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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 61
Tytuł:
Podanie Wiktora Hoffmanna do Władysława Gomułki z 1946 roku. Z dziejów polityki personalnej Ministerstwa Ziem Odzyskanych
Autorzy:
Syrwid, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1365070.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Instytut Północny im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie
Tematy:
Ministerswo Ziem Odzyskanych
Władysław Gomułka
Wiktor Hoffmann
Źródło:
Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie; 2015, 290, 4; 699-710
0023-3196
2719-8979
Pojawia się w:
Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Akcja dekrucyfikacyjna w 1958 roku w północno-wschodnich powiatach województwa krakowskiego w świetle dokumentów
Autorzy:
Jasiak, Dominika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/640443.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
dekrucyfikacja, Władysław Gomułka, laicyzacja szkolnictwa, 1958, religijność wiejska
Opis:
Removal of the Crucifixes in 1958 in North-East Counties of Cracow Voivodeship  Resented in the Historical Documentation of that TimeThe article depicts how the action of the crucifix removal (so called “decrucification”, Polish dekrucyfikacja) proceeded in Poland in 1958 in north-east counties of Cracow voivodeship. It is one of the least examined aspects of Polish national policy towards the Roman Catholic Church and its followers at the time of Polish People’s Republic (PRL). The goal of the action was to remove the crucifixes from school walls, where they were placed after Polish October 1956. In cities the procedure did not meet serious protests, whereas in small towns and villages it led to significant repercussions. Among the fundamental questions one can ask in this case there are: what was the cause of that phenomenon? What stood behind such a strong opposition against school authorities obedient to the Minister of Education whose ordinance obliged them to remove religious emblems? Why did children from small towns and villages participate in school strikes? Why did their parents stand up against the Prosecutor’s Office, local authorities and even the police? What logic was followed by the state authorities who issued the order of removing the religious symbol from schools? A careful analysis of the documentation gathered by the Central Archives of Modern Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych ) in Warsaw and by the branch offices of the Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, IPN) certainly sheds some light on the above questions.
Źródło:
Prace Historyczne; 2014, 141, 1
0083-4351
Pojawia się w:
Prace Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władze i dziennikarze. Stowarzyszenie Dziennikarzy Polskich w 1956 roku
Authorities and Journalists. Polish Journalists’ Association in 1956
Autorzy:
Przeperski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477417.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
dziennikarstwo, twórcy, propaganda, Październik,
Władysław Gomułka, Stowarzyszenie Dziennikarzy Polskich
Opis:
The Polish Journalists’ Association was one of many industrial vocational organizations set up in Poland at the beginning of the 1950s. Based on the Soviet model, Polish authorities created a network of creative organizations which were something between a trade union and a social club where every member would monitor another. What is so special about the Polish Journalists’ Association? First of all, the fact that its members were the propagandists most active in the building of foundations of the totalitarian communist system. Their situation was quite particular in the break-through year of 1956. The year 1956 and the deep political and economic changes it brought along were both an opportunity and a threat to them. It was an opportunity because they could flourish and write without a gag in the mouth. It was a threat because the careers of the most committed stalinism champions would break one after another. The article analyzes the changeable political commitment of PJA in 1956. An important role is played by considerations on differences between journalists from the peripheral regions and those active in the centre of Polish reality, presented against a broader backdrop of the political situation in the People’s Republic of Poland. Finally, the text answers this question: what was the actual role of PJA in 1956? It also outlines the problems the Association had to face over the following years.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2014, 2(24); 95-134
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odwrót od Października. Pacyfikacja prasy i dziennikarzy w latach 1956-1958
Retreat from October. Pacification of the press and journalists in the years 1956-1958
Autorzy:
Przeperski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477840.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
polityka prasowa Październik 1956 dziennikarstwo odwilż Władysław Gomułka Artur Starewicz „Po prostu”
press policy October 1956 journalism thaw Władysław Gomułka Artur Starewicz "Po Prostu"
Opis:
Erozja stalinowskiego modelu komunizmu doprowadziła w latach 1955-1956 do rozregulowania mechanizmów kontroli nad prasą. Gdy jesienią 1956 roku doszło w Polsce do przesilenia politycznego, a nowym przywódcą PZPR został Władysław Gomułka, rozpoczęło się konstruowanie nowego modelu kontroli prasy. W znacznej mierze opierał się on na wzorcach stalinowskich, jednak jego budowa przebiegała powoli i uzależniona była od bieżących możliwości manewru władz. Kluczowy w tym względzie okazał się rok 1957, gdy kierownictwo brutalnymi metodami zakreśliło możliwości realnego funkcjonowania dziennikarzy w systemie. W efekcie, elementy uważane przez dziennikarzy za osiągnięcia roku 1956 – takie jak względna swoboda wypowiedzi czy dialog między dziennikarzami a czytelnikami – zostały wyrugowane, a prasa została ponownie poddana kontroli kierownictwa partyjnego. Kluczowym elementem nowego systemu zarządzania prasą stał się konformizm, który zastąpił miejsce strachu.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2016, 28; 311-352
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Authorities and Society vs. Financial Crime in the Gomułka Period in Poland
Autorzy:
Jarosz, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1390765.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-02-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
financial crime
meat scandal
penal policy in socialist Poland
Władysław Gomułka
Opis:
The pivotal motive behind financial crime in the real socialist states was the chronic shortage of goods and services. In the case of Poland under the Gomułka administration (1956-1970), a factor which contributed to the prevalence of practices considered economically criminal was, ironically, the liberalization of the government in the period following Władysław Gomułka’s rise to power. The procedure of issuing new licenses to private and co-operative manufacturing businesses fostered illegal practices, because the new businesses needed supplies of deficit resources. Private trade businesses struggled with similar problems. The authorities tried to prevent financial crime by concentrating on publishing new laws which allowed heavy punishment for those behind the biggest economic scandals. In this field, the penal policy was shaped by the top authorities of the communist party, and their decisions were binding for the institutions of the justice system. Such decisions of the top authorities of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) were behind the death sentence for Stanisław Wawrzecki, who was charged with fraudulence in meat trade in Warsaw. Poles’ attitude towards financial crime was not clear-cut. One the one hand, in their letters to authorities, many Poles expressed their support for severe punishment for those responsible for the biggest fraud, while others objected towards capital punishment for Wawrzecki. The information we have on the dynamics of confirmed financial crimes does not provide a clear answer whether it was actually related to the severity of the punishments.
Źródło:
Studia Historiae Oeconomicae; 2016, 34; 63-84
0081-6485
Pojawia się w:
Studia Historiae Oeconomicae
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Polish Church and the “Thaw” of 1956
Autorzy:
Wenklar, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/668289.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie
Tematy:
Catholic Church
Polish People’s Republic
state-church relations
thaw
Stefan Wyszyński
Władysław Gomułka
Opis:
The process of “thaw”, developing in Poland after the death of Joseph Stalin, for a long time did not include the aspect of religious freedom. Demands to restore the possibility of free worship, teaching religious education, and, above all, the release of the Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, were always present in the society, as evidenced by school strikes or slogans appearing during the Poznań events of June 1956. The changes of October 1956, initiated by the 8th plenary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, led to an improvement in state-Church relations and implementation of the most important postulates of the Church, including the return of the Primate to Warsaw, the reinstatement of religious education in schools, and the return of chaplains to prisons and hospitals. The authorities, however, did not treat the above as part of a binding agreement. As early as in the 1957 and 1958 activities restricting the functioning of the Church began. The symbolic markings of the process were the attack on the Primate’s Institute at Jasna Góra in 1958 and the withdrawal of consent for the construction of the church in Kraków’s Nowa Huta. Finally, in 1961, religious education was removed from schools, and in 1962 a separate department of the Security Service was established for the sole purpose of the fight against religion. Although the practices of the Stalinist period did not make their comeback, the 1956 thaw appeared to be only a short episode in a constant conflict between the communist state and the Roman Catholic Church.
Źródło:
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II; 2019, 9, 2; 69-90
2391-6559
2083-8018
Pojawia się w:
The Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa a Trzeci Świat. Przełom z roku 1956
Autorzy:
Tebinka, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2230836.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Trzeci Świat
dekolonizacja
Władysław Gomułka
Październik ’56
komunizm
Third World
decolonisation
October 1956
communism
Opis:
W okresie stalinowskim scena pozaeuropejska nie była przedmiotem większego zainteresowania Warszawy, poza wojną koreańską i konfliktem indochińskim. Zmiany polityczne w Moskwie i w Warszawie w 1956 r. przyniosły polityczne i gospodarcze otwarcie PRL na niekomunistyczne kraje Trzeciego Świata. Za priorytet uznano w Warszawie, zgodnie z polityką ZSRR, rozwijanie dobrych stosunków z Indiami, Birmą, Egiptem i Afganistanem, a w drugiej kolejności z Syrią i Indonezją. Wzrost pozycji międzynarodowej PRL w wyniku Października ’56 ułatwiał Warszawie kontakty z krajami Trzeciego Świata, które w większości nie były zainteresowane „budowaniem socjalizmu” w wydaniu sowieckim, natomiast chciały uzyskać od Kremla pomoc gospodarczą i wojskową. Wsparcie dla ruchów narodowowyzwoleńczych w koloniach było jednym z celów polityki zagranicznej PRL. Władysław Gomułka wykazywał się jednak pragmatyzmem, jeśli chodzi o nawiązywanie kontaktów z państwami Azji, Ameryki Łacińskiej i Afryki, był też powściągliwy w udzielaniu im pomocy gospodarczej.
Except for the Korean War and the Indochina conflict, during the Stalinist period, the non-European scene was of little interest to Warsaw. Political changes in Moscow and Warsaw in 1956 led to the political and economic opening of the PRL to non-communist Third World countries. It was considered a priority in Warsaw, in line with USSR policy, to develop good relations with India, Myanmar, Egypt and Afghanistan, followed by Syria and Indonesia. The rise in the international standing of PRL as a result of October 1956 facilitated Warsaw’s contacts with Third World countries, most of which were not interested in “building socialism” in its Soviet version, but wanted economic and military aid from the Kremlin. Support for national liberation movements in the colonies was one of the foreign policy goals of PRL. Władysław Gomułka, however, was pragmatic when it came to establishing contacts with countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, and restrained in terms of providing them with economic aid.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2023, 41, 1; 13-25
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Better Not at All Than Not Well. A Review of a Biography of Władysław Gomułka
Autorzy:
Eisler, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/953776.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
Władysław Gomułka ‘Wiesław’
communism
Polish United Workers’ Party
Polish Workers’ Party
Anita Prażmowska
biography
communist leadership
Opis:
Władysław Gomułka was the Polish communist leader who, most probably, played the most important role in the history of Poland. In the years 1943–48 he was the Secretary of the Polish Workers’ Party, and next, from 1956 to 1970, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. According to the rule ‘the more power the more responsibility’, which had particular significance in non-democratic systems, Gomułka was responsible or co-responsible for everything good but also for everything bad that happened in Poland during his rule. At the same time he is this Polish communist leader, on whose life and activity over twenty books were published. One of the recent ones was published by Anita Prażmowska. Unfortunately, this is not a successful attempt.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Historyczny; 2017, 124
0023-5903
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Historyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Grudzień ’70 w prasie Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Relacje i analizy polityczne
December of 1970 in the West German Press: Accounts and Political Analysis
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1157582.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-30
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
Władysław Gomułka
Edward Gierek
public opinion
Polish-German relations
social protests
strikes
manifestations
the Baltic coast
Opis:
The purpose of the presented article is to indicate to what an extent and how the most opinion-forming dailies and weeklies in Germany reported events taking place on the Polish coast in December 1970. The workers’ revolt, which ended with a bloody suppression by the army and militia, took place only a week after the agreement between the People’s Republic of Poland and West Germany had been concluded. Analyzing this issue, research questions can be asked, both about the number and size of articles as well as their nature. Were they predominantly accounts of the course of events or were commentaries also popular? Was, and if so, to what an extent social unrest in the People’s Republic of Poland and the removal of Władysław Gomułka from power perceived as a threat to the just initiated process of rapprochement on the Warsaw–Bonn line? To what an extent did the publications in dailies and weeklies differ from each other? Finally, the question is whether the press appearing in the Federal Republic of Germany published information on reactions of the public of this country, acts of solidarity, or voices of condemnation addressed to the authorities in Warsaw? The study undertook a critical analysis of texts describing the events of December 1970, establishing the chronology of these events. This analysis was also comparative in nature, as the content of the articles was compared with the former researchers’ findings on the course of individual days of the December tragedy. No less important for this text was the linguistic analysis, aimed at indicating to what an extent reports and columns regarding the situation in Poland were emotionally loaded, and to what an extent they constituted substantive, emotionless political analyzes. The next research method used in the presented research was the quantitative method. Its application made it possible to determine the number of articles referring to events in Poland and to indicate specific days when they had appeared in individual dailies and weeklies. The results of the query and analysis of press articles indicate that, despite the information blockade, journalists managed to map, with a high degree of vagueness, the real course of workers’ protests, especially their causes and the actions of the authorities leading to the brutal suppression. From the point of view of the West German editors, reports obtained from journalists from Scandinavia who had managed to get to Szczecin and Słupsk played a significant role here. In this way, the descriptions of events from both cities quickly obscured the dramatic situation in Gdańsk and Gdynia, including the symbol of December 1970 – an episode related to the death of Zbyszek Godlewski (“Janek Wiśniewski”), which hardly appeared in the media in Germany. A separate research problem to which special attention should be paid are the numerous social and economic analyzes of the situation in Poland published in West German press in December 1970. They pointed to the economic premises as the main reasons for the outbreak of protests, while criticizing the policy of Gomułka, which had led Poland to the economic stagnation. A similar position was taken by the government of Chancellor Willy Brandt, who at first took an expectant attitude, and then, through the words of the government’s spokesman Conrad Ahlers, drew attention to the chronic economic problems of the so-called Eastern Bloc. Despite some anxiety, journalists calmly accepted events in Poland, especially the removal of Gomułka from power and him being replaced by Edward Gierek. It was anticipated that the new Polish leader would continue the policy of rapprochement with Germany, and more broadly with the West.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2019, 84, 3; 123-151
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 61

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