in behaviour as a result of excessive consumption of alcohol; this justifies classifying such individuals as excessive drinkers, in many cases already on the verge of alcoholism or even already alcoholics.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 51-69
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wnioski wynikające z badań
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699226.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sprawca przestępstwa
sprawca wykroczenia
nadużycie alkoholu
perpetrator of an offence
malfeasant
abuse of alcohol
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 108-127
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Młodociani sprawcy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
Young Adult Perpetrators of Offences Against Property
Autorzy:
Paszkowska, Hanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699058.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępstwo
młodociani
przestępca młodociany
przestępczość
nieletniość
recydywiści
środowisko rodzinne
spożywanie alkoholu
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
offense
juvenile
juvenile offender
criminality
nonage
recidivists
family environment
alcohol consumption
crime against property
Opis:
The new Polish penal legislation of 1969 introduced special rules of criminal liability of young adult offenders' aged 17-20. In 1972 criminological research was undertaken in order to characterize this group of offenders, i.e., its most numerous category - those found guilty of offences against property. The research ended in 1975. In 1980 a follow-up of convictions of the persons, under observation was carried out. The object of the study of young adults found guilty of offences against property was to analyse the psycho-social factors connected with their social maladjustment and demoralization, particularly their family and school environment, personality, extent of drinking and offending. It was also the object of the study to compare two groups of young adult towards whom different measures had been adjudicated. As the most typical offences of young adults are those against property, a group of young adults convicted for this very type of offences was included in the study. There were 100 persons under examination who had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment. This group consisted of all prisoners of two Warsaw prisons in the years 1973-75 (group A). The group of young adults (group B) consisted of 100 persons conviced in 1973 for offences against property and sentenced to fine, limitation of freedom, imprisonment with suspension of execution, or educational-corrective measures. The two groups of convicted persons that were selected for the study, different as regards the adjudicated and executed measures, were compared in many respects in order to ascertain the distinctions between them as regards the degree of intensity of the process of social maladjustment which had been related to the application of various penal measures. Empirical research consisted in gathering detailed information on the persons under scrutiny concerning their previous convictions, their school career and the course of work. Also interviews were carried out with them and separately with their mothers, by means of a detailed questionnaire. Three psychological tests were also employed towards each person, that is Raven’s intelligence test, Eysenck’s questionnaire to measure extroversion and neurotism and Buss-Durkee inventory to measure aggression. 3.1. Offences against property constituted the criterion for selection to the study. The most numerous group were convictions for larceny qualified as “stealing in a particularly audacious manner or by a breaking and entering” (Art. 208 of the Penal Code), though the “audacious theft” was extremely rare as compared with the second choice. 64% of the persons of group A had been  convicted for offences described in this article, the percentage as regards group B being 35%. Many persons also committed thefts of social property, while the receiving of stolen goods was the least frequent. Generally, the persons of group A had been active for a longer time than those of group B, and their offences were more frequently qualified as continuous. It should also be emphasized that the mean value of the objects stolen by the persons of group B was considerably lower than it was the case with the young adults of group A. It also happened (16% of cases) that the act of the young adults of group B ended as a mere attempt at committing an offence. To sum up, the offences against property committed by the persons, sentenced to immediate imprisonment were more serious than those committed by the young adults towards whom other measures had been adjudicated. 3.2. 69% of the persons of group A had cases in juvenile courts, while as many as 84% admitted having committed offences, mostly thefts, at that age. On the other hand, 44% of the persons of group B had committed offences for which they were brought to court as juveniles. The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.00l). The origins of delinquency dating back from before the age of 13 were found in as many as 23 persons of group A and 10 persons of group B. The earlier they started to commit offences and had their first case in juvenile court, the more numerous were their subsequent convictions in that period. The mean number of convictions in juvenile court was 2,2 in group A and 1,6 in group B. The structure of delinquency of the persons under examination is hardly differentiated: they committed first of all offences against property (85.7%), mostly larceny. The juvenile court, had employed such measures as admonition and charge of parents in the case of persons of group B considerably more frequently than towards those of group A (25% and 8.7% respectively). On the other hand, the persons of group A had been much more frequently sent to children’s homes and to corrective schools (44.9%) than those of group B (25%). 3.3. In the period discussed below all the persons were young adults, with the mean age similar in both groups: 19 in group A and 18.9 in group B. The mean number of convictions of the persons of groups A from the age of 17 was 1.7, and in group B 1.2. Each member of group A was responsible for 3.3. offences, while in group B the mean number of offences was 2.2. It should not be forgotten that many persons, particularly those of group A, were  repeatedly imprisoned in the discussed period. A considerable majority of the persons of both groups who had committed more than one offence, were convicted for offences against property only. The data quoted above illustrate the whole of delinquency of the persons under examination and recidivism among them. Taking into account both the period of minority and the later period from 17 years of age on, there were as many as 4 per every five persons of group A who had already been convicted before, and in group B nearly every second person had had a conviction previously (the difference is significant, p < 0.01). These data confirm the conclusion as to the more advanced process of demoralization of the young adults of group A as compared with group B. 49% of the persons guilty of offences against property of group A came from unbroken homes; the respective percentage in group B was 71% (difference significant, p < 0.001). Broken homes resulted mostly from the death of one parent (23% of cases in group A and 15% in group B), or from divorce (28% of cases in group A, 14% in group B). A majority of the persons came from workmen’s families (90.5% in group A, 70.7% in group B). The level of professional qualifications and education of parents of the persons examined is significantly lower (p < 0.01) in group A as compared with group B. Approximately 60% of families of the persons of group A and 67% of group B had been living in poor financial conditions, which was connected, among others, with excessive drinking of the fathers. 56.3% of fathers of the persons of group A had regularly been drinking excessively, that is drinking vodka at least twice a week. This percentage was only 26.3% in group B, it was lowered, however, as the examination of young adults of young adults of group B was carried on at home, often with the fathers themselves present. 37% of fathers in group A and 19% of those in group B had been taken to a detoxication centre, including 21% and 14% respectively taken at least three times. As in other criminological studies, in the present one young adults have not been found to live in criminal family environment. It was extremely rare that the fathers of the persons examined had criminal records. To sum up, certain negative phenomena were more frequent in the families of young adults of group A (for instance, broken home, excessive drinking of fathers). However, the cumulation of a number of negative factors could have influenced in a particulary unfarourable way the process of socialization of the persons under examination. 5.1. There were 37% of the persons of group A and 23% of those (p< 0.001) of group B with elementary education, and 18% and 5% respectively with incomplete elementary education. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). School retardation which appears more often among delinquents than among non-delinquents is connected with a lower level of education of young adults. Among the young adults of group A as few as 17% revealed no  retardation, the percentage as regards group B being 46.5%. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). The retardation of the persons of group B usually amounts to one year only, while it is often 3 years or more among the persons of group A. School problems are also connected with truancy (group A - 78%, group B – 66% of the examined persons), which begins in the very first grades of elementary school. Early and regular truancy of the persons of group A was one of the symptoms of their maladjustment. Truancy is conducive to running away from home. The persons under scrutiny, particularly those of group A, had  been running away from home considerably often and for longer periods. 2. Among those who were employed, every second person in group A and every fifth person in group B worked casually only. They usually took jobs requiring low professional qualifications, as only few of them had any professional training (group A-38%, group B-62%). 6.1. Raven’s test was employed to estimate the level of intelligence of the persons examined. 53.6% of young adults of group A and 31.7% of group B scored low and very low (up to 25 centile). 10.3% of group A and 29.3% of  group B scored high and very high (centile 75 and more). The mean score was 35.4 in group A standard deviation: 9.87, and 41.1 in group B (standard deviation 10.09). The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.01). Low scares on the Raven’s scale were often found among those persons whose level of education had been low, which was accompanied by a considerable school retardation. 2. To measure the level of extroversion and neurotism, Eysenck’s MPI scale was employed. The level of extroversion and neurotism among the young adult perpetrators of offences against property was not found to be higher than that of the average youth. 6.3. The level of aggressiveness was examined by means of the Buss-Durkee questionnaire. None of its scales differentiated significantly the persons of both groups. The mean total score was 61.7 (standard deviation 21.4) in group A and 61.06 (standard deviation 23.6) in group B. The data given below concern the persons of group A only, as the information obtained from those of group B as to the volume and frequency of drinking among them do not seem reliable. The analysis of statements of the subjects reveals that the percentage of teetotallers diminishes with age. The persons examined have been drinking large amounts of alcohol from their earliest years. 36% of them stated that they had drunk such quantities of various spirits at the age of 15, which converted  to 40 proof vodka would amount to 2.5 litres a month. From the age of 17 on, 60% of the persons drank over 2.5 litres of 40 proof alcohol a month. They  drank vodka as well as wine and beer, which leads relatively quickly to the “treshold of intoxication”. Mean yearly consumption of alcohol per 1 examined person was 34.2 litres at the age of 15, and increased sed from year to year to reach 113.7 litres yearly at the age of 19, which means that approximately 9.5 litres of 40 proof vodka were consumed monthly; this quantity goes far beyond the mean level of drinking by men at this age. 3/4 of the subjects can be recognized as excessive drinkers. A significant correlation was found between the excessive drinking among the persons under scrutiny and their early delinquency and recidivism. The highest percentage (40%) of the persons who did not drink excessively was found among those convicter once only, while the lowest (14.8%) was found among those who had 5 or more convictions. The analysis of the young adults’ information as to their , peer groups revealed that also their closest friends had been drinking excessively and often intoxicated. In February 1980, further convictions of the persons examined, then aged 25 on the average, were checked up again. As revealed by the analysis, the persons of group A (60%) still continued to commit offences and indeed many of them become multiple recidivists. The difference between the persons of groups A and B is significant (p < 0.001). 40% of the persons of group A and 67% of those of group B have not been convicted within the period of the follow-up. The majority of the persons under observation continued to commit offences against property. The courts have mainly adjudged the penalty of immediate imprisonment (group A - 92.3%, group B - 78.2%). Among those sentenced to immediate imprisonment there were in group A 57.1% sentenced to 2 years or less of imprisonment, and in group B - 93%. There was significant correlation (p < 0.01)between the convictions in juvenile courts and further convictions in the period of the follow-up. As the data reveal, group B towards which the sanctions other than immediate imprisonment were adjudicated, differed from the imprisoned group A as to the smaller extent and intensity of their offending -  also during the follow-up - and their lower degree of progress in the process of social maladjustment. However, there were quite many persons in group B as well (though less than in group A), who had been convicted as juveniles; they had  yet no convictions during the follow-up in a much highter percentage of cases than the subjects of group. A who had been convicted by the juvenile court previously. On the basis of the above information, criminal policy can be discussed as regards young adults found guilty of offences against property. One should not postulate a total abandonment of the penalty of immediate imprisonment, and yet, as shown by the above data, its adjudgement should be considerably limited. The limitation in question should concern first of all young adults convicted for the first time and socially demoralized to a small degree. Within the years 1970 -76 imprisonment was the measure most frequently adjudicated towards young adults. In the years 1970 - 1974 the percentage of young adults sentenced to immediate imprisonment increased regularly. It is only since 1975 that a favourable phenomenon of regular decrease of the percentage of adjudicated penalties of immediate imprisonment can be noticed, with simultaneous increase of the percentage of measures which are not connected with deprivation of liberty. As it seems, the application of immediate imprisonment towards young adults should undergo further limitations. When postulating the re-orientation of the criminal policy of the courts towards a maximum realization of the instructions of Art. 51of the Penal Code, one should also demand changes in the stage of execution of penalty. As indicated , by many studies of readaptive effectiveness of corrective schools and prisons, their influence is minimal and sometimes their resocializing activities are destructive for the convicted persons. Imprisonment causes a state of deprivation of essential physical and mental needs, destroys the ties of those convicted with their family, gives rise to socially negative patterns of prisoners’ subculture. In the present study also the offenders of group A were described, the considerable part of whom had been changing various types of institutions and prisons, first as juveniles, then as young adults, and the effects of these imprisonments were negative as measured by further convictions within the period of the follow-up. The information presented in this study concerning the family background of the persons of group A (particularly the alcoholism or excessive drinking of the fathers, which is frequent in these families), and information concerning the early and large social maladjustment of these persons, indicate a need to consider the problem of young adult perpetrators of offences against property not only in relation to the measures that should be adjudged and their execution. It is also of almost importance to consider the prevention of social maladjustment of this category of youth.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 403-445
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nadużywanie alkoholu w biografiach młodocianych toksykomanów
Excessive Drinking in the Biographies of Young Adult Drug Addicts
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Jerzy W.
Zakrzewski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699052.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
środki uzależniające
uzależnienie od substancji
młodociani
nadużywanie alkoholu
toksykomania
alcohol abuse
addictive substances
substance dependence
juvenile
toxicomania
Opis:
In the present study the young adult drug addicts are discussed who were included in the multidisciplinary research conducted by the Department of Mental Health of the Polish Academy of Sciences. An attempt is made to reveal the psycho-social mechanisms which cause the co-existence of excessive drinking and taking other drugs causing dependence. This problem is insufficiently elucidated both in Polish and foreign scientific literature. We do not cite here the description of the methods employed in the study of sufficient information is provided for in the summary of the study of the progress of dependence and changes in the social behavior of young adult drug addicts, published in the present volume. Attention should be drawn to a difference in the methods: in the present study, we deal first of all with young adult males. Among girls, excessive drinking does not play any important role, therefore the coexistence of alcohol and other drugs in their life stories occurs comparatively rarely. The phenomenon of excessive drinking occurred in 48 boys - drug addicts, which makes 58% of the total of 83 boys. Excessive drinking generally preceded the taking of drugs; alcohol was also used as a mean to soften the abstinence symptoms due to a temporary lack of the basic drug; drinking resulted also from a futile attempt at withdrawal from an advanced morphine habit. The cases of simultaneous drinking and taking of narcotic drugs in order to achieve more intense experiences were rare, as well as those of alternate drinking and taking drugs; in this last case, it meant that the individual was first of all anxious to strenghten the bonds between the members of the group, not yet feeling any mental nor all the more physical symptoms of dependence on alcohol or other drugs. To sum up, we noted in the large part of the addicts the easiness of changing from narcotic drugs to alcohol and vice versa. The possible general interpretation of these facts is as follows: individuals with certain personality deficiencies are characterized by a low tolerance to defeats, stress and tensions, which causes the need to seek the so-called “mental prothesis” or the desire to change one’s own state of mind. These needs and desires can be aggravated by the intensified symptoms of puberty, among them excessive and inadequate emotional reactions, discontent with one’s everyday duties and necessities, states of depression and dysphoria. Both alcohol and narcotic drugs can soothe these needs on temporarily satisfy them, though naturally not identically nor to the same extent. Therefore, where greater efficiency of reaction is desired, the individual may pass on to narcotic drugs. On the other hand, when the person is first of all anxious to soothe the conflicts with his immediate environment, to avoid pressure by the police and the sentence, i.e., meet with more indulgence on the part of his environment and at the same time to have less problems with purchasing a particular drug, and thus to avoid in future the painful  withdrawal symptoms - in such cases the conversion from morphine or other drugs to alcohol is probable. Among the individuals who had often drunk alcohol before they started taking narcotic drugs, the later reverse to alcohol to soothe withdrawal  symptoms caused by the lack of morphine or other drugs which brought about the state of dependence, is highly probable as the individuals in question already know the influence, of alcohol and the favourable reaction of their organism to it.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 389-401
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieprzystosowanie społeczne i środowiska rodzinne młodzieży systematycznie nadużywającej alkoholu
The Social Maladjustment and Family Background of Young Heavy Drinkers
Autorzy:
Mościskier, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699068.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
nadużywanie alkoholu
młodzież
środowisko rodzinne
przestępczość
alkoholizm
nieletni
social maladjustment
alcohol abuse
youth
family environment
criminality
alcoholism
juvenile
Opis:
The present paper is a report on the studies conducted in the years 1975-77, dealing with a group of young regularly excessively drinking men aged 18-25. The population from which the sample was randomly drawn consisted of men aged 18-25 inhabiting 4 of the 7 districts of Warsaw and reported by the district constables of the police as persons regularly excessively drinking (that is, getting drunk more frequently than once a week). The district constables reported the total of 1,273 men meeting the above criteria, which makes about 3% of the number of all men of this age living in these districts. In reality, the percentage of men of this age regularly excessively drinking is probably much higher, as a considerable number of constables stated that they worked in their districts for too short a period to know all the persons living there who would qualify for the study. From the mentioned population, 331 persons were randomly drawn for the study. The materials employed consist of interviews with the mothers of the examined persons and of information from official sources court records, prison files, documents of juvenile courts and detoxication centres. The similar data were gathered as regards all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25. When beginning the study, it was acknowledged that considering the criteria for the selection of the population, first of all persons with negative family background would be selected and that this very environmental  characteristic would be the main determinant of differentiating the main group from the control group, where the family background - as it was easy to foresee - would be of a more favourable character. It was thus decided to eliminate the influence of family background variable in the selection of the control group, so as to render possible the protrusion - of other characteristics which differentiate the persons regularly excessively drinking from those of the control group. Considering this, the control group was made of all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25 but were not reported by the district constables as regularly excessively drinking. There were 111 brothers meeting these criteria, and they make the control group in the present study. The first part of the study was to verify if the family background of the examined persons and those included in the control group was indeed as negative as presumed. In this case, the hypnothesis was fully confirmed. Among the 311 families of those examined as many as 166 (53,3%) were one-parent or broken families which dated back to the time when the persons under examination had been minors. The families were in general numerous, average being 3 children per family, while there were 88 (28.3%) families with 4 or more children. For the further characterization of the families the data regarding fathers were employed. It turned out that 158 (50.8%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking; in fact in the majority of cases they were alcoholics. At least 98 (31.5%) fathers were convicted by courts and 91 (29.3%) by the Penal Administrative Commissions. Taking all these three characteristics together, it was stated that as many as 194 (62,4%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking or had criminal records. These data point to the large intensity of pathological phenomena in the families of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. And yet on the other hand, taking into account the social and professional status (education and profession) of the fathers, their situation in this respect was found better than supposed, though they belonged to the lower social classes. The second part of the study deals with the extent of social maladjustment of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. Apart from the fact that - according to the principles of sample selection - all the persons should have been regular heavy drinkers, the gathered data were verified in respect of their confirmation of this fact. As regularly excessively drinking the persons were recognized who - according to their mother’s statements - got drunk more often than once a week or had been taken into the detoxication entre. There were 253 (76.4%) such persons in the main group and 44 (40%) in the control group. Also, a category of persons who drank most frequently was distinguished, those who were probably alcoholics. In this category there were included persons who - according to their mothers’ statements - got drunk at least twice a week or had been taken into the Detoxication Centre at least three times. There were 122 (37%) such persons in the main group, and 17 (16%) in the control group. As to the symptoms of social maladjustment, they were decidedly greater in the main group than in the control group, which dated back as far as their childhood. And so, for instance, severe school problems (uncompleted elementary education or repeating classes) were found in 60.7% of the examined persons and in 42.3% of their brothers from the control group. 57.1% of the examined persons and 30.6% of their brothers from control group  committed thefts outside their home and respectively 23.9% and 10.8% were placed in reformatories in consequence of their stealing. The differences in the extent of social maladjustment among both groups increased with age, and grew particularly large in the age of adulthood. And so, as many as 57.1% of the examined persons stayed out of work or worked irregularly as compared with 21.6% of their brothers from the control group. Suicidal attempts and self-injuries were performed by 29.3% of persons under scrutiny and by 9% of their brothers from the control group. There are also obvious differences as to the extent of delinquency in both groups. 42% of the persons examined and only 17.1% of their brothers had action brought against them in Penal Administrative Commissions and 60.1% of the persons examined and 28.8% of their brothers were convicted by court. Taking into account those convicted by court only, the percentage of recidivists was 50.8% in the test group and 46.9% in the control group, whereas the character of delinquency was similar in both groups, the majority being violent offences. Considering the fact that the control group consisted of brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25, the great difference in the occurrence of the symptoms of social maladjustment between the two groups should be emphasized. Considering the decidedly negative character of the family background of both the persons examined and their brothers from the control group, the extent of social maladjustment in both groups could have been expected to be similar. On the other hand, it could be assumed that from the very criterion of selection to the main group - that is, from the information that the person in question regularly drank excessively, while there was no such information as to the brothers from the control group - it appears that alcohol is the factor that causes the larger extent of social maladjustment among the persons examined as compared with their brothers from the control group. However, this argument seems doubtful in the light of the data as to the social maladjustment during childhood, when drinking did not as yet come into question. As early as in the childhood, the persons examined manifested symptoms of social maladjustment to a decidedly higher degree than their brothers from the control group. In thus seems more probable that the larger intensity both of drunkness, and of other symptoms of social maladjustment is based on the personality characteristics, which are revealed in the early childhood. It is, however, beyond the limits of the present study to supply documentary evidence for this argument or to point out - on the basis of the empirical data - some individualistic characteristics influencing the subsequent social maladjustment; it will be accomplished in another study. This problem was, however, worthy of attention, being important for the theory as well as for practice, all the more so as the trend now prevails to take into account first of all the environmental factors in preventive and corrective treatment. The material presented above seems to suggest that the extent of social maladjustment among different persons with equally negative family backgrounds is influenced at least to the same and perhaps even greater degree by individual psychological than by environmental factors.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 339-362
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozmiary nieprzystosowania społecznego uczniów warszawskich szkół podstawowych
The extent of social maladjustment among children of Warsaw elementary schools
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699042.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
szkoła podstawowa
uczniowie warszawscy
nieprzystosowanie szkolne
demoralizacja
kradzież
wagary
agresja
spożywanie alkoholu
social maladjustment
primary school
Warsaw students
school maladjustment
demoralization
theft
truancy
aggression
alcohol consumption
Opis:
In the school year 1976/77 the Department of Criminology, Institute of State and Law, Polish Academy of Sciences, began research whose object was - among others - to ascertain the extent of social maladjustment among children from Warsaw elementary schools. As socially maladjusted were recognized children, whose behavior was characterized by a complex of comparatively persistent symptoms pointing to inobservance by those children of fundamental rules of behavior obligatory for the youth of this age (that is, truancy, hour-long gallivating round the streets without control, keeping company of demoralized colleagues, thefts, running away from home, drinking, taking drugs, sexual demoralization, vandalism, aggression). In the study were included all children of 3rd- 8th grades of 50 elementary schools in Warsaw: it was a random sample from all schools of this type in the city. There were over 600 classes included in the study, with the total of 17,662 children aged 9- 15.             The main object of the study was to find out how many children with the symptoms of social maladjustment there are among the pupils of grades 3- 8. It was to be achieved by obtaining information from the teachers about those among their pupils whose behavior covered by the definition of social maladjustment as presented above.             The extent of social maladjustment among the children of Warsaw elementary schools was found to be substantial, as there were 6.5% of socially maladjusted children in the classes examined (10% of the boys and 2.7% of the girls). The extent is greater in the higher grades (there were as many as 15.4% of socially maladjusted boys and 4.4% of such girls in the 8th grade), and lower in the lower grades (respectively 7.4% of boys and 1.4% of girls in the 3rd grade). From the 7th grade an exceptionally distinct increase is pronounced.             The percentage of boys revealing symptoms of social maladjustment is 3,7 times higher than that of girls. Among girls, there is a more pronounced increase in the extent of social maladjustment in higher grades as compared with lower grades, than it is the case among boys. Among the eldest girls the symptoms of social maladjustment intensified than among the eldest boys.             The study revealed also large differences in the extent of social maladjustment among different schools. The percentage of socially maladjusted children ranged from 2.3% in the ’’best” school to 17% in the "worst" one. The classes in the "worsts" schools were found to be smaller than those in the “best” ones where the disclosure of a smaller number of socially maladjustment children could have been connected with the poorer acquaintance of the teachers with their pupils in larger classes. The districts of the “worst” schools were also often defined by the head-masters as "difficult”, that is inhabited by families estimated by them as unfavorable educational environment.             The definition of social maladjustment assumed in the study revealed first of all the children who: gallivanted (77% of socially maladjusted boys and 75% of girls), played truant (70% of boys and 79% of girls), kept company of demoralized colleagues (55 and 44% respectively). The next most frequently occurring type of behavior was stealing (1/3 of boys and 1/5 of girls), while it was seldom that the children with the symptoms of social maladjustment were considered as drinking alcohol (merely 16% of boys and 14% of girls), which result not only from the fact that the children start drinking in the higher grades, but also from the teachers being only poorly informed as to the extent of drinking among their pupils. Running away from home occurs seldom among the socially maladjusted children (13% of boys and 15% of girls), as well as the symptoms of sexual demoralization (which were, however, found in as many as 20% of socially maladjusted girls from the highest grade, and in only 5% of boys from this grade); the teachers gave no information whatever as to the taking of drugs by socially maladjusted children.             In the obtained picture of social maladjustment among school children there was a variety of the types of behavior regarded as symptoms of maladjustment; the intercorrelations between separate symptoms were not strong. Connections between these symptoms are more frequent and stronger in the case of children from higher grades, in whom the process of social maladjustment is more intense. The child from the 3rd grade defined as socially maladjusted is first of all a neglected child: gallivanting, playing truant, keeping company of demoralized colleagues, often behaving aggressively. Among the 8th grade children a larger cumulation of various types of behavior was found and also other symptoms were noted much more frequently. In the lower grades, truancy is the behavior which initiates and intensifies the process of social maladjustment: among those playing truant the cumulation of other symptoms can be found much more often than among other children. In the case of older boys, it is the company of demoralized colleagues that acquires the initiating and intensifying role in the process of social maladjustment.. It increases and shapes aggressive attitudes, provides patterns and encouragement to drinking alcohol, and is also conducive to gallivanting, stealing and sexual demoralization.             According to the teachers, the majority (over 2/3) of the socially maladjusted children had severe learning problems, which had distinct repercussion on their unsatisfactory school progress. Such children were termed maladjusted to school education. Apart from the socially maladjusted children, the teachers also named 6,2% of boys and 3,5% of girls from the examined classes as revealing symptoms of school maladjustment. Every sixth boy from the classes included in the study was socially maladjusted or maladjusted to school, and every sixteenth girl. As the children grew up, there was a trend to cumulation of the symptoms of social and school maladjustment in them. Among the socially maladjusted boys from the lowest grades, an essential dependence was found between their reading and writing problems and their truancy, which - as stated above - initiates the process of social maladjustment in these grades. When asked about the causes of the child’s learning problems, which occur among the half of socially maladjusted children, the teachers indicated the insufficient care at home and bad family situation as the cause. Among boys, this cause is particularly important in the case of socially maladjusted children from lower grades (2/3 of all cases), and diminishes in the higher grades when - according to the teachers - it is the child himself who is to blame, particularly for his laziness.             According to the teachers, among the families of socially maladjusted children those are prevailing who - for various reasons - are incapable of coping with their protective and educational tasks. Among the socially maladjusted children, the contribution of those from incomplete families (approximately 1/3 of the families of socially maladjusted boys and as many as 42.2% of the families of girls) and those brought up by mothers alone (approximately 1/4 of boys and 1/3 of girls) is much greater than in the average population. The degree of education of the parents is usually low with physical workers prevailing, and while the fathers usually have some professional training, the majority of mothers have no profession at all. In the families examined both parents usually work out of home (which is typical of a Polish urban family).             In the families of over 1/3 of maladjusted boys and nearly 1/2 of girls, there are conditions that decided about their distinct socially deprived character as educational environment. According to the teachers, alcoholism or excessive drinking of one of the parent accurs in over 1/3 of these families. The family background of socially maladjusted girls is more socially negative than this of boys. The intensity of negative characteristics of the environment was particularly explicit among the children whose social and school maladjustment symptoms were cumulated.             The majority of socially maladjusted children had learning problems concerning at least two school subjects. The majority had also problems in learning to read and write and were still below the level of their grade at the time of the study as regards their command of these skills which are essential for school education.             Protective and educational activities undertaken by schools in respect of socially maladjusted children are minimal as compared with the needs. Only 10% of boys and 15% of girls visit day-rooms or day stay-in schools. As few as 11% of boys and 8% of girls attend youth clubs in the culture clubs. While the day-rooms and day stay-in schools are visited by children from worse family environment, usually those taken better care of in their families attend youth clubs.             A large part (approximately 2/3) of socially maladjusted children were included in the "summer holiday action” and participated in holiday camps. Also, regarding a large part of them psychologists and educators were consulted; however, the teachers await assistance of guidance centre not only in the form of diagnosis but also of a long-term treatment of maladjusted child and his family.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 191-231
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spożycie napojów alkoholowych w Polsce w 1980 r.
Consumption of Alcohol in Poland in 1980
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699174.pdf
Data publikacji:
1984
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
napoje alkoholowe
spożycie alkoholu
Polska
pozwany
konsument
alcohol consumption
alcohol
respondent
consumer
problems
; consumer
Opis:
    The study described in the paper and has been conceived as a continuation and  partly a repetition or studies carried out in 1961 and 1962 by A. Swięcicki and then in 1968 by J. K. Falewicz.  All of these studies were carried out by the Centre for Public Opinion Survey (now: Centre for Public Opinion Survey and Program Studies) of the Committee for Radio and TV in Warsaw. The instrument used in them was a questionnaire filled in by the interviewer during his interview with the respondent.     The first study, conducted in February and March 1961, included a sample of a population aged 20 and over, while in the second one, which was made in October  1962, u sample aged 18 and over was included. In both studies, the assumed samples numbered 3000 respondents each, the obtained sample being 95.6 per cent and 93.6 per cent of the assumed sample  respectively. The third study was carried out in March and April 1968: it included a sample of population aged 18  and over (assumed sample - 3212 respondents, obtained sample – 91.7 per cent). The present, i.e., the fourth study, was conducted in September  1980 and it included a sample  of population aged 16 and over, of the assumed size of 2000 respondents; the obtained sample  numbered 1972 persons, which  is 98.6 per cent of the assumed one. In the case of all the four studies the deviation  of the obtained sample from the assumed one was slight which permitted them to be treated as random sample of the general population.      The chief aim of the 1980 study was to obtain data which would be comparable with those previously  acquired  and those up-to-date, concerning the distribution of consumption of alcohol among the population of Poland. The previous studies, dating back at least a dozen years, were not only old, but they were carried out in the period when general level of consumption of alcohol was approximately half of that in 1980. It seemed more  difficult to answer the question to what degree the observations then made still applied to the new situation. There was a demand for some new data it last to replace the guesses made from the factual basis which, as the years went by, became more and more uncertain.          In spite of the fact that the present study wbs made in the same way as the previous ones, it seems that the above aims have not been achieved. The data now obtained are not fully comparable with the previous, first of all because the 1980 survey successfully covered a considerably smaller amount of alcohol consumed  in our country than those of  1961 and 1962. Undoubtedly, this was caused by various factors, the most important of which being probably the fact that the representation among the respondents of persons who drank intensively and most intensively was scantier in the present study than it had been in the studies conducted by A. Swięcicki. Consequently, the 1961-1962 and 1980 surveys  concerned different categories of drinking persons, the ranges of which were not identical in both cases.        As regards the scond aim of the study, which was to obtain current data on consumption of alcohol in Poland, we were unsuccessful again, as life proved to run too fast. The 1980 survey was carried out in October 1980, that is one might say at the last moment before the difficulties with alcohol supplies began, as yet unknown in our country, which resulted in regulated sale of alcoholic beverages. This caused the appearance of new phenomena as well as the aggravation of those hitherto existing, Undoubtedly, it was a new phenomenon that people started to buy alcohol not only to consume it, but also to gret rid of the rapidly devaluating money, or in order to obtain a kind of exchange value. Other new phenomena were: trade in coupons entitling one to buy alcohol, and the appearance of black-market prices of spirits produced by the State-controlled distilleries; in certain periods, these prices were twice as high as the official ones. Speaking of aggravation of the existing phenomena, we had in mind first of all the illicit distillation of liquor, the attractiveness of which increased greatly in the face of joint effect of two circumstances: the rapid increase in the price of legally distilled and imported alcohol, and the difficulties in its legal (and even illegal) purchase. It was impossible for the 1980 survey to answer the following questions: what the influence of all these phenomena on the patterns of drinking that had already been shaped before in our country was, and how these patterns were modified. It is known that people drink somewhat differently now. It may be supposed that the persons who used to consume small amounts of alcohol before and who used to drink with restraint now drink less or do not drink at all, while those who used to drink much before - even if they do drink less now, the difference is slight, the illegally distilled liquor playing a greater part in the total amount of alcohol they consume. As to this last problem, opinions are expressed according to which consumption of the illegally distilles liquor has become a much more popular experiences in the course  of the ‘80s than it had been before. Finally, conjectures are made that alcohol-dependent persons, after the first period of difficulties with providing themselves with the amount of alcohol which would be adequate to their habits, in general have now found ways to satisfy their needs in this respect. It remains a guess if the above conjectures are true or not, and the same applies to suppositions concerning persistent or temporary character of the abovementioned changes in patterns of consumption of alcohol. Thus the results of the survey describe the situation as it was a few years ago as this situation undoubtedly changed later on.        As the paper clearly shows, consumption of alcohol in Poland is a common phenomenon: an everyday habit for many of our fellow citizens, a regular one (though not necessarily at regular intervals)- for the majority. In a statistical-descriptive sense drinking should, therefore, be termed normal behaviour, as it appears more or less regularly in the behaviour of a majority of adult members of our society, whenever they find themselves in situations such as celebrations family, meeting  friends, or official occasions.        The above remarks by no means solve the question of estimation of drinking, which- in spite of its habitual character in the statistical-descriptive sense- may in some cases be recognized as most deeply pathological in the medical sense, and in the same adn frequently also in other cases- as pathological in its social expression.       As regards the medical appraisal- the questionnaire did not contain a large set of questions of this kind, therefore, it was able to yield but a most scanty basis fof conjectures as to the symptoms of alcohol dependence of some of the respondents.       The situation was different as regards the social appraisal of the consumption of alcohol. In order to make use of such an  appraisal, an initial poblem had to be solved: what amount, frequency, and way of consuming alcohol should or should not be regarded as that included within the limits of a „social norm”. The problem is complex, for, on the one hand, the opinions as to where the limits are vary in our socjety, and, on the other hand, there are probably many such limits, depending not only on the person who is to fix them, but also on that to whom they may apply. It is generally known that in our society there are advocates of prohibition (who are of opinion that zero consumption should be the social norm), as well as propagators of „reasonable consumption” which is a term with many shades, and finally adherents of opinion that consumption of alcohol is a private matter for everyone to decide by himself (that is those who consider  any  kind of drinking, as well as abstinence, to come within the limits of socially approved norm).  Apart from the advocates of the two extreme opinions, which provide one norm for all members of the society,  others, i.e., the propagators of „reasonable” drinking tend to emploi a norm according to who the drinking person is. This finds expression in a different attitude towards drinking by men and women, tolerance towards the drinking by adults accompanied by strict disapproval in the case of the youth, different expectations as to the attitude towards alcohol drinking by members of different socio-professional groups. In this situation, with the lack of a common opinion as regards „socially normal” drinking, it seemed preferable to refrain from estimating the alcohol consumption in terms of social pathology.        In a survey of alcohol consumption in which samples of population of the entire country or a smaller territory are included, it is vital how the questions about the respondents’  drinking habits are asked. In the research practice, two solutions of this problem have been provided: first, to ask about the last occasion on which the respondent drank, what he drank then, how much he drank and in what circumstances, and second, to ask about his drinking within a given, shorter or longer, period of time. It has been a tradition of Polish studies in this field to choose the first of these solutions, so this method has also been employed in the present study. The last occasion was treated as typical of the respondent’s  way of drinking, and a yearly consumption was calculated for each of tchem, as well as for all persons included in the sample. As compared with the data on alcohol sale gathered in our country, it appeared that the 1980 survey covered 43 per cent of the total of consumed vodka. This percentage corresponds to that which can be found in analogous foreign studies, yeti t is considerably lower than the one obtained by A. Święcicki in his 1961 and particularly 1962 studies. The probable effect on the comparability of this studies with the present one has already been discussed  above. Interest was also paid in the questionnaire to the consumption of home-made wine, which appeared to account for 39 per cent of the consumption of purchased wine covered by the study, and the consumption of „home-distilled vodka” (i.e., moonshine alcohol) which, according to the present study, accounted for 5.5 per cent of the consumption of purchased vodka. Ona may guess that the latter percentage was in reality higher, and that it has now increased even more.       As is generally known, Poland is one of the countries where the general level of consumption of alcohol is medium, yet the structure of consumption is most unfavourable. Over  3/4 of the consumed alcohol  is being drunk in Poland in the from of vodka and other strong drinks. A similar structure of consumption can be found in most parts of the Soviet Union, and to a smaller degree in the Scandinavian countries (except Denmark, where the dominating alcoholic beverage is beer).      One of the common features of alcohol consumption is its great concentration,  which means that relatively few consumers drink a share of alcohol disproportionately large  to their number.  As revealed by the 1980 survey, 45 per cent of the entire  purchased and home-made wine covered by the study was being drunk by3.5 per cent of consumers of wine, 52 per cent of vodka  was being  drunk by 9 per cent of consumers of vodka,  and 46 per cent of beer  was being drunk by 10 per cent of consumers of beer. Taking into account that the study included a relatively small numer of persons  who drink intensively and particularly those who drink most intensively, the real concentration of consumption of separate types of alcoholic beverages must be expected to be still higher in our country.              The interdependence of consumption of different alcoholic beverages is closely connected  with the problem of concetration of consumption. It appeared that the  fact of drinking one kind of alcoholic  beverage augmented the likelihood of drinking another one as well. This convergence was most marked as regards consumption of vodka and beer, as well as vodka and purchased wine  (and also purchased and home-made wine); it was the least  marked in the case of the consumption of home-made wine and vodka, and home-made wine and beer.Among the persons who drank at least two of the above mentioned kinds of beverages, the frequent drinking of one of them was not necessarily connected with frequent drinking of the other:  on the other hand, those who drnak large amounts of one of the beverages, drank also large amounts of the other, while those who drank small amounts of one kind,  drank also small amounts of  the other.          According to the results of our survey, teetotallers, i.e., persons who do  not drink alcohol  at all, constituted nearly 17 per cent of our respondents.  As regards separate kinds of beverages, there were many more persons  who did not drink them; yet a significant regularity appeared, which should  be stressed in connection with the unfavourable structure of alcohol consumption in our country: the group of persons who never drank  vodka  was the least numerous, 25 per cent only, while there were 57-58 per cent of persons who never drank purchased wine and beer, and as many as 70 per cent of those who never drank home-made wine (the percentage for moonshine alcohol was 89 per cent). To repeat, not only as much as 71 per cent of alcohol  was consumed in our country in the form of vodka (strong drinks) in 1980, but also it was consumed by 75 per cent of the country's population aged 16 and over.          Opportunity, place, and company are the usually distinguished elements of the patterns of alcohol consumption  which can be found in the society. The 1980 survey permitted to separate three such patterns (of drinking vodka or wine):  family-celebration, friendly-social, drinking for purpose. According to the first one,  which has been mentioned by nearly half of the respondents who drank, the opportunity for drinking was a family meeting or celebration, with many participants, the place was a private appartment, the amounts of alcohol consumed were relatively smaller, and the participants were first of all persons who drank less than the average.  According  to the second pattern, which was mentioned by nearly every  third respondent, the opportunity was a social meeting or celebration, in which a smaller number of persons participated (as compared with the family meetings), the place was often also a private appartment, but in every fourth case  a restaurant as well, more alcohol was consumed, and among the participants the persons prevailed who drank a little more than the average.  According to the third pattern, drinking for purpose, mentioned by every seventh respondent, "no special occasion" was required for drinking, or drinking took place "in order to handle some business which made it necessary to drink a  glass", a small group of 3-4 persons participated, the most frequently chosen place, apart from one's own apartment, was a restaurant or place of employment, a relatively largest amount of alcohol was consumed, and a majority of participants drank much more than the average.        As is generally known, a particular problem in Poland is drinking at the place of employment;  the Goverment has repeatedly prohibited it, only to  learn that the renewal of the prohibition is apparently as timely as it is ineffective. Among the respondents employed in the State-controlled economy, two of every three persons happened to drink at work, every fourth happened to drink at least during the last month. The opportunity was usually a birthday or a name-day;  yet every sixth respondent happened to drink at work last "without special reason".        The information concerning the frequency of drinking and the amount of alcohol consumed permits one to separate four ways of drinking: much and often, much and seldom, little and often, little and seldom. Among the consumers of different beverages the group of persons drinking little and seldom was the most numerous, particularly as regards the consumers of wine (both purchased and home-made), to a smaller degree - the consumers of vodka (and moonshine alcohol), and to the smallest degree - the consumers of beer. Also the groups of persons drinking much and seldom were relatively numerous, apart from consumers of beer, among whom the second most numerous group was that of persons drinking little and often. Every fourth or fifth consumer of beer, every seventh consumer of vodka, every fifteenth consumer of purchased wine and every twenty-seventh consumer of home-made wine drank much and often. As regards persons who, drank any two of the above mentioned beverages,  a convergence of their drinking patterns  could be noticed which consisted in the following regularity: if one of the beverages was consumed according to one of the patterns, the other was generally also consumed according to the same pattern.        Drinking "too much", "several consecutive days",  „more often than the respondent wishes”,  were considered an indicators of alcohol abuse. The persons who never happened to drink like this drank, on the whole, considerably smaller amounts of vodka than the average;  those who had happened to drink like this before consumed  markedly more vodka than the average; while those who have happened to drink like this at the time of the study consumed over twice as much vodka  than the average.       As shown by the analysis of answers to a variety of questions in the questionnaire, the amount of consumed alcohol  is connected with the respondent's  satisfaction with his life and his relations with others. Thus persons who were of opinion that life generally brings the people more  good than evil used to drink significantly less (vodka, purchased wine, as well as beer) than those who thought the opposite. Likewise, the respondents who considered themselves frequently underestimated by their closest family, drank significantly more than those who thought that they happened, though seldom, to have been underestimated. Finally, the persons who were of the opinion that their relations with their  families, neighbours, workmates, and superiors went badly,  used to drink significantly more than those who had no problems in this field.             The drinking persons' experiences with alcohol are both good and bad, and the tendency to study first of all, if not exclusively, the latter does not seem appropriate. In the 1980 survey questions about both kinds of experience were asked, which brought in a good deal of interesting  information. Thus it appeared that the drinking of a certain amount of alcohol in the company of a given person helped to solve professional prbblems for a number of persons which was two and a half times larger than the number of those whose  drinking  brought about serious professional trouble. In over   2/5 of the persons examined, alcohol helped to improve their relations with close friends and relatives, while it helped every third of them to settle their own subsistence problems profitably. As for the troubles resulting from drinking, it is striking that persons problems (poor health, family or financial problems) were mentioned two or  three Times more often than those connected with the respondents'  participation in a broader social environment (problems with neighbours, professional problems, and those with the authorities). The above seems to prove that in the customs and climate which exists in our country, the drinking persons perceive alcohol as bringing them more good than evil. As revealed by a closer analysis of the good and bad experience involved in drinking, they usually coexisted: the more good experience the respondents had, the larger was also the amount of their bad experience, and the more they drank. One could say that the persons who used to drink much and thus fell into trouble realized at the same time that drinking brought them various forms of satisfaction and profits. This undoubtedly intensified  their  tendency do drink, in spite of the trouble resulting from drinking.          The last problem to be discussed in the paper is the respondents'  victimization by aggressive behaviour of drunken persons and by their own intoxication. As regards the first problem, it should be stressed that contacts with attempted physical aggression (a drunken person trying to stop or catch the respondent) were frequent: within the year previous to the study nearly every third respondent experienced such an event. Every ninth respondent fell  victim to more serious acts of aggression ("more serious" meaning at least being physically assaulted). As regards unpleasant consequences of the respondent being intoxicated, the most frequent of them were: getting involved in a quarrel (which happened to every fourth or fifth respondent within the year previous to the study), loosing money or other valuable things (which happened to every ninth respondent). It is significant that the persons who experienced unpleasant consequences of being in the state of intoxication, drank over twice as much as on the average.         The  results of the study the extent, structure, and some correlates of the consumption of alcohol in our country described in the paper are an attempt at filling the gap in the studies of this problem which emerged in the '70s. Such studies should be repeated at not too, long intervals, in order to prevent the occurence of such gaps in the future
      The study described in the paper and has been conceived as a continuation and  partly a repetition or studies carried out in 1961 and 1962 by A. Swięcicki and then in 1968 by J. K. Falewicz.  All of these studies were carried out by the Centre for Public Opinion Survey (now: Centre for Public Opinion Survey and Program Studies) of the Committee for Radio and TV in Warsaw. The instrument used in them was a questionnaire filled in by the interviewer during his interview with the respondent.     The first study, conducted in February and March 1961, included a sample of a population aged 20 and over, while in the second one, which was made in October  1962, u sample aged 18 and over was included. In both studies, the assumed samples numbered 3000 respondents each, the obtained sample being 95.6 per cent and 93.6 per cent of the assumed sample  respectively. The third study was carried out in March and April 1968: it included a sample of population aged 18  and over (assumed sample - 3212 respondents, obtained sample – 91.7 per cent). The present, i.e., the fourth study, was conducted in September  1980 and it included a sample  of population aged 16 and over, of the assumed size of 2000 respondents; the obtained sample  numbered 1972 persons, which  is 98.6 per cent of the assumed one. In the case of all the four studies the deviation  of the obtained sample from the assumed one was slight which permitted them to be treated as random sample of the general population.      The chief aim of the 1980 study was to obtain data which would be comparable with those previously  acquired  and those up-to-date, concerning the distribution of consumption of alcohol among the population of Poland. The previous studies, dating back at least a dozen years, were not only old, but they were carried out in the period when general level of consumption of alcohol was approximately half of that in 1980. It seemed more  difficult to answer the question to what degree the observations then made still applied to the new situation. There was a demand for some new data it last to replace the guesses made from the factual basis which, as the years went by, became more and more uncertain.          In spite of the fact that the present study wbs made in the same way as the previous ones, it seems that the above aims have not been achieved. The data now obtained are not fully comparable with the previous, first of all because the 1980 survey successfully covered a considerably smaller amount of alcohol consumed  in our country than those of  1961 and 1962. Undoubtedly, this was caused by various factors, the most important of which being probably the fact that the representation among the respondents of persons who drank intensively and most intensively was scantier in the present study than it had been in the studies conducted by A. Swięcicki. Consequently, the 1961-1962 and 1980 surveys  concerned different categories of drinking persons, the ranges of which were not identical in both cases.        As regards the scond aim of the study, which was to obtain current data on consumption of alcohol in Poland, we were unsuccessful again, as life proved to run too fast. The 1980 survey was carried out in October 1980, that is one might say at the last moment before the difficulties with alcohol supplies began, as yet unknown in our country, which resulted in regulated sale of alcoholic beverages. This caused the appearance of new phenomena as well as the aggravation of those hitherto existing, Undoubtedly, it was a new phenomenon that people started to buy alcohol not only to consume it, but also to gret rid of the rapidly devaluating money, or in order to obtain a kind of exchange value. Other new phenomena were: trade in coupons entitling one to buy alcohol, and the appearance of black-market prices of spirits produced by the State-controlled distilleries; in certain periods, these prices were twice as high as the official ones. Speaking of aggravation of the existing phenomena, we had in mind first of all the illicit distillation of liquor, the attractiveness of which increased greatly in the face of joint effect of two circumstances: the rapid increase in the price of legally distilled and imported alcohol, and the difficulties in its legal (and even illegal) purchase. It was impossible for the 1980 survey to answer the following questions: what the influence of all these phenomena on the patterns of drinking that had already been shaped before in our country was, and how these patterns were modified. It is known that people drink somewhat differently now. It may be supposed that the persons who used to consume small amounts of alcohol before and who used to drink with restraint now drink less or do not drink at all, while those who used to drink much before - even if they do drink less now, the difference is slight, the illegally distilled liquor playing a greater part in the total amount of alcohol they consume. As to this last problem, opinions are expressed according to which consumption of the illegally distilles liquor has become a much more popular experiences in the course  of the ‘80s than it had been before. Finally, conjectures are made that alcohol-dependent persons, after the first period of difficulties with providing themselves with the amount of alcohol which would be adequate to their habits, in general have now found ways to satisfy their needs in this respect. It remains a guess if the above conjectures are true or not, and the same applies to suppositions concerning persistent or temporary character of the abovementioned changes in patterns of consumption of alcohol. Thus the results of the survey describe the situation as it was a few years ago as this situation undoubtedly changed later on.        As the paper clearly shows, consumption of alcohol in Poland is a common phenomenon: an everyday habit for many of our fellow citizens, a regular one (though not necessarily at regular intervals)- for the majority. In a statistical-descriptive sense drinking should, therefore, be termed normal behaviour, as it appears more or less regularly in the behaviour of a majority of adult members of our society, whenever they find themselves in situations such as celebrations family, meeting  friends, or official occasions.        The above remarks by no means solve the question of estimation of drinking, which- in spite of its habitual character in the statistical-descriptive sense- may in some cases be recognized as most deeply pathological in the medical sense, and in the same adn frequently also in other cases- as pathological in its social expression.       As regards the medical appraisal- the questionnaire did not contain a large set of questions of this kind, therefore, it was able to yield but a most scanty basis fof conjectures as to the symptoms of alcohol dependence of some of the respondents.       The situation was different as regards the social appraisal of the consumption of alcohol. In order to make use of such an  appraisal, an initial poblem had to be solved: what amount, frequency, and way of consuming alcohol should or should not be regarded as that included within the limits of a „social norm”. The problem is complex, for, on the one hand, the opinions as to where the limits are vary in our socjety, and, on the other hand, there are probably many such limits, depending not only on the person who is to fix them, but also on that to whom they may apply. It is generally known that in our society there are advocates of prohibition (who are of opinion that zero consumption should be the social norm), as well as propagators of „reasonable consumption” which is a term with many shades, and finally adherents of opinion that consumption of alcohol is a private matter for everyone to decide by himself (that is those who consider  any  kind of drinking, as well as abstinence, to come within the limits of socially approved norm).  Apart from the advocates of the two extreme opinions, which provide one norm for all members of the society,  others, i.e., the propagators of „reasonable” drinking tend to emploi a norm according to who the drinking person is. This finds expression in a different attitude towards drinking by men and women, tolerance towards the drinking by adults accompanied by strict disapproval in the case of the youth, different expectations as to the attitude towards alcohol drinking by members of different socio-professional groups. In this situation, with the lack of a common opinion as regards „socially normal” drinking, it seemed preferable to refrain from estimating the alcohol consumption in terms of social pathology.        In a survey of alcohol consumption in which samples of population of the entire country or a smaller territory are included, it is vital how the questions about the respondents’  drinking habits are asked. In the research practice, two solutions of this problem have been provided: first, to ask about the last occasion on which the respondent drank, what he drank then, how much he drank and in what circumstances, and second, to ask about his drinking within a given, shorter or longer, period of time. It has been a tradition of Polish studies in this field to choose the first of these solutions, so this method has also been employed in the present study. The last occasion was treated as typical of the respondent’s  way of drinking, and a yearly consumption was calculated for each of tchem, as well as for all persons included in the sample. As compared with the data on alcohol sale gathered in our country, it appeared that the 1980 survey covered 43 per cent of the total of consumed vodka. This percentage corresponds to that which can be found in analogous foreign studies, yeti t is considerably lower than the one obtained by A. Święcicki in his 1961 and particularly 1962 studies. The probable effect on the comparability of this studies with the present one has already been discussed  above. Interest was also paid in the questionnaire to the consumption of home-made wine, which appeared to account for 39 per cent of the consumption of purchased wine covered by the study, and the consumption of „home-distilled vodka” (i.e., moonshine alcohol) which, according to the present study, accounted for 5.5 per cent of the consumption of purchased vodka. Ona may guess that the latter percentage was in reality higher, and that it has now increased even more.       As is generally known, Poland is one of the countries where the general level of consumption of alcohol is medium, yet the structure of consumption is most unfavourable. Over  3/4 of the consumed alcohol  is being drunk in Poland in the from of vodka and other strong drinks. A similar structure of consumption can be found in most parts of the Soviet Union, and to a smaller degree in the Scandinavian countries (except Denmark, where the dominating alcoholic beverage is beer).      One of the common features of alcohol consumption is its great concentration,  which means that relatively few consumers drink a share of alcohol disproportionately large  to their number.  As revealed by the 1980 survey, 45 per cent of the entire  purchased and home-made wine covered by the study was being drunk by3.5 per cent of consumers of wine, 52 per cent of vodka  was being  drunk by 9 per cent of consumers of vodka,  and 46 per cent of beer  was being drunk by 10 per cent of consumers of beer. Taking into account that the study included a relatively small numer of persons  who drink intensively and particularly those who drink most intensively, the real concentration of consumption of separate types of alcoholic beverages must be expected to be still higher in our country.              The interdependence of consumption of different alcoholic beverages is closely connected  with the problem of concetration of consumption. It appeared that the  fact of drinking one kind of alcoholic  beverage augmented the likelihood of drinking another one as well. This convergence was most marked as regards consumption of vodka and beer, as well as vodka and purchased wine  (and also purchased and home-made wine); it was the least  marked in the case of the consumption of home-made wine and vodka, and home-made wine and beer.Among the persons who drank at least two of the above mentioned kinds of beverages, the frequent drinking of one of them was not necessarily connected with frequent drinking of the other:  on the other hand, those who drnak large amounts of one of the beverages, drank also large amounts of the other, while those who drank small amounts of one kind,  drank also small amounts of  the other.          According to the results of our survey, teetotallers, i.e., persons who do  not drink alcohol  at all, constituted nearly 17 per cent of our respondents.  As regards separate kinds of beverages, there were many more persons  who did not drink them; yet a significant regularity appeared, which should  be stressed in connection with the unfavourable structure of alcohol consumption in our country: the group of persons who never drank  vodka  was the least numerous, 25 per cent only, while there were 57-58 per cent of persons who never drank purchased wine and beer, and as many as 70 per cent of those who never drank home-made wine (the percentage for moonshine alcohol was 89 per cent). To repeat, not only as much as 71 per cent of alcohol  was consumed in our country in the form of vodka (strong drinks) in 1980, but also it was consumed by 75 per cent of the country's population aged 16 and over.          Opportunity, place, and company are the usually distinguished elements of the patterns of alcohol consumption  which can be found in the society. The 1980 survey permitted to separate three such patterns (of drinking vodka or wine):  family-celebration, friendly-social, drinking for purpose. According to the first one,  which has been mentioned by nearly half of the respondents who drank, the opportunity for drinking was a family meeting or celebration, with many participants, the place was a private appartment, the amounts of alcohol consumed were relatively smaller, and the participants were first of all persons who drank less than the average.  According  to the second pattern, which was mentioned by nearly every  third respondent, the opportunity was a social meeting or celebration, in which a smaller number of persons participated (as compared with the family meetings), the place was often also a private appartment, but in every fourth case  a restaurant as well, more alcohol was consumed, and among the participants the persons prevailed who drank a little more than the average.  According to the third pattern, drinking for purpose, mentioned by every seventh respondent, "no special occasion" was required for drinking, or drinking took place "in order to handle some business which made it necessary to drink a  glass", a small group of 3-4 persons participated, the most frequently chosen place, apart from one's own apartment, was a restaurant or place of employment, a relatively largest amount of alcohol was consumed, and a majority of participants drank much more than the average.        As is generally known, a particular problem in Poland is drinking at the place of employment;  the Goverment has repeatedly prohibited it, only to  learn that the renewal of the prohibition is apparently as timely as it is ineffective. Among the respondents employed in the State-controlled economy, two of every three persons happened to drink at work, every fourth happened to drink at least during the last month. The opportunity was usually a birthday or a name-day;  yet every sixth respondent happened to drink at work last "without special reason".        The information concerning the frequency of drinking and the amount of alcohol consumed permits one to separate four ways of drinking: much and often, much and seldom, little and often, little and seldom. Among the consumers of different beverages the group of persons drinking little and seldom was the most numerous, particularly as regards the consumers of wine (both purchased and home-made), to a smaller degree - the consumers of vodka (and moonshine alcohol), and to the smallest degree - the consumers of beer. Also the groups of persons drinking much and seldom were relatively numerous, apart from consumers of beer, among whom the second most numerous group was that of persons drinking little and often. Every fourth or fifth consumer of beer, every seventh consumer of vodka, every fifteenth consumer of purchased wine and every twenty-seventh consumer of home-made wine drank much and often. As regards persons who, drank any two of the above mentioned beverages,  a convergence of their drinking patterns  could be noticed which consisted in the following regularity: if one of the beverages was consumed according to one of the patterns, the other was generally also consumed according to the same pattern.        Drinking "too much", "several consecutive days",  „more often than the respondent wishes”,  were considered an indicators of alcohol abuse. The persons who never happened to drink like this drank, on the whole, considerably smaller amounts of vodka than the average;  those who had happened to drink like this before consumed  markedly more vodka than the average; while those who have happened to drink like this at the time of the study consumed over twice as much vodka  than the average.       As shown by the analysis of answers to a variety of questions in the questionnaire, the amount of consumed alcohol  is connected with the respondent's  satisfaction with his life and his relations with others. Thus persons who were of opinion that life generally brings the people more  good than evil used to drink significantly less (vodka, purchased wine, as well as beer) than those who thought the opposite. Likewise, the respondents who considered themselves frequently underestimated by their closest family, drank significantly more than those who thought that they happened, though seldom, to have been underestimated. Finally, the persons who were of the opinion that their relations with their  families, neighbours, workmates, and superiors went badly,  used to drink significantly more than those who had no problems in this field.             The drinking persons' experiences with alcohol are both good and bad, and the tendency to study first of all, if not exclusively, the latter does not seem appropriate. In the 1980 survey questions about both kinds of experience were asked, which brought in a good deal of interesting  information. Thus it appeared that the drinking of a certain amount of alcohol in the company of a given person helped to solve professional prbblems for a number of persons which was two and a half times larger than the number of those whose  drinking  brought about serious professional trouble. In over   2/5 of the persons examined, alcohol helped to improve their relations with close friends and relatives, while it helped every third of them to settle their own subsistence problems profitably. As for the troubles resulting from drinking, it is striking that persons problems (poor health, family or financial problems) were mentioned two or  three Times more often than those connected with the respondents'  participation in a broader social environment (problems with neighbours, professional problems, and those with the authorities). The above seems to prove that in the customs and climate which exists in our country, the drinking persons perceive alcohol as bringing them more good than evil. As revealed by a closer analysis of the good and bad experience involved in drinking, they usually coexisted: the more good experience the respondents had, the larger was also the amount of their bad experience, and the more they drank. One could say that the persons who used to drink much and thus fell into trouble realized at the same time that drinking brought them various forms of satisfaction and profits. This undoubtedly intensified  their  tendency do drink, in spite of the trouble resulting from drinking.          The last problem to be discussed in the paper is the respondents'  victimization by aggressive behaviour of drunken persons and by their own intoxication. As regards the first problem, it should be stressed that contacts with attempted physical aggression (a drunken person trying to stop or catch the respondent) were frequent: within the year previous to the study nearly every third respondent experienced such an event. Every ninth respondent fell  victim to more serious acts of aggression ("more serious" meaning at least being physically assaulted). As regards unpleasant consequences of the respondent being intoxicated, the most frequent of them were: getting involved in a quarrel (which happened to every fourth or fifth respondent within the year previous to the study), loosing money or other valuable things (which happened to every ninth respondent). It is significant that the persons who experienced unpleasant consequences of being in the state of intoxication, drank over twice as much as on the average.         The  results of the study the extent, structure, and some correlates of the consumption of alcohol in our country described in the paper are an attempt at filling the gap in the studies of this problem which emerged in the '70s. Such studies should be repeated at not too, long intervals, in order to prevent the occurence of such gaps in the future.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 7-92
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Alkohol a wypadki drogowe w Polsce w latach 1975-1984
Alcohol and traffic accidents in Poland in the years 1975-1984
Autorzy:
Gaberle, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699257.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kodeks drogowy
ruch drogowy
wypadek drogowy
skutki wypadku
bezpieczeństwo
psychomotoric
The Highway Code
road traffic
traffic accident
intoxication
consequences of the accident
security
alkohol
alcohol
Opis:
The basic aim of the study was to investigate the influence of alcohol consumption on the road traffic safety in Poland. For this purpose, statistical data were used, published. by the Road Traffic Department of the Civic Militia Headquarters in the years 1975-1984, as well as the data published in Statistical Yearbooks of the Central Statistical Office for these years.  It was impossible to include earlier periods in the analysis as in 1975 the rules of statistical registration of traffic accidents were changed, making the data from before 1975 uncomparable. When analysing the problem of the influence the extent of alcohol consumption has on road traffic safety, attention should be drawn to two problems. Firstly, accidents are caused not only by drunk drivers of vehicles but also by drunk pedestrians. Secondly, the drunkenness of the participants of traffic is not an isolated factor but it acts in correlation with other factors, such as e.g. faulty configuration of the road or wrong organization of road traffic. The taking into account of the above problems complicates the analysis of the discussed subject; however, they should not be left out of consideration. A collision of a car with a pedestrian has for many years now been the most frequent type of a traffic accident in Poland, amounting to 43-45 per cent of all traffic accidents. Moreover, traffic accidents caused by drunk pedestrians constitute 43-50 per cent of all accidents caused by drunk persons. Therefore, the contribution of drunk persons to traffic accidents in Poland is considerable; yet it is very difficult to find out how many drunk pedestrains participate in traffic and, in this connection, what is the relation between the number of such persons and that of accidents they cause. For that matter, such difficulties arise also , when one tries to find out the number of drunk drivers of vehicles as in Poland there are no data available which would make such an estimation possible. In spite of these difficulties, the basic hypothesis has been confirmed, according to which the greater the extent of alcohol consumption, the. Higher the frequency of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons. As shown by a statistical analysis by means of the correlation coefficient, there is a strong direct correlation between the two phenomena (r =0.680). This correlation was true for the years 1975-1980 only, while for the years 1981-1984 the smaller was the extent of alcohol consumption, the greater was the frequency of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons. It should be assumed that this absurd result was caused by the lowering of the official figures on the extent of alcohol consumption in Poland in the years 198l-1984 which did not take into account the consumption of illegally distilled alcohol. An estimation was made of the above figures and thus the approximate actual extent of alcohol consumption in Poland in the years 1981-1984 was established. Also the results of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons were studied. Judged by the number of deaths per accident, they .appeared to be much more serious than those caused by sober participants of traffic. The difference between the results of accidents caused by drunk as compared with sober persons was also found to vary according to whether the drunk perpetrator was a pedestrian or a driver, and what vehicle he was driving in the latter case. For instance, while 0.114 persons per accident died in traffic accidents caused in 1979-1984 b sober pedestrians, the ratio was 0.156 in the case of drunk pedestrians; the respective ratios were 0.116 and 0.191 in the case of sober vs. drunk drivers of passenger cars, and 0.132 and 0.320 in the case of sober vs. drunk drivers of tractors.             The distribution of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons according to the time of the day, day of the week and month of the year was also analysed. The yearly distribution of accidents caused by drunk pedestrians appeared to shape differently as compared with accidents caused by drunk drivers. Drunk drivers of vehicles cause the greatest number of accidents in the period from July till October. and drunk pedestrians - from October till January.             Also the analysis of the territorial distribution of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons brought interesting results, Drunk pedestrians cause traffic accidents first and foremost in towns (about two thirds of such accidents), in big cities in particular, whereas drunk drivers cause accidents mainly on roads out of towns (about 60 per cent of such accidents).             The lack of data concerning the extent of alcohol consumption in the separate voivodships greatly complicated the analysis of the territorial distribution of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons. However, it was possible to arrive at the following conclusion: the number of accidents caused by drunk participants of road traffic per 10.000 of the population of a given voivodship (the index of occurrence of such accidents) depends not only on the extent of alcohol consumption in the voivodship but also to some degree on its urbanization and development of road transport. Particularly in voivodships where a high level of urbanization (measured by the size of the urban population) and a highly developed road transport (measured by the number of persons per one passenger car) is not accompanied by an adequate quality of roads and good organization of road traffic; the large number of accidents caused by drunk persons cannot be explained by a high level of alcohol consumption. Bad road conditions exert the greatest influence on those of the participants of traffic who find it difficult to adapt their behavior1r to the complex situation on the road, i.e. on drunk persons, among others, whose intellectual and psychomotoric efficiency is handicapped due to the effects of alcohol. Bad road conditions may ,,produce" errors committed by drunk participants of traffic, and lead to traffic accidents caused by these persons, thus making the number of such accidents larger than that expected when considering the .number of drunk' participants of road traffic. However. there are voivodships where the factors leading to traffic accidents caused by drunk persons do not seem to be major and yet the number of such accidents is considerable. These are probably the voivodships where the extent of alcohol consumption is particularly high.             It should be added that the taking up of the subject included in the title was justified by the seriousness of the problem. In the years 1975-1984, the number of traffic accidents caused by drunk persons was on a constant increase in Poland. While accidents caused by drunk persons constituted 21.5 per cent of all accidents in 1975, their respective share was 26.5 per cent in 1984. Therefore, it is imperative to apply measures that could stop a further growth of this dangerous tendency.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 151-200
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcje przeciwdziałania alkoholizmowi i narkomanii w Polsce okresu międzywojennego
Ideas on counteracting alcohol and drug addiction in Poland between the two world wars
Autorzy:
Nelken, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699251.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
alkoholizm
narkomania
kokainizm
trzeźwość
alkohologia
przeciwdziałanie
alcohol
ustawodastwo
leczenie
alcoholism
drug addiction
cocainism
sobriety
alcohology
counteraction
legislation
treatment
Opis:
The birth of the independent Poland in 1918 activated a social movement against alcoholism and drug addiction. In 1919, the Polish Society for Fighting Alcoholism ,,Trzeźwość'' ("Sobriety'') was established which operated nationwide and which in the period between the two wars became the main factor of fighting alcoholism. In the light of the Statute of "Trzeźwość" and resolutions of the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses, as well as the postulates of psychiatrists, the ideas of how to fight alcoholism included three spheres: a. anti-alcoholic legislation and its practical enforcement; b. anti-alcoholic propaganda and education; c. treatment of alcoholics.             In 1919, a draft was submitted to the Diet that proposed a total prohibition of production and sale of alcoholic beverages. It was referred to a Diet commission which subsequently changed its contents. Then. The Diet passed an Act of 23 April 1920 on restrictions in sale of alcoholic beverages. The Act, based on a concept of partial prohibition. Introduced considerable restrictions in sale of beverages containing over 2.5 per cent of pure alcohol, and a total prohibition of sale of beverages with over 45 per cent alcohol. Moreover, the sale of alcohol was prohibited to workers on paydays and holidays, as well as at markets, fairs, church fairs, pilgrimages, on trains and at railway stations. According to the Act, each rural or urban commune could introduce on its territory a total prohibition of sale of alcoholic beverages by voting. The Act limited the number of places where alcohol could be sold or served to one per 2,500 of the population all over the country. A licence issued by administrative authorities was required to sell or serve alcohol. The statutory instrument to this Act created commissions for fighting alcoholism of the 1st and 2nd instances which were to supervise the compliance to the Act of 1920 and to impose penalties provided for the infringement of its provisions. The commissions consisted of representatives of the State administration and social organizations engaged in fighting alcoholism. Moreover, the Act of 2l January 1922 introduced a penalty of fine or arrest for being drunk in public. A person who brought another person to the state of intoxication was also liable to these penalties.             The complete execution of the anti-alcoholic Act met with obstacles: for instance, alcohol was secretly served on the days of prohibition (e.g. during fairs). The Act of 31 July 1924 established the Polish Spirit Monopoly (P.M.S.). The production of spirit and pure vodka thus became a State monopoly' Production and sale of the P.M.S. beverages increased gradually as it constituted an important source of the State revenue. For this reason. a new anti-alcoholic Act of 21 March 1931 was passed which greatly reduced the restrictions in the sale of alcohol as compared with former regulations. A further reduction in these restrictions resulted from Acts of 1932 and 1934. The P.M.S. Board of Directors argued that a growth in production was necessary to suppress illegal distilling of alcohol the products of which were imperfectly rectified and threatened the health of the population. Instead according to the conception of "Trzeźwość’’ and other social organizations engaged in fighting alcoholism. illegal distilling of alcohol should be detected and suppresed by the police while it was in the interest of the health and morals of the population to curtail greatly the sale of alcohol and for this reason it was necessary to reintroduce the anti-alcoholic Act of 1920 However, in consideration of the State's fiscal interests. the Act was not reintroduced and the other Acts that extended the production and sale of the P.M.S. products were only replaced after World War II.             According to the ideas of ,,Trzeźwość'' and other organizations fighting alcoholism, anti-alcoholic propaganda and education should be made by professionals and have a wide range, since it is impossible to fight alcoholism without informing the population of the harmful effects of alcohol. Guidelines for this activity were worked out at the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses of which there were seven in the period between the wars.             Besides, in 1937 the 21st International Anti-Alcoholic Congress took place in Warsaw during which the Polish draft of an international anti-alcoholic convention was Supported. The draft provided a considerable limitation of alcohol sale, a regulation of penal liability for offences and transgressions committed in the state of intoxication, and lectures on alcohology in schools. The states signatories to the convention would be called upon to pass acts consistent with the content of the convention. The work on this draft was stopped by the outbreak of the war.             The resolutions of the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses demanded lectures on alcohology in all types of schools, at teachers courses and at specialist courses for employees of various departments, the Ministry in of Communication particular. The range of alcohology taught at schools should be conformed to the type of school and the general knowledge or students. The postulate of teaching alcohology in schools was partly realized and courses were organized for railway employees by the Abstainer Railwaymen League. At the State School of  Hygiene in Warsaw a several days course in alcohology was organized every year in which 200--300 persons participated, mainly teachers, physicians and clergymen of various denominations. Besides, ,,Trzeźwość'' organized travelling exhibitions that made tours of towns to show the harmful effects of alcoholism. The Abstainer Railwaymen League organized, an exhibition in a railway carriage which was visited by many thousands of persons at railway stations in different parts of the country. A lecturer on alcohology was employed to have talks during the exhibition. In early February every year a nationwide Sobriety Propagation Week was organized. Various publications were also brought out which demonstrated the harmful effects of alcohol and the ways of fighting alcoholism, both scientific and those for general use. Treatment  of alcoholics was postulated; it was carried out in closed hospital wards or in out-patient clinics. The former was more effective; however it was less frequently applied as compared with the out-patient treatment since there were no provisions which would  legalize compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts and it was easier to obtain the patient's consent to treatment in a clinic than in a hospital. Compulsory treatment was only possible if the court applied medical security measures in cases of offences connected with abuse of alcohol or drugs. (Art. 82 of the Penal code of 1932). The mental hygiene, movement, initiated in Poland in the early thirties, resulted in a growth in the number of clinics engaged in prevention and treatment, that is in a development of treatment of alcoholics in specialized anti-alcoholic clinics. The necessity of taking the children of alcoholics under educational and medical indicated. An important part is this field fell to social nurses attached to the clinics whose task was among other things to bring the alcoholics children to the clinic and see to their medical treatment if necessary. The organization of special schools for mentally deficient and morally neglected children, whose parents were frequently alcoholics, was also initiated.             Psychiatrists demanded an elaboration and introduction of an act on compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts, organization of special wards for notorious alcoholics in mental hospitals, prolongation of treatment from 6 to 12 months (which was considered particularly necessary in the case of chronic alcoholism), a joint alcoholism and psychiatric treatment if required, in the case of alcohol psychosis in particular, and check-up of the cured alcoholics and drug addicts.             In Poland drug addiction has never reached the proportions of alcoholism. Its most frequent forms were morphinism and cocainism. Its fighting was facilitated by the passing of an Act of June 23, 1923 which prohibited production, processing, export. import. storage of and any trade in all drugs. For infringement of the Act, penalties of fine and up to 5 years deprivation of liberty were provided. However, there was no act to legalize compulsory treatment of drug addicts. They could only be treated in closed hospital wards since in the case of drug addiction, out-patient treatment was considered to be ineffective. In 1931, the Polish Committee for Drugs and Prevention of Drug Addiction was set up as, an advisory body attached to the Minister of Health and Social Welfare, which consisted mainly of physicians and chemists. In order to fight drug addiction effectively, increased detection of export and sale of drugs was postulated as well as supervision of prescriptions and of obtaining drugs on prescription at chemist's. Chemists were compelled to keep a special book of in- and out-goings of drugs which could only be sold on prescription for therapeutical purposes. Attenton was drawn to the necessity of an instruction, to be passed by the Minister of Internal Affairs, according to which the production of doctors seals and forms would only be possible on presentation of the identity card, since drug addicts used to order seals and forms bearing names of famous practitioners. Medical check-up of released prisoners who had been cured of drug addiction when serving their sentences was also postulated.             In consequence of the spread of ether drinking in the Upper Silesia in 1936, a wide-range operation was carried out which consisted in a vigorous fight against smuggling and sale of ether (which was mainly smuggled from Germany) and in informing the population as to the harmful effects of ether drinking.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 201-225
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Praca mężczyzn nadużywających alkoholu (przyczynek do dyskusji nad ustawą o postępowaniu wobec osób uchylających się od pracy)
The excessively drinking men and their work (contribution to discussion on the act of dealing with persons evading work)
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Rzeplińska, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699259.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
mężczyzna
nadużywanie
alkohol
praca
odwyk
uzależnienie
wykształcenie
izba wytrzeźwień
zatrzymanie
problem
zatrudnienie
leczenie
man
abuse
alcohol
work
rehab
addiction
education
sobering-up center
detention
employment
treatment
Opis:
The article presents the findings of a study on the problems of alcoholism related to the Act of 26 October 1982 on dealing with persons evading work. The Act defines the phenomenon of the so-called social parasitism as evading socially useful work and having sources of maintenance contradictory to the law or principles of social coexistence. Men aged 18-45 who have not been employed for at least 3 months, who do not attend any school and are not registered in an employment agency as looking for a job, are obliged to report at the local State administrative agency and to explain the reasons of their unemployment or failure to learn. A nonfulfillment of this duty is a transgression for which a penalty of limitation of liberty of up to 3 months or a fine of up to 50,000 zlotys is provided. There are certain categories of persons who are not liable to this duty: among others, these are the retired or disabled persons, those who receive allowances from the social security fund etc. The reported men are entered in a record of persons evading work. In the case of their further persistent evasion of work, they are liable to further proceedings and various sanctions. They may also be recognized as unemployed for socially grounded reasons. Towards such persons, the Act provides no further special duties, and the administrative agency is obligated to come to their assistance if necessary.             In the present paper, the important problem of whether the legal regulation of the problems connected with the so-called social parasitism is justified, has not been discussed. We have focused on the relation between unemployment and excessive drinking and on the problems and disturbances in employment among excessively drinking men.             The study was aimed at answering the following questions: What is the number of persons with alcohol problems, repeatedly detained in the sobering-up station, among the men registered in District Offices in Warsaw as "evading work"? What is the number of unemployed persons aged 18-45 among those repeatedly detained in the sobering-up station? What is the relation between employment and work on the one hand, and excessive drinking and the entire life situation on the other hand among the above-mentioned men?             The following three groups of men have been included in the study: A. In order to obtain the answer to the first question. records of 2,195 men were examined who had been registered in the seven District Offices in Warsaw within the period from January 1. 1983 till April 30. 1984 as evading work, and their detentions in the sobering-up station were checked. B. The second group of the examined persons consisted of all men aged 18-45 who had been detained in the sobering-up station for at least, the second time on randomly selected days in October and November of 1984 and in January of 1985 (576 persons). Information concerning their employment was obtained from the .records of the sobering-up station based either on their own statements or on entries in their identity cards. C. The third group consisted of 56 patients of the sobering-up station aged 18-45 who had repeatedly been detained; they were examined individually in the period from October 1984 till January 1985.             The examination consisted in a free interview based on a specially constructed questionnaire. The aim of the interview was to obtain information concerning the course of employment and the drinking habits of the examined persons. their possible symptoms of dependence and withdrawal treatments they underwent, family situation and state of health.             From among 2,195 men registered as evading work. one-third had been detained in the sobering-up station at least once. As many as two-thirds of them had been detained repeatedly. A part of the registered men (6.9 per cent) were included at a later date in the list of persons who persistently evade work. Persons detained in the sobering-up station constitute 37 per, cent of those included in the record.             Employment of patients of the sobering-up station was examined in the second of the above-mentioned groups: the 576 men aged 18-45 repeatedly detained in the Warsaw sobering-up station.             Among those patients men aged at least 30 predominated (76.9 per cent). Those detained at least four times were the most numerous (45.5 per cent); there were 20.6 and 33.9 per cent of those detained three and two times respectively. According to expectations, older patients had been detained in the station more frequently than the younger ones.             At the moment of detention in the station, the majority of the repeatedly detained persons (60.6 per cent) were employed at State enterprises; 10 per cent worked for private employers, and 1.4 per cent in their own workshops or farms. 5 per cent were pensioners, 8:3 per cent worked casually, and 14.6 per cent were not employed at all. Therefore, the category of persons who did not work or who worked only casually constituted 22.9 per cent of the examined group, which seems rather a high percentage. It grows still if the category of pensioners is added. amounting then to 27.9 per cent of men aged 18-45 repeatedly detained in the station and to as many as 34.7 per cent of those detained over three times.             56 persons were examined individually. They were somewhat older than the above-mentioned group of 576 patients of the sobering-up station and had been detained there for a smaller number of times.             The essential problem in our study was their drinking of alcohol. 36 per cent of the examined persons stated they had started drinking at the age of 16 at most, while in the case of 33.3 per cent the respective self-reported age was 17-18. As many as two-thirds admitted usually dinking half a litre or more vodka on one occasion. 34.8 per cent admitted drinking daily. It was most difficult to find out whether the examined persons were already alcohol dependent. There were question included in the questionnaire and asked during the interview, that served this purpose. Some of the examined persons were afraid even to admit they drank excessively which was due to the type of work they performed in which abuse of alcohol is not tolerated (first of all in the driver’s profession). Symptoms indicative of dependence were found in 24 of the examined persons (42.9 per cent). A part of them had already started withdrawal treatment in the past, yet they frequently gave it up after as few as several visits. The detention in the station and talks conducted with the patient on release were noticed to be an opportunity for initiating a change in his attitude towards treatment. It seems that the sobering-up station may and should be an important link in the alcohol dependence  treatment system.             Basing on the appraisal of the entire course of employment, the examined group could be divided into two categories: A. those in the case of whom undisturbed performance of work and its regularity was found according to the information obtained (22 persons); B. those who  had been unemployed for long periods of time, worked irregularly, at intervals, and failed to perform work properly (31 persons).             In the category A, two subgroups were distinguished: a. men who usually did not drink excessively or who abused alcohol but to a slight degree, who worked regularly and were relatively well socially adjusted. Their repeated detentions in the sobering-up station seemed to result from various chance situations and from their poor tolerance  of alcohol; b. men who regularly abused alcohol or who could have been dependent on it, in whom however this situation did not influence their performance of work.             In the category B, it was not possible to distinguish any subgroups. In individual cases, joint occurrence of some of the following overlapping problems was found: a. poor performance of work related to excessive  drinking, yet without the symptoms of professional degradation; b. professional degradation connected with alcohol dependence; c. poor performance of work and excessive drinking connected with and resulting from an early social maladjustment; d. unemployment accompanied by a declared reluctance to work in the future which was connected rather with the examined person’s personality traits than with his excessive drinking; e. unemployment due to disability resulting from an accident or illness which made it impossible to perform the former job. Such a situation could have been brought about by excessive drinking, and the present unemployment is a factor that increases these persons alcohol dependence.             Among 2,195 men registered in the Warsaw District offices as evading work, there were 708 patients of the sobering-up station of whom two-thirds had been detained repeatedly. As shown by an analysis of their statements made at the District offices, the reasons of their unemployment varied greatly.             An observation seems justified that the majority of them do work, though irregularly. Among then, 115 were recognized to be unemployed for justified reasons; a very small part of them (20 per cent) asked for assistance of the administrative agency in finding a job through the Employment Department.             The group of 708 patients of the sobering-up station consists of men who may at least be assumed to drink excessively However, the officials who keep the records were poorly informed as to this problem. Further, despite registration and activities of the department for unemployed persons to compel these persons to work' as many as two-thirds of men in this group failed to take a job.             Any action undertaken towards this specific group of men (who were repeatedly detained in the sobering-up stations and were excessive drinkers), proved entirely ineffective, both at the stage of compelling them to work regularly and at that of having them perform public works.             From among 708 men – 26.1 per cent were directed to public works; about three-fourths of them never even reported at work.             The intervention undertaken by means of the Act of dealing with persons evading work seems futile. Some of these persons may perhaps need referring to an alcohol dependence treatment unit, some others - counselling as to the choice and finding of an adequate job; still another part will probably constitute a regular group that is characteristic of any society: u group of persons who constitute a social fringe and live in a way that departs from the norms of conduct accepted in the society.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 115-150
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Funkcjonowanie ustawy o postępowaniu wobec osób uchylających się od pracy - wyniki badań
Functioning of the act on the treatment of persons evading work
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Rzeplińska, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699284.pdf
Data publikacji:
1988
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
robocizna
uchylać się
praca
wolność
wyniki badań
leczenie
osoba
funkcjonowanie
pasożytnictwo społeczne
regulacja prawna
zatrudnienie
ustawa
nadużywania alkoholu
obowiązek
rejestracja
labour
avoid
work
liberty
findings
treatment
person
functioning
social parasitism
legal regulation
employment
law
alcohol abuse
responsibility
registration
Opis:
The Act on the treatment of persons evading work was passed on November 26, 1982 and entered into force on January 1, 1983. The passing of the Act was preceded by a period of heated discussions during which the need for this regulation or objections against it were justified by various social, economic, political legal as well as philosophical reasons. The Act bound all men aged 18-45 (with the exception of some clearly defined categories) who neither work nor learn for a period of at least 3 month and who are not registered in employment agencies as looking for a job to report at the local state administrative agencies and explain the reasons of this state of affairs. Such persons can be recognized as not working for justified reasons (in this case, they should get help if needed) or for unjustified reasons (to such persons the possibilities of taking the job should be pointed out; they should also get help if needed). Man who persistently evade work and whose sources of maintenance cannot be revealed or prove to be contradictory to the principles of social existence, are included in a list of persons who persistently evade work. The law provides for the following legal consequences towards persons who fall under its provisions: a failure in the duty to report is a transgression for which there is a penalty of limitation of liberty  of up to three months; the same penalty is provided for the registered person’s  failure to appear when summoned by the local administrative agency: a failure of a registered  person in the duty to appear when summoned in order to make a statement concerning his sources of maintenances is an offence for which a penalty of limitation of liberty or a fine is provided; the persons who have been included in the list may be obligated to perform the work for public purposes in cases of force majeure or natural calamity that constitutes a serious threat for the normal conditions of the people’s existence; a failure in this duty is an offence for which a statutory penalty is that of limitation of liberty up two years or a fine.             The Act deals with only one of the many and varied problems that result from the broad and multifarious issue of work: the situation of not being formally employed. Employment is connected with the actual policy in this respect, the labour market, and with many economic problems. The passing of the Act and the period of its functioning discussed in the present paper fell in Poland on the days of a profound socio-economic crisis which influences the problems related to employment.             In our study, however, we have taken no account of the above broader issues, focusing on the functioning of the Act: the nation of ,,evasion of work’’ and ,,a person evading work’’ it introduced, the extent of the population that falls under the Act, characterization of the population mentioned the institutions and persons involved in  realization of the Act, ways of dealing with the persons evading work, conformability of the conduct of the Act’s addresses with the model of conduct it includes, appraisal of the degree to which the aims of the Act, as set before it by the legislator have been reached, and the social effects of the law.             The study concerned the functioning of the Act in the capital city of Warsaw. The basic source of information were index cards of all man evading work that had been registered in this territory in the period from January 1, 1983, till April 30, 1984. Moreover, district constables of the police were interviewed about these men; data concerning their criminal records were obtained from the Central Criminal Register and information about their detention in the Warsaw sobering-up station was obtained from the station's files. Two years later, additional data were gathered in order to check which of the registered men worked for at least 6 month after having been registered; the course of work for public purposes done by the examined persons was also checked with enterprises that organized such work.             In the period included in the study, 2,195 men evading work were registered in Warsaw. The size of this population seems susceptible of various interpretations, depending on the adepted point of view. This number however seems insignificant as compared with that of situations vacant reported at the employment agency which for instance exceeded 18 thousand jobs for men on December 31, 1983. As shown by the analysis of the course of registration in the entire examined period, and of the differences in the sizes of the registered populations in the separate Warsaw districts, the sizes in question vary greatly and depend on administrative steps that influence the revealing of men who answer the statutory definition.             The term "person evading work" designates various persons whose various circumstances - whether socially accepted or not – justify their lack of permanent employment, and who find themselves in various situations. They are e.g. persons waiting to be called up, those who help their families with farming, alcoholics who find it impossible to keep any permanent job, men supported by their familes and looking after a family member, those who are preparing for examination to enter the university, those taking a rest after release from prison, and those who actually do work (there were about 1/4 of them): casually, seasonally or in private firms, but fail to settle their situation formally. According to the police data, as few as every tenth of the examined persons had among others, though not exclusively, illegal sources of maintenance such as offences or illicit trade. In general, the men registered as evading work did not differ from the entire population of men aged 18-45 who lived in Warsaw at that time as regards the age structure. There were among them relatively few married men. Their level of education was somewhat lower as compared with men employed at that time in Warsaw in the socialized economy; yet two-thirds of them were trained in some profession. According to the police inquiries, and to the information from index cards and from sobering-up station, three-fourth of the examined persons drank extensively; one-third of them were detained in the station, with the majority being detained repeatedly which arouses suspicion as to their dependence. 79 per cent of the registered persons were  known to the police who had to intervene in their cases comparatively often and the company they kept was appraised negatively by the police 45 per cent had criminal records (with offences against property predominating) their effence however did not provide them money enough to replace employee’s wages.             The first stage of introduction of the Act was to reveal persons liableto registration. The performance of the duty of registration met with most serious problems. Persons who reported themselves to be registered constituted less than a half of the total of those registered, this situation remaining unchanged even one year after the Act had entered into force. Even after that period, over a half of those newly registered were persons who had not been working for over a year and who thus should have been registered much earlier Some of those who reported themselves did it only because they needed a certificate of registration to settle some important personal matter A rather numerous category nearly one- third of the examined men consisted of those registered after having been punished by a transgresion board for failure in the duty of registration, and those reported by the police or public prosecutor' s office Therefore, the police were explicitly involved in the process of picking out persons evading work.             Also the realization of the entire second stage of dealing with the above persons - that of classification - arouses serious doubts.             Index cards of a great number of persons lacked information essential for the realization of the Act, i.e. concerning certain facts about the registered person and the history of this previous employment.             Among the vital decisions taken in relation to the registered persons is the recognition of the reason of their unemployment as justified or unjustified. A tendency became pronounced in these decisions to treat illness and prolonged formal transactions related to future work as valid excuses for not working and out to excuse working without formal employment. It appeared also that officials deciding in these matters enjoyed a certain degree of discretion when appraising the reasons of unemployment.             The actions taken toward the registered persons assumed first of all the character unemploying: they consisted in obligating these persons to report again and inform about employment, or in referring them; therefore these actions failed to bring about any considerable effects; had the persons in question reported directly at the employment agency, the effects would have been identical.             One-forth of the registered persons were directed to do work for public purposes. As many as two- thirds of them never even appeared to get the adress of the enterprise which such organized work, and 15 per cent reported at the workplace but failed to fulfil their duties. Thus directing to work for public purposes was of a trifle importance only; out of proportion with the effort put in the organizing of such work.             Thoroughout the period included in the study, the names of 152 (7 per cent) of the registered men were entered in the list of persons who persistently evaded work. Punishment for infringement of the disscused Act was moved for in one third of cases.             As shown by the picture of realization of the Act, the officials who apply it often face the registered men's most complex life problems, that are difficult to appraise explicitly and to decide upon beyond dispute; besides, methods of successful circumvention or evasion of the provisions of the Act appear to have emerged.             The appraisal of the functioning of the discussed Act has been done on two planes: both the realization of the legislator's intentions and the social effects of its introduction other than intended have been analyzed.             The legislator's intentions are defined as coming to the assistance of those out of work and out of school who want work, and inducing to work those who fail to express this wish. In the statements of the Minister of Justice and of the deputy reporter during the parliamentary discussion, also such aims were formulated as: drawing up a record of persons evading work and thus getting knowledge as to the extent of this phenomenon; providing hands in cases of their shortage; and soothing the indignant public opinion which demanded radical measures to fight the phenomenon of the so-called social parasitism.             The above intentions have been realized but to a slight degree. Cases of getting help from administrative agency were extremely rare, the agency playing but the role of an agent who directs clients on to the employment or medical agencies.             After registration 44.5 per cent of the examined persons took a job and 37.6 per cent continued to work incessanuy for 6 months which is the condition of their names being stroken off from the register. The latter group proved to be "better" as regards selected social traits. According to our appraisal, these persons had greater chances and possibilities of and performing a job as compared with the remaining group; what's more "inducing" them to work was frequently absolutely unnecessary.             Registration failed to provide knowledge as to the size of the phenomenon of evasion of work, inconstancy being among its characteristics. The examined persons are often temporarily unemployed, this situation far from being permanent.             Registration failed to improve the situation in the labour market: not only the number of those who found a job but also the total of those registered was too small as compared with the needs.             Whether the public opinion has been soothed and satisfied by the introduction of the Act, we do not know. What we do know, is that among those registered there were hardly any persons whose unemployment particularly irritated the public opinion (e.g. black market and foreign currency dealers). A number of persons "evad.ing work" can always be" found, and the reasons for which some of them fail to take a job would hardly meet with social desapproval.             Apart from the intended effects of any legal regulation, there are also those unintended which in the case of the discussed Act can be found in the following spheres: 1) the legal system: in the labour law (limitation of the principle of freedom of work), and in the penal law (the range of penalized acts has been broadened to include transgressions and offences provided in the Act; moreover, a penal law sanction was used as an instrument to solve a problem that belongs to the sphere of social an economic policy exclusively; 2) the sphere of political an social activities: an additional bureaucratic cell in labour exchange has been created in the case of alcoholics, intervention of the Act is but a seeming action, leaving the essence of the problem out of account; in the case of ex-convicts, the Act doubles the activity of other institutions (such person can obtain help in employment agencies or from their probation officers, and they are ,,induced" to take a job by their life situation or by the conditions on which they have been released from prison); 3) the sphere of social attitudes towards the law: failure to collect subpoenas and to appear when summoned could be observed among the registered persons which means that mechanisms of circumventing the Act emerged.             In our opinion, the Act on the treatment of persons evading work is unnecessary. A separate and independent problem of persons who evade work does not exist. Instead, there is a number of various, partly overlapping problems: demand for labour, social frustrations of the crisis period, as well as alcoholism, delinquency disturbed socialization of the youth, failure to insure employes without setting the required formalities, problem of employment of the disabled. Also favourable phenomena and traits can be found here such e.g. the energy and initiative of those who want to work more effectively and to be paid better As shown by our study, ,,social parasitism ,, i.e. the actual staying out of work and living at the expense of others, can be found in a tiny percentage of registered persons.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1988, XV; 95-152
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 380

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies