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    Tytuł:
    Modele ekonomiczne w analizie zjawiska przestępczości
    Economic Models in the Analysis Of Crime
    Autorzy:
    Kądziołka, Kinga
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/589231.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Katowicach
    Tematy:
    Ekonomia behawioralna
    Przestępczość
    Statystyka przestępczości
    Teoria oczekiwanej użyteczności
    Teoria perspektywy
    Behavioral economics
    Crime
    Crime statistics
    Expected utility theory
    Prospec theory
    Opis:
    W artykule przedstawione zostały założenia ekonomicznej teorii przestępczości G. Beckera, zgodnie z którą mechanizm podejmowania decyzji o popełnieniu czynów niezgodnych z prawem jest oparty na racjonalnej kalkulacji korzyści i kosztów płynących z podjęcia takich działań. Przedstawiono formalny model procesu decyzyjnego potencjalnych sprawców przestępstw oparty na teorii oczekiwanej użyteczności i badano wpływ wybranych czynników na rozmiar przestępczości stwierdzonej w Polsce w kontekście założeń ekonomicznej teorii przestępczości. Zwrócono również uwagę na problem racjonalności potencjalnych sprawców przestępstw, brak dostępu do pełnej informacji oraz sposób oceny korzyści i kosztów z podejmowanych działań przestępczych. Zaprezentowano ponadto zastosowanie modeli ekonomii behawioralnej w analizie zjawiska przestępczości i pewne płynące z nich wnioski.
    Article presents formal models of decision making problem based on expected utility theory and prospect theory. Models are applied to the criminal decision making problem. Article also introduces to econometric modeling of crime rate in Poland. There is empirically verified relationship between socio-economic factors and property crime rate in the regions of Poland using panel data.
    Źródło:
    Studia Ekonomiczne; 2014, 206; 46-60
    2083-8611
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Ekonomiczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Czy szkoła jest bezpieczna dla uczniów? Skala przestępczości
    Is the school safe for students? The scale of crime
    Autorzy:
    Chodak, Paweł
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/452324.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
    Tematy:
    safety
    school
    students
    youth
    adolescents
    crime
    crime statistics
    police,
    Ministry of national education
    teachers protection
    bezpieczeństwo
    szkoła
    studenci
    młodzież
    przestępczość
    statystyka przestępczości
    policja
    Ministerstwa Edukacji Narodowej nauczyciele
    ochrona
    Opis:
    Safety is the most important value for every human being. Everyone wants to feel safe in your home, in your place of residence, work, school and shopping. Sense of security gives each man a free development and functioning. Safety in school is one of the most important elements affecting the development of bedded and geeky. To answer the posed in the title of the question about whether the school is safe for students? In the remainder of this article I will present statistical data on crime among young people and an analysis of these data. Analysis of the information can be presented by the Ministry of national education.
    Bezpieczeństwo jest najważniejszą wartością dla każdego człowieka. Każdy chce czuć się bezpiecznie w swoim domu, w swoim miejscu zamieszkania, w pracy, w szkole i na zakupach. Poczucie bezpieczeństwa daje każdemu człowiekowi możliwość swobodnego rozwoju i funkcjonowania. Bezpieczeństwo w szkole jest jednym z najważniejszych elementów mających wpływ na rozwój osobowy i naukowy ucznia. Aby odpowiedzieć na postawione w tytule pytanie „Czy szkoła jest bezpieczna dla uczniów?”, w dalszej części artykułu przedstawię dane statystyczne dotyczące przestępczości wśród młodzieży oraz analizę tych danych. Analizie zostaną poddane również informacje prezentowane przez Ministerstwo Edukacji Narodowej.
    Źródło:
    Journal of Modern Science; 2016, 28, 1; 179-194
    1734-2031
    Pojawia się w:
    Journal of Modern Science
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Problemy związane ze statystycznym opisem przestępczości w oparciu o dane statystyk policyjnych
    Problems of Statistical Description of Crime Based on Police Statistics
    Autorzy:
    Błachut, Janina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698935.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2000
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    opis przestępczości
    statystyka kryminalna
    statystyka policyjna
    description of crime
    crime statistics
    police statistics
    Opis:
    Crime, like any other social phenomenon, requires a statistical description. That description has been changing together with changes of the criminological paradigms. Today, data from three different sources are use to measure crime: official statistics, self-report surveys, and victimization surveys. The data are difficult to compare (in respect of their type, extent, and manner in which they are acquired); however, they are complementary and permit a multi-dimensional description of the phenomenon. The oldest and still the basic source of figures on crime are the crime statistics. What has changed, however, is the approach to such data. Today, they are evaluated in three different perspectives: realistic, institutional, and radical. The present study signals the problems that arise when trying to provide a statistical description of crime of the 1990s basing on police statistics interpreted (to a varying extent) in all three perspectives. My point of departure is the assumption that just like the other statistics of crime, the police statistics is a social construct. It is a product of social, political and organizational processes. Explanation of the process of statistics-making help towards a qualitative evaluation of the data contained in the statistics. The data from police statistics may be treated as indices of both the functioning of the institutions for social control, and of detected crime that results from such control. Important in the social process of statistics-making is both the occurrence of specific events or behaviors and the social reaction to them. Possessing political power, the state creates the system of laws together with organizational structures that supervise the observance of those laws. The functioning of the formalized legal control may be analyzed from the viewpoint of decisions taken by the legislator in the process of law-making as well as those taken by institutions specially appointed to exercise such control. Fundamental in the process of making of police statistics is the role of decisions taken by the police in the course of prosecution. The police (as well as other prosecution agencies) is authorized by state authorities to detect, qualify, register and count events that are found to be offences and the perpetrators of those acts. It is authorized to gather, process and publish data. The legislative process, that is the legislator's decisions concerning law-making, may be appraised in various perspectives. Important in the context of interpretation of data from police statistics is their evaluation in the perspective of criminalization/de-criminalization and penalization/de-penalization acts, construction of substantive penal law and criminal procedure institution, as well as regulation of the structure and competencies of agencies dealing with public safety and order, the police included. Also monitored should be legislative "steps" in the area of misdemeanors law and penal law concerning offences against the Treasury. In the process of both formalized and informal social control, offences are "disclosed''; evcnts and behaviors idcntified with prohibited acts are distinguished from among the bulk of events and behaviors. To "disclose'' an offence, one needs knowledge as to what is and what is not a prohibited act; the opportunity to recognize that offence; and the awareness of recognizing it. In our system, the institutions appointed thus to "disclose'' offences include the Police, the prosecutor's office, the Office of State Protection, Military Police, Frontier Guards, fiscal inspection agencies, the Customs Inspection, State Sanitary Inspection, State Trade Inspection, as well as other agencies specified in individual laws. As can be supposed, most offences are disclosed by the victims, natural persons, and members of victimized institutions. Disclosure of an offence is not tantamount to its reporting. Self-report surveys confirm the existence of disclosed but unreported offences. As follows from such surveys, people in different countries show different tendencies to report facts of victimization to the police, and those tendencies depend on the type of offence involved. In Poland, it is the citizens' social duty to report offences; that duty becomes legal in exceptional situations and with respect to a specific group of offences only. Not all reported offences are registered. Registration follows strictly specified rules related to the system of information gathering and processing that is currently binding upon the prosecution agencies. Registration of offences proceeds through a prosecution agency's decision to institute preparatory proceedings. Most often, the proceedings are instituted on the citizens' initiative. Once instituted, preparatory proceedings aims at establishing whether a prohibited act has in fact been committed and whether that act constitutes an offence. The event with respect to which qualification of the act as an offence has been confirmed by completed preparatory proceedings is treated as an established offence in police statistics. Preparatory proceedings also aims at detecting the offender, that is at identifying the person who has in fact committed a given act. At the preparatory stage, this person is treated as the suspect. In most cases, identification of the suspect by the prosecution agencies bases on indication made by the person who reported the offence. The process of detection of offenders varies depending on the type of offence, indication or lack of indication of the suspect at the moment of reporting the offence, and the province in which the preparatory proceedings was conducted. The legislator authorized the Police not only to detect, qualify and register offences, to detect offenders, and to take a variety of decisions concerning acts and persons in preparatory proceedings (at the stage of its institution, course, and completion), but also to gather appropriate data about those acts and persons and then to count, process and publish such data. The term "police statistics'' usually means a collection, gathered and published by the Police, of figures pertaining to crime. Such figures make it possible to describe the quantitative aspect of the phenomenon, but may be quite misleading if used in a wrong manner. Data from police statistics may be used mechanically, so to say, simply quoted with no attempt at explanation. They may be manipulated, that is used in a biased way towards specific aims. As we know, figures can be used to prove any hypothesis whatever, provided that they are selected, put in order, confronted and counted. They can also be interpreted; this, however, is where difficulties start to arise. It appears that it is by no means a simple task to provide a statistical description of crime basing on police statistics. The picture of crime that emerges from that statistics is usually described in a language typical of interpretation of such data in the realistic perspective. We speak of the extent of crime, its dynamics, and trends as if we believed that the data gathered by the Police permitted characterization of "real crime". Despite this language of the realistic perspective, the actual analysis bases on all three perspectives, that is also on the institutional and the radical one. This means that using police stirtistics, we at the same time analyze the process of their making. Awareness of the process in which the data emerge determines the manner of describing and interpretation of the phenomenon of crime.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 123-140
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Land Use and Facilities and the Spatial Distribution of Urban Property Crime
    Formy i funkcje zagospodarowania przestrzeni miejskiej a przestrzenny rozkład przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
    Autorzy:
    Klakla, Jan Bazyli
    Radomska, Ewa
    Szafrańska, Michalina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1033325.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-03-30
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    mapy przestępczości
    analiza przestrzenna przestępczości
    statystyka przestrzenna
    system informacji geograficznej (GIS)
    przestępczość przeciwko mieniu
    crime mapping
    spatial analysis of crime
    spatial statistics
    geographic information systems (GIS)
    property crime
    Opis:
    The main research problem of this article is to check whether and how selected land use and facilities influence the spatial distribution of different kinds of urban thefts (and burglary) in Krakow. The analysis uses data on all crimes committed in Krakow in the years 2016–2018. Its results are generally consistent with the results of other similar studies in so far as they indicate a relationship between the increased criminal activity of perpetrators and the availability of potential victims or objects of attack. Both the higher density of crimes in general and theft in general occurred above all in facilities or in the immediate vicinity of facilities which accumulate large communities for various purposes (activity nodes) or in places which produce the high intensity of people flows (communication nodes). One land use and facilities coexist with an increased density of all types of thefts, while others coexist only with some of them. The results, however, seem inconsistent with the rational choice theory assumptions as high crime density rates were observed in the immediate vicinity of public and private monitoring cameras, as well as within 50 meters of police stations.
    Głównym problemem badawczym niniejszego artykułu jest sprawdzenie, czy i w jaki sposób wybrane formy i funkcje zagospodarowania przestrzeni miejskiej wpływają na rozmieszczenie kradzieży oraz kradzieży z włamaniem. W analizie wykorzystano dane dotyczące przestępstw zarejestrowanych w latach 2016–2018 w obrębie administracyjnych granic miasta Krakowa. Rezultaty przeprowadzonych badań są zasadniczo zgodne z wynikami podobnych analiz w zakresie, w jakim wskazują one na związek pomiędzy wzmożoną aktywnością przestępczą sprawców a dostępnością potencjalnych ofiar lub obiektów ataku. Większe zagęszczenie zarówno przestępstw ogółem, jak i kradzieży ogółem występowało przede wszystkim w tych obiektach lub bezpośredniej bliskości obiektów, które w różnych celach gromadzą duże zbiorowości (węzły aktywności) lub są miejscem licznych przepływów ludzkich (węzły komunikacji). Co jednak istotne, jedne tego typu funkcje zagospodarowania współwystępują ze zwiększonym zagęszczeniem wszystkich typów kradzieży, inne zaś jedynie niektórych z nich. Wyniki niniejszych badań nie pozostają natomiast w zgodzie z podstawowym założeniem teorii racjonalnego wyboru, wskazując na wysokie zagęszczenie przestępstw w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie kamer monitoringu publicznego i prywatnego, jak również w odległości do 50 metrów od komisariatów policji.
    Źródło:
    Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2021, 94; 65-95
    0208-6069
    2450-2782
    Pojawia się w:
    Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Crime and Criminality – Problems of Definition, the Ability to Analyze this Issue in Conceptual and Structural Terms
    Przestępstwo, przestępczość – problemy definicyjne, umiejętność analizy zjawiska w zakresie pojęciowym i strukturalnym
    Autorzy:
    Jarczewski, Waldemar
    Bogdalski, Piotr
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/30147253.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    crime
    offense
    crime categories
    security
    statistics
    studies
    research
    definitions
    przestępczość
    przestępstwo
    kategorie przestępczości
    bezpieczeństwo
    statystyka
    studia
    badania
    definicje
    Opis:
    This publication is addressed to students of security studies who attempt to define crime and describe criminogenic phenomena when working on their undergraduate or graduate theses. It is intended to help students decide which specific categories of crime to study and later describe. The main focus of the study is on specific categories of crime, including common crime, organized crime, drug-related crime, and juvenile crime. Students are presented with proposed definitions within selected criminological categories of crime as well as with suggestions on how to describe these phenomena in statistical terms. The hypothesis is that common crime remains the largest category in overall crime statistics, but it does not clearly prevail in terms of actual crime. The contents of this article are the product of the authors’ considerations, supported by many years of police experience, with reference to selected items of literature.
    Niniejsza publikacja skierowana jest do studentów kierunków bezpieczeństwa, podejmujących w swoich pracach licencjackich czy magisterskich próby zdefiniowania przestępczości i opisu zjawisk kryminogennych. Ma ona ułatwić studentom podjęcie decyzji o wybraniu określonych kategorii przestępczości, które podlegać będą badaniom i późniejszemu opisowi. Głównym przedmiotem badań są określone kategorie przestępczości, między innymi kryminalna przestępczość pospolita, zorganizowana, przestępczość narkotykowa czy przestępczość nieletnich. Studentom przedstawiono propozycje definicji odnoszących się do wybranych kategorii kryminologicznych przestępczości, jak i sugestie odnoszące się do opisu zjawisk w ujęciu statystycznym. Hipoteza zakłada, że: kryminalna przestępczość pospolita jest wciąż najliczniejszą kategorią w odniesieniu do statystyk przestępczości w ogóle, jednak jej udział w przestępczości rzeczywistej nie ma już charakteru wyraźnej dominacji. Tekst publikacji przedstawia zapis rozważań własnych autorów, popartych wieloletnim doświadczeniem służby w Policji, w odniesieniu do wybranych pozycji literatury fachowej.
    Źródło:
    Przegląd Strategiczny; 2023, 16; 103-115
    2084-6991
    Pojawia się w:
    Przegląd Strategiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość młodocianych w latach 1951-1957 na podstawie statystyki sądowej
    The delinquency of young adults aged 17 to 20 in Poland in the years 1951 to 1957 on the basis of judicial statistics
    Autorzy:
    Jasiński, Jerzy
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699180.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1960
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość młodocianych
    Polska
    statystyka sądowa
    skazani
    struktura przestępczości
    delinquency of young adults
    Polska
    judical statistics
    convicted
    structure of delinquency
    Opis:
    The Polish criminal law treats everybody who has completed his or her seventeenth year as an ,,adult" and does not provide for any separate principles of responsibility, nor for the possibility of applying any special means with regard to young adults, i.e. persons in the transition age between minority and full adult age. The Department of Criminology of the Institute of Legal sciences has, in the course of its investigation concerning the delinquency of juveniles (up to 17 years of age) and of young adults, singled out  offenders between the seventeenth and the twentieth year of age, and carried out research on the problem of the forms which their delinquency assumed in the light of judicial statistics. During the period under investigation the total number of persons age 17 to 20 among the whole population of Poland amounted to an approximate figure of between 1 800 000 and 1 900 000 persons, including from 910 000 to 960 000 men and from 900 000 to 960 000 women (the total of Poland’s population aged over 17 amounted to from 16 600 000 to 19 000 000 people, of whom between 7 700 000 and 9 200 000 were men, and between 8 900 000 and 9 800 000 – women). The materials of judicial statistics on the basis of which our calculations have been compiled proceed from the summing up of the records entered on special cards made by the law-courts in the event of their having convicted an accused person, and with regard to every person convicted by the law-court in question for a felony or a misdemeanor , i.e. for acts provided for in the 1932 Criminal Code, still in force, or else in special criminal statutes, and for which the penalty is one of more than three months custody or a fine of more than 4500 zlotys. The above-mentioned cards, after the use has been made of them for statistical purposes, are preserved in the record of convicts in order to make possible the establishment of any previous delinquency of an apprehended offender. Because of the law-courts frequent failing to send such cards to the Register of Convicts, recourse has been had to another source of information concerning convictions, namely judicial reports' which have yielded data making it possible to go in for an approximate estimation of the actual number of all the persons convicted by the law-courts, and being over the age of 17. The diminution of the number of persons convicted in 1953 as compared with 1952 is a result of the carrying out of the Amnesty Act of the end of 1952, while that of 1957 as compared with 1955 seems to be connected to a considerable extent, with the very serious increase, within the year 1957, of the number of criminal cases awaiting to be tried by the courts. During the 1951 to 1957 period the rate of convictions pronounced against adults increased by 19 per cent, while the corresponding figure for young adults was 26 per cent. The delinquency coefficients quoted above show that in 1951 one out of each 64 young adult inhabitants of Poland was convicted by the law-courts, while in 1957 it was one out of every 57. If we take into consideration all the convicted persons adults and juveniles together, it will appear that in the years 1951 to 1957 persons aged under 17 years (juveniles) constituted between 9 and 16 per cent of the total of persons convicted by the courts; persons aged under 21 (juveniles and. young adults together) - from 21 to 27 per cent; persons under 25 years of age - from 34 to 40 per cent, and persons under 30 years of age - between 53 and 57 per cent. The convicted persons aged 17 to 29 formed a group comprising from 46 to 48 per cent of the total of convicted persons in every single year of the 1951 to 1957 period, so that the age of nearly one in every two convicted persons was comprised within the limits of from 17 to 29 years. The researched number of delinquency coefficients provide us with an appropriate knowledge of the rate of convictions of young adults as compared with further age groups of convicted adults, as well as of the differences in the rate of convictions of men and women. Thus the rate of convictions in the pre-war period (1937) was considerably higher than in the years 1951 to 1957. Particularly big differences, yielding coefficients nearly twice as high, can be noticed with regard to men aged 17 to 20, 21 to 24 and 25 to 29. On the other hand, the rate of convictions of women in 1937 very closely approximated the present-day rate. In the years 1951 to 1957 the amount of young adults delinquency coefficients for men towered high above the coefficients for the remaining age groups (the only exception can be recorded in 1957, with regard to the 25 to 29 years age group). It ought, however, to be emphasized that the coefficients for the 21 to 24 years age group for men are somewhat lower than they ought to be, since they have been calculated for all men within the above age limit while in a reality number of them who were then doing military service would be tried by courts-martial, the sentences of which have not been taken into consideration in the present contribution. Among women (similarly as in 1937) the highest rate of convictions was that for women aged 21 to 24, while the coefficients for young adults were lower than those for the 30 to 39 of age group. The mutual relation between the number of convicted men and women has undergone a considerable change as compared with the pre-war period; this change was most clearly marked in the initial years of the 1951 to 1957 period; it consisted in a diminution of the difference between the number of men and women convicted. In the years 1951 to 1957 the highest rate of convictions of young adult offenders (incidentally the same was true of juveniles as well) was shown by the two largest cities, Warsaw and Łódź, the voivodeships of the Western Territories and the most urbanized and industrialized area in the whole of the country - the voivodeship of Katowice. The information quoted so far was based on the estimative evaluation of the actual number of persons convicted, which we have mentioned above. Since an analogous estimation of the data concerning the kinds of offences committed by the persons convicted in the years 1951 to 1957 seemed too risky, in discussing the information concerning them we have relied directly upon the calculations furnished in the conviction cards made by the law-courts. Young adults delinquency seems to be considerably less differentiated than that of adults: first and foremost, offences property, and then against life and health, constitute those acts for which nearly three out of every four young adults punished by the courts in the years 1951 to 1957 were convicted. Apart from these two categories, it was only the offences against documents, in practice consisting mostly in remaking or forging various kinds of certificates and others documents, that young adults were more numerously represented than adults as a total. The percentage of persons convicted for offences against property among the several age groups of convicts clearly diminished as we passed from the younger to the older age groups. Among the older group of juveniles they still constituted 83 per cent, while among young adults – a mere 50.9 per cent. In the case of convictions for offences against life and health the opposite was true, while such offenders were most numerous among young adults (as much as 22.5 per cent of all the persons convicted in this group), while among the groups of adults nearest in age they were already somewhat less numerous. Speaking of the most important differences in the structure of the delinquency of young adults men and women, it may be worth while to note the fact that among women aged 17 to 20 there were relatively fewer convictions  for offences against social property that among men of the same groups, and rather more convictions for offences against individual property; similarly, there were several times less convictions among women of the same age for offences against life and health, authorities and offices, as well as against morals, while women were several times more frequently convicted for offences against documents.   The most important changes in the structure of young adults delinquency in the course of the 1951 to 1957 period were: a diminution of the share of those convicted for offences against property (60.4 per cent in 1951 and 58.3 per cent in 1952 – as against 52.2 per cent in 1955 and 50.9 per cent in 1957), and a very considerable increase of the percentage of young adults convicted for offences against life and health (from 11.8 per cent in 1951 and 15.1 per cent in 1952  - to 20.2 per cent in 1955 and 22.5 per cent in 1957). The latter change is attributed, first and foremost, to an increase in the activities of the police in pursuing such offences. Among the young adults convicted for offences against property (whether social or individual) the tremendous majority consisted of persons convicted for theft (92 per cent and 74 per cent respectively). In 1957 394 young adults were convicted for robbery (out of a total of 1004 persons convicted for the same offence). On the other hand, among the persons convicted for such offences as the receiving of stolen goods (a total of 5457 persons in 1957) there were relatively very few young adults (522 persons), similarly as in the case of convictions for fraud (119 young adults as against 1225 adult persons convicted in 1957). About 28 per cent of all the young adults convicted in 1957 for offences against life and health were prosecuted for infringement of bodily inviolability (1620 persons), 28 per cent for inflicting slight bodily harm (1655 persons). Nearly one out of every three young adults (31 per cent, 1857 persons) convicted for offences against life and health in 1957 was convicted for participation in a brawl (if he used a dangerous tool or else if the result was death or grievous injury to the body). Within the same year 38 young adults were convicted of murder and manslaughter, out of a total number of 263 adults, 10 young adults of infanticide, out of a total number of 31 adults, and 51 young adults of unintentionally causing death, out of a total number of 333 adults. Out of a total of 134 young adults convicted for sexual offences in 1957 there were 55 who had committed immoral acts with juveniles under 15 years of age, 64 were convicted for rape, 1 for incest, 8 for various forms of abetting to prostitution and deriving profits from it, and 6 for various other offences included in this group.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 241-295
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    O przestępczości cudzoziemców i przestępczości wobec cudzoziemców w Polsce na podstawie statystyki policyjnej
    Immigrants crime and victimization in Poland based on police statistics
    Autorzy:
    Włodarczyk-Madejska, Justyna
    Kopeć, Maria
    Goździk, Gabriela
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2030517.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    cudzoziemcy
    imigracja
    przestępczość cudzoziemców
    wiktymizacja cudzoziemców
    etiologia przestępczości
    statystyka policyjna
    foreigners
    immigration
    immigrants and crime
    victimization of immigrants
    etiology of crime
    police statistics
    Opis:
    Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia problematykę przestępczości cudzoziemców w Polsce oraz zjawisko ich wiktymizacji w oparciu o statystyki policyjne. Podjęto w opracowaniu próbę omówienia etiologii pokrzywdzenia cudzoziemców przestępstwem oraz ukazano trudności i osiągnięcia związane z badaniem tego zjawiska. Przedstawiono także możliwe przyczyny zaangażowania imigrantów w działalność przestępczą. W kluczowej części opracowania ukazano, w oparciu o statystyki policyjne, dane liczbowe dotyczące skali przestępczości imigrantów w Polsce, struktury tego zjawiska oraz samych sprawców. Następnie omówione zostały dane na temat skali pokrzywdzenia imigrantów przestępstwem w Polsce oraz dotyczące osób pokrzywdzonych.
    This article presents the issue of crimes committed by immigrants in Poland and the issue of their victimization based on police statistics. Authors describe the etiology of victimization of immigrants and show the problems and the achievements related to the study of this phenomenon. The article presents the possible causes for committing crimes by immigrants. In the main part, based on police statistics, authors present the size and structure of crimes committed by immigrants and analyze who are the offenders. They also show the size of crime victimization on the immigrants in Poland and data about victims.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2021, XLIII/2; 267-314
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Rozmiary i uwarunkowania zachowań dewiacyjnych młodzieży wiejskiej
    Extent and Causes of Deviant Behaviour in the Rural Youth
    Autorzy:
    Siemaszko, Andrzej
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699232.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1986
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    zachowanie
    młodzież
    przestępczość
    aresztowanie
    klasa społeczna
    geneza przestępczości
    zbiorowość
    niesubordynacja
    nieuczciwość
    statystyka
    socjologia
    behaviour
    youth deviations
    delinquency
    arrests
    social class
    genesis of crime
    community
    insubordination
    dishonesty
    statistics
    sociology
    ommunity
    Opis:
    In the years 1978-1979, a study of the extent and causes of deviant behaviour in older schoolchildren was carried out in Warsaw which included three thousand persons. boys and girls. Since there was a lack of comprehensive studies of the extent and causes of social maladjustment of the rural, youth in Poland' it was decided that this study should be repeated in typically agricultural regions. The study, carried out in late l981, was aimed at the following: to construct a Polish version of the self-report delinquency scale, to estimate the extent of deviant behaviour in the analyzed populations, and to determine the variables particularly closely related to deviant behaviour. The stratified random sample consisted of 2,144 persons (1,7O2 boys and 429 girls). They were students of 86 different grades of various secondary schools, and were aged 14- 19. The study was carried out by an anonymous questionnaire which contained 124 questions; among them. there were 42 questions - about the various types of deviant behaviour, while the remaining ones concerned the separate groups of independent  variables. The data on the following groups of independent variables were collected:1. the attitudes towards the family, the past and present and future family situation, and the character of interactions within the family; 2. deviance in the environment; 3. the attitudes towards friends, the character of interactions with friends and the intensity of bonds with the reference groups; 4. the attitudes towards school and the learning progress; 5. attitudes towards the legal norms; 6. the appraisal of life prospects and of the chances for fulfilment of aims and aspirations by means of legitimate methods; 7. the system of values, outlook on life and attitude towards moral norms; 8. engagement in social, cultural and sports activities and the like. A distinct  group were the so-called alcohol variables, analyzed separately and the socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the questionnaire contained a ninc-question lye scale. The dependent variable was an index of 42 questions about various types of deviant behaviour. The possible answers to all the questions were indentical: "never", "once or twice", "several times", "a dozen or more times" and "more often". The sum of the respondents' affirmative answers to the questions about deviant behaviour formed the so-called variety scale. The frequency scale resulted from summing up all types of answers to each of the questions. Since the correlation between the scales of variety and frequency exceeded r :0.90, the variety scale was used in the analysis. This was due to its simplicity and a greater easiness of statistical interpretation. Three groups of deviant behaviour were distinguished for the purposes of the analysis. The first of them were manifestations of behaviour given a working term of insubordination. Though not forbidden by the law, such behaviour is improper in consideration of age or represents a challenge to the authority of the parents" guardians. teachers etc. For instance. the following types of behaviour were included here: staying away from home all night without the parents' consent. running away from home, or smoking before the age of 14. The second group were acts of "dishonesty" also not penalized as a rule– e.g. failure to give a lost thing back to its owner, or steadling rides. The third and most important group were acts that bore the character of transgressions or offences. Among others, this category included brawls. beatings and other offences against person. robbery thefts. breaking and entering, receiving stolen property, and other offences against property. The examined young persons committed the following acts, most frequently: smoking before the age of 14. stealing rides. failure to give the change left from shopping back-to the parents (over 80f of affirmative answers), failure to give the change back to a shopkeeper, failure to give back a found object (over 70% of affirmatie answers). misdemeanour at school. beating. participation in a brawl (over 50% of affirmative answers). Most seldom they admited taking drugs, picking public telephones and slipping out of a pub without paying the bill (less than 10%, of the examined persons). Generally, about 35% of the examined boys (i.e. 583 persons) admitted having committed at least once a half of the, 42 acts included in the questionnaire. over 20% of boys had a high, and 7.7% a Very high level of deviance. In the Warsaw study. a very high level of deviance was found in 6.1%, of boys. Therefore, the percentage of boys with a high level of deviance is similar in both studies and nearing other Polish estimates of the extent of social maladjustment of the school youth. In the present study, hypotheses were verified which were derived from some of the most popular theories of deviance: i.a., Sutherland's theory of differential associations, Hirschi's control theory, Merton's aims – means theory, (and the related conceptions of Cloward and Ohlin), Sykes and Matza's theory of neutralization. Also certain hypotheses were verified indirectly that were derived from the Gluecks' multifactor conception and the labeling theory: The major findings were as follows: Family situation Four items of the questionnaire made together the scale of ties with the family. These were the following questions: "Do your parents try to understand your problems?'', "Do your parents trust you?,  ,,Do you generally like to discuss your plans with your parents?", "Do you trust your parents?". The scale of family ties revealed a rather high negative correlation with the deviance scale (r = -0.34 for boys and. R = -0.28 for girls). It appeared that the lesser the sense of ties with the parents. the higher the tendency to deviant behaviour. Two questions concerned the general apprasal of the atmosphere at home and the degree of the respondents' identification with their families. A strong interdependence was found between the way of defining the atmosphere- at home and the level of deviance. .The respondents who scored highest on the deviance scale, defined their atmosphere at home as bad several times more frequently, and much more seldom as good or very good, as compared with the others. As regards the question whether the respondents would like their own future families to be similar to their parental homes,  the distribution of answers was alike. Among the respondents who would not like it at all or rather would not like it, there were nearly three times more of those who scored highest on the deviance scale. The global index of the attitude towards the family (constructed with the answers to all questions concerning the ties and identification with the family) revealed a negative and rather high correlation with the deviance scale, both in the case of boys (r = -0.30) and of girls (r = -0.26). Thus it appeared that deviant behaviour is inversely related to family ties and identification. Those of the examined persons who revealed a nelative attitude towards their families scored significantly higher on the scale of deviance as compared with those whose appraisal of their homes was favourable. Deviance of the environment and attitudes towards friends There were four questions that concerned deviance in the environment, one of which ("Has any member of your closest family ever been convicted by the court?'') concerned the perceived intensity of deviance in the family. Both the boys and the girls whose family member had a criminal record had the highest level of deviance. This finding is of a great theoretical as well as practical value since it demonstrates the groundlessness of the frequently accepted assumption that the family is always the source of pro-social patterns of behaviour. Three questions concerned deviance of the environment, their construction aimed at reflecting various aspects of the problem both as regards the subjective and the objective point of view: the different intensity of deviance and range of environment. The questions were: "Did you ever happened to have problems at school, boarding-school or at home because of your friends?'', "Did any of your acquaintances have a case in a juveni1e court or court of general criminal jurisdiction?", "Are there many young persons in your environment who have troubles with the police?". The distribution of answers to these questions markedly differentiated the examined populations in respect to deviance. In the groups distinguished according to their level of deviance significant differences could be found as far as the deviance of the environment is concerned. The respondents whose level of deviance was the highest appeared to move significantly more often with decidedly negative circles. A scale of deviance in the environment was constructed of the above questions. Of all the scales included in the study, this one showed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour, both in the case of boys (r = 0.56) and of girls (r = 0.36). Instead, the distribution of answers to the questions about emotional ties with the reference groups, the degree of identification with these groups and the emotional stability failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of the degree of deviance; this finding was a surprise. Attitudes towards the law  There were three items in the questionnaire that concerned the attitude towards the law: "The law should be observed"; "Most of the acts people term offences actually cause no harm at all to anybody''' and "In order to get a position in life, lawless behaviour is indispensable"; the latter two were at the same time an operationalization of the Sykes and Matza's techniques of neutralization. Opinions denying or aggreeing with the statement concerning the harmlessness of offences were the 1east important in the differentiation of the examined populations in respect to the level of deviance. This variable was also least correlated with the general scale of altitudes towards the law. On the other hand, the remaining two variables of this groups did differentiate the respondents well in respect of the level of deviant behaviour. The most discriminating was the question in what situations the law should be observed. The respondents who were\of opinion that "law should always be observed irrespective of the situation'' appeared to reveal the lowest level of deviance. Instead, among the resolute legal nonconformists (,,you can break the law whenever you are certain that you will escape punishment"), those prevailed who scored highest on the deviance scale. The scale of attitudes towards the law was moderately but significantly correlated with the deviance scale, though the relationship of the presently discussed scale with that of deviance was less marked than it was the case with the scales of deviance of environmental and of the attitudes towards the family. The perceived life-chances and material situation Two of the questions concerned the perceived life prospects that can be fulfilled by legitimate means: "what is your estimation of your life prospects as compared with those of the others?", and "Will you be able to get a good job after school?". The differences in the distributions of answers to the above questions in respect of the level of deviance were not great; however. they were significant. The "worst" respondents somewhatimore often had pessimistic, and the "best" ones - optimistic views. However, the constructed index of legitimate opportunities (which consisted of the above two questions failed to reveal a significant relation to deviant behaviour. This means that the sense of blocked opportunities for promotion and success (operationalized as above) is not related to deviant behaviour. The more so as the question about the respondents' estimation of their family material standing - though it differentiated the answers in respect of the level of deviance - also revealed a very small correlation with the scale of deviance (about 0.10). Perception of life prospects and opportunities was also analyzed from a somewhat different point of view. Namely, the respondents were asked whether in their opinion connections were necessary to get a god job. and whether it was possible to succeed in life through good honest work. These questions composed the variable "illegitimate opportunities". Constructed so as to make it complementary in relation to the variable "legitimate opportunities". An attempt was also made to ascertain to what degree this variable was correlated with the attitude towards the law. The questions about the chances of fulfilment of success goals through illegitimate means differentiated the examined populations in respect of the level of deviance. The "worst" respondents stated significantly more frequently that honest work did not lead to success in life. and that connections were necessary to get a good job. It was interesting to find that the variable "illegitimate opportunities'' was moderately correlated both with the attitude towards the law and with the "legitimate opportunities''. It was a moderately good predictor of deviant behaviour since it was correlated with the deviance scale at about 0.20 for boys as well as for girls. Values, moral principles and outlook on life Values treasured most frequently (love, friendship. happy home - over 75% (of all choices) failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of their deviance. Of the remaining ten values, deep religious faith was chosen most frequently by the "best'' respondents, and acquiring individuality as well as learning to "be oneself' - by the ,,worst'' ones. The question about the stability of moral principles (three "types" of morality were distinguished: strict, situational and nihilistic) completely failed to differentiate the group of respondents Separated according to their Scores on the scale of deviance. There were among the moral nihilist as many of the "worst" as of the "best" respondents. The possible answers concerning the attitude towards religion ranged from: "I 'm a decided adherent of secular views" to: "I'm deeply religious". Generally speaking. This question provided but a poor differentiation in respect of the level of deviance. Since nearly 90%  of the examined persons were at least "not-Church-going believers". Those of the examined persons who were deeply religious were an exception. In this group, the level of deviance of this group was decidedly the lowest. Involvement in conventional activities Of the three questions about activities consistent with the norms (active participation in youth organizations, hobbies, participation in organized leisure activities), none appeared to differentiate the examined group in respect of the level of deviance. Instead, the questions about school achievements ("Are you a good, bad or average student?") and about learning motivation ("What is for you the importance of being a good student?") were strongly related to deviance. The "worst" respondents much more often declared themselves to be bad students and admitted not caring about learning. At the same time, the variable of motivation was a much better predictor of deviance (r=  -0.27) than the actual learning achievements (r= -0.11). Of the considered models of deviance, the most strongly confirmed was the theory of differential associations. This may be concluded from the following premises. Firstly, the variable of "devince of the environment'' and its separate elements revealed the highest correlation with the deviance scale. The test of significance of the differences of the value of correlation coefficients justifies the rejection of the null hypothesis as to their random character. Both the question about deviance among the closest friends, and those about deviance in a broader surroundings. revealed a much stronger correlation with deviant behaviour than the remaining variables. Also the question about deviance in the family appeared relate to deviant behaviour. In the light of the results obtained, not only a deviant peer group, but also a deviance in the family seem to be conducive to deviance. The adherents of the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations would find it difficult to argue that it was the deviance in the examined persons that led to deviance in their families. Also the way in which the variable ,, deviance of the environment" is correlated with other variables speaks against the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations since this variable a also revealed rather high correlation with deviant attitudes, the attitude towards learning at school and towards the family. Moreover, the relationship between the  variable "deviance of environment" and ,,deviant behavior” was found to increase with age which is consistent with the known of importance of peer groups in the life of youths and their growing effect. On the other hand the result in question is difficult to interpret in the terms of alternative hypotheses: the "criminal tendencies" or ,.deviant impulses’’ should after all be constant and do not change with time. Still another finding should be mentioned here. In spite of the fact that girls generally have stronger ties with their parents as compared with boys, the correlation of the attitudes towards the family with deviant behaviour was found to be smaller in the group of girls than in the group of boys. Instead, against expectations, the deviance of the environment also revealed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour in the group of girls. Hirschi's control theory was much less confirmed by the findings of the present study. Of the four elements of bonds only the  attachment to the, parents were rather strongly supported. On the other hand, hypotheses derived from the remaining elements of Hirschi.s conception were not confirmed at all (e.g. no confirmation at all was found of Hirsci’s argument that high degree of involvement in conventional types of activity is negatively related to deviance) or confirmed but to a small extent (e.g. the relationship between the school achievements and deviance). Besides the attitudes towards the family, only the attitude towards learning at school proved to be consistent with Hirschi's theory. On the other hand, in spite o| the principal hypothesis of the control theory the most isolated respondents failed to reveal a significantly higher level of deviance. Thus the conception of a solitary deviant promoted by Hirschi appears not tanable in the light of the obtained results. To sump up, if one had to decide basing on the findings of the present study which of the discussed theories was confirmed to a greater degree, it could be concluded that the theory of  differential associations was confirmed to greater extent than Hirschi's control theory. On the other had, the results of the study do not seem to speak for Merton’s aims-means theory or the conception of differential opportunities of Cloward and Ohlin. Also some of the statements of the labelling approach failed to find confirmation.
    In the years 1978-1979, a study of the extent and causes of deviant behaviour in older schoolchildren was carried out in Warsaw which included three thousand persons. boys and girls. Since there was a lack of comprehensive studies of the extent and causes of social maladjustment of the rural, youth in Poland' it was decided that this study should be repeated in typically agricultural regions. The study, carried out in late l981, was aimed at the following: to construct a Polish version of the self-report delinquency scale, to estimate the extent of deviant behaviour in the analyzed populations, and to determine the variables particularly closely related to deviant behaviour. The stratified random sample consisted of 2,144 persons (1,7O2 boys and 429 girls). They were students of 86 different grades of various secondary schools, and were aged 14- 19. The study was carried out by an anonymous questionnaire which contained 124 questions; among them. there were 42 questions - about the various types of deviant behaviour, while the remaining ones concerned the separate groups of independent  variables. The data on the following groups of independent variables were collected:1. the attitudes towards the family, the past and present and future family situation, and the character of interactions within the family; 2. deviance in the environment; 3. the attitudes towards friends, the character of interactions with friends and the intensity of bonds with the reference groups; 4. the attitudes towards school and the learning progress; 5. attitudes towards the legal norms; 6. the appraisal of life prospects and of the chances for fulfilment of aims and aspirations by means of legitimate methods; 7. the system of values, outlook on life and attitude towards moral norms; 8. engagement in social, cultural and sports activities and the like. A distinct  group were the so-called alcohol variables, analyzed separately and the socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the questionnaire contained a ninc-question lye scale. The dependent variable was an index of 42 questions about various types of deviant behaviour. The possible answers to all the questions were indentical: "never", "once or twice", "several times", "a dozen or more times" and "more often". The sum of the respondents' affirmative answers to the questions about deviant behaviour formed the so-called variety scale. The frequency scale resulted from summing up all types of answers to each of the questions. Since the correlation between the scales of variety and frequency exceeded r :0.90, the variety scale was used in the analysis. This was due to its simplicity and a greater easiness of statistical interpretation. Three groups of deviant behaviour were distinguished for the purposes of the analysis. The first of them were manifestations of behaviour given a working term of insubordination. Though not forbidden by the law, such behaviour is improper in consideration of age or represents a challenge to the authority of the parents" guardians. teachers etc. For instance. the following types of behaviour were included here: staying away from home all night without the parents' consent. running away from home, or smoking before the age of 14. The second group were acts of "dishonesty" also not penalized as a rule– e.g. failure to give a lost thing back to its owner, or steadling rides. The third and most important group were acts that bore the character of transgressions or offences. Among others, this category included brawls. beatings and other offences against person. robbery thefts. breaking and entering, receiving stolen property, and other offences against property. The examined young persons committed the following acts, most frequently: smoking before the age of 14. stealing rides. failure to give the change left from shopping back-to the parents (over 80f of affirmative answers), failure to give the change back to a shopkeeper, failure to give back a found object (over 70% of affirmatie answers). misdemeanour at school. beating. participation in a brawl (over 50% of affirmative answers). Most seldom they admited taking drugs, picking public telephones and slipping out of a pub without paying the bill (less than 10%, of the examined persons). Generally, about 35% of the examined boys (i.e. 583 persons) admitted having committed at least once a half of the, 42 acts included in the questionnaire. over 20% of boys had a high, and 7.7% a Very high level of deviance. In the Warsaw study. a very high level of deviance was found in 6.1%, of boys. Therefore, the percentage of boys with a high level of deviance is similar in both studies and nearing other Polish estimates of the extent of social maladjustment of the school youth. In the present study, hypotheses were verified which were derived from some of the most popular theories of deviance: i.a., Sutherland's theory of differential associations, Hirschi's control theory, Merton's aims – means theory, (and the related conceptions of Cloward and Ohlin), Sykes and Matza's theory of neutralization. Also certain hypotheses were verified indirectly that were derived from the Gluecks' multifactor conception and the labeling theory: The major findings were as follows: Family situation Four items of the questionnaire made together the scale of ties with the family. These were the following questions: "Do your parents try to understand your problems?'', "Do your parents trust you?,  ,,Do you generally like to discuss your plans with your parents?", "Do you trust your parents?". The scale of family ties revealed a rather high negative correlation with the deviance scale (r = -0.34 for boys and. R = -0.28 for girls). It appeared that the lesser the sense of ties with the parents. the higher the tendency to deviant behaviour. Two questions concerned the general apprasal of the atmosphere at home and the degree of the respondents' identification with their families. A strong interdependence was found between the way of defining the atmosphere- at home and the level of deviance. .The respondents who scored highest on the deviance scale, defined their atmosphere at home as bad several times more frequently, and much more seldom as good or very good, as compared with the others. As regards the question whether the respondents would like their own future families to be similar to their parental homes,  the distribution of answers was alike. Among the respondents who would not like it at all or rather would not like it, there were nearly three times more of those who scored highest on the deviance scale. The global index of the attitude towards the family (constructed with the answers to all questions concerning the ties and identification with the family) revealed a negative and rather high correlation with the deviance scale, both in the case of boys (r = -0.30) and of girls (r = -0.26). Thus it appeared that deviant behaviour is inversely related to family ties and identification. Those of the examined persons who revealed a nelative attitude towards their families scored significantly higher on the scale of deviance as compared with those whose appraisal of their homes was favourable. Deviance of the environment and attitudes towards friends There were four questions that concerned deviance in the environment, one of which ("Has any member of your closest family ever been convicted by the court?'') concerned the perceived intensity of deviance in the family. Both the boys and the girls whose family member had a criminal record had the highest level of deviance. This finding is of a great theoretical as well as practical value since it demonstrates the groundlessness of the frequently accepted assumption that the family is always the source of pro-social patterns of behaviour. Three questions concerned deviance of the environment, their construction aimed at reflecting various aspects of the problem both as regards the subjective and the objective point of view: the different intensity of deviance and range of environment. The questions were: "Did you ever happened to have problems at school, boarding-school or at home because of your friends?'', "Did any of your acquaintances have a case in a juveni1e court or court of general criminal jurisdiction?", "Are there many young persons in your environment who have troubles with the police?". The distribution of answers to these questions markedly differentiated the examined populations in respect to deviance. In the groups distinguished according to their level of deviance significant differences could be found as far as the deviance of the environment is concerned. The respondents whose level of deviance was the highest appeared to move significantly more often with decidedly negative circles. A scale of deviance in the environment was constructed of the above questions. Of all the scales included in the study, this one showed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour, both in the case of boys (r = 0.56) and of girls (r = 0.36). Instead, the distribution of answers to the questions about emotional ties with the reference groups, the degree of identification with these groups and the emotional stability failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of the degree of deviance; this finding was a surprise. Attitudes towards the law  There were three items in the questionnaire that concerned the attitude towards the law: "The law should be observed"; "Most of the acts people term offences actually cause no harm at all to anybody''' and "In order to get a position in life, lawless behaviour is indispensable"; the latter two were at the same time an operationalization of the Sykes and Matza's techniques of neutralization. Opinions denying or aggreeing with the statement concerning the harmlessness of offences were the 1east important in the differentiation of the examined populations in respect to the level of deviance. This variable was also least correlated with the general scale of altitudes towards the law. On the other hand, the remaining two variables of this groups did differentiate the respondents well in respect of the level of deviant behaviour. The most discriminating was the question in what situations the law should be observed. The respondents who were\of opinion that "law should always be observed irrespective of the situation'' appeared to reveal the lowest level of deviance. Instead, among the resolute legal nonconformists (,,you can break the law whenever you are certain that you will escape punishment"), those prevailed who scored highest on the deviance scale. The scale of attitudes towards the law was moderately but significantly correlated with the deviance scale, though the relationship of the presently discussed scale with that of deviance was less marked than it was the case with the scales of deviance of environmental and of the attitudes towards the family. The perceived life-chances and material situation Two of the questions concerned the perceived life prospects that can be fulfilled by legitimate means: "what is your estimation of your life prospects as compared with those of the others?", and "Will you be able to get a good job after school?". The differences in the distributions of answers to the above questions in respect of the level of deviance were not great; however. they were significant. The "worst" respondents somewhatimore often had pessimistic, and the "best" ones - optimistic views. However, the constructed index of legitimate opportunities (which consisted of the above two questions failed to reveal a significant relation to deviant behaviour. This means that the sense of blocked opportunities for promotion and success (operationalized as above) is not related to deviant behaviour. The more so as the question about the respondents' estimation of their family material standing - though it differentiated the answers in respect of the level of deviance - also revealed a very small correlation with the scale of deviance (about 0.10). Perception of life prospects and opportunities was also analyzed from a somewhat different point of view. Namely, the respondents were asked whether in their opinion connections were necessary to get a god job. and whether it was possible to succeed in life through good honest work. These questions composed the variable "illegitimate opportunities". Constructed so as to make it complementary in relation to the variable "legitimate opportunities". An attempt was also made to ascertain to what degree this variable was correlated with the attitude towards the law. The questions about the chances of fulfilment of success goals through illegitimate means differentiated the examined populations in respect of the level of deviance. The "worst" respondents stated significantly more frequently that honest work did not lead to success in life. and that connections were necessary to get a good job. It was interesting to find that the variable "illegitimate opportunities'' was moderately correlated both with the attitude towards the law and with the "legitimate opportunities''. It was a moderately good predictor of deviant behaviour since it was correlated with the deviance scale at about 0.20 for boys as well as for girls. Values, moral principles and outlook on life. Values treasured most frequently (love, friendship. happy home - over 75% (of all choices) failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of their deviance. Of the remaining ten values, deep religious faith was chosen most frequently by the "best'' respondents, and acquiring individuality as well as learning to "be oneself' - by the ,,worst'' ones. The question about the stability of moral principles (three "types" of morality were distinguished: strict, situational and nihilistic) completely failed to differentiate the group of respondents Separated according to their Scores on the scale of deviance. There were among the moral nihilist as many of the "worst" as of the "best" respondents. The possible answers concerning the attitude towards religion ranged from: "I 'm a decided adherent of secular views" to: "I'm deeply religious". Generally speaking. This question provided but a poor differentiation in respect of the level of deviance. Since nearly 90%  of the examined persons were at least "not-Church-going believers". Those of the examined persons who were deeply religious were an exception. In this group, the level of deviance of this group was decidedly the lowest. Involvement in conventional activities Of the three questions about activities consistent with the norms (active participation in youth organizations, hobbies, participation in organized leisure activities), none appeared to differentiate the examined group in respect of the level of deviance. Instead, the questions about school achievements ("Are you a good, bad or average student?") and about learning motivation ("What is for you the importance of being a good student?") were strongly related to deviance. The "worst" respondents much more often declared themselves to be bad students and admitted not caring about learning. At the same time, the variable of motivation was a much better predictor of deviance (r=  -0.27) than the actual learning achievements (r= -0.11). Of the considered models of deviance, the most strongly confirmed was the theory of differential associations. This may be concluded from the following premises. Firstly, the variable of "devince of the environment'' and its separate elements revealed the highest correlation with the deviance scale. The test of significance of the differences of the value of correlation coefficients justifies the rejection of the null hypothesis as to their random character. Both the question about deviance among the closest friends, and those about deviance in a broader surroundings. revealed a much stronger correlation with deviant behaviour than the remaining variables. Also the question about deviance in the family appeared relate to deviant behaviour. In the light of the results obtained, not only a deviant peer group, but also a deviance in the family seem to be conducive to deviance. The adherents of the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations would find it difficult to argue that it was the deviance in the examined persons that led to deviance in their families. Also the way in which the variable ,, deviance of the environment" is correlated with other variables speaks against the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations since this variable a also revealed rather high correlation with deviant attitudes, the attitude towards learning at school and towards the family. Moreover, the relationship between the  variable "deviance of environment" and ,,deviant behavior” was found to increase with age which is consistent with the known of importance of peer groups in the life of youths and their growing effect. On the other hand the result in question is difficult to interpret in the terms of alternative hypotheses: the "criminal tendencies" or ,.deviant impulses’’ should after all be constant and do not change with time. Still another finding should be mentioned here. In spite of the fact that girls generally have stronger ties with their parents as compared with boys, the correlation of the attitudes towards the family with deviant behaviour was found to be smaller in the group of girls than in the group of boys. Instead, against expectations, the deviance of the environment also revealed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour in the group of girls. Hirschi's control theory was much less confirmed by the findings of the present study. Of the four elements of bonds only the  attachment to the, parents were rather strongly supported. On the other hand, hypotheses derived from the remaining elements of Hirschi.s conception were not confirmed at all (e.g. no confirmation at all was found of Hirsci’s argument that high degree of involvement in conventional types of activity is negatively related to deviance) or confirmed but to a small extent (e.g. the relationship between the school achievements and deviance). Besides the attitudes towards the family, only the attitude towards learning at school proved to be consistent with Hirschi's theory. On the other hand, in spite o| the principal hypothesis of the control theory the most isolated respondents failed to reveal a significantly higher level of deviance. Thus the conception of a solitary deviant promoted by Hirschi appears not tanable in the light of the obtained results. To sump up, if one had to decide basing on the findings of the present study which of the discussed theories was confirmed to a greater degree, it could be concluded that the theory of  differential associations was confirmed to greater extent than Hirschi's control theory. On the other had, the results of the study do not seem to speak for Merton’s aims-means theory or the conception of differential opportunities of Cloward and Ohlin. Also some of the statements of the labelling approach failed to find confirmation.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 7-108
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość w Polsce w latach 1954-1958 w świetle statystyki milicyjnej
    Delinquency in Poland in the years 1954 to 1958 in the light of police statistics
    Autorzy:
    Jasiński, Jerzy
    Syzduł, Edward
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699138.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1960
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość
    struktura przestępczości
    statystyka
    przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
    przestępstwa przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu
    wypadki komunikacyjne
    samobójstwa
    prostytucja
    delinquency
    structure of delinquency
    police statistics
    offences against property
    offences against life and health
    road accidents
    suicides
    prostitution
    delinquency in Poland
    Opis:
      From the years 1945-1946 down to the present moment Polish police statistics have undergone a number of transformations and improvements concerning the collection of data, their elaboration, as well as the scope of the information collected. Judging on the basis of data coming from the years 1956-1957, about 90 per cent of the criminal cases made over to the law-courts with an indictment went through the hands of the police. The majority of the remaining 10 per cent of cases were dealt with direct by the Public Prosecutor’s Office (cases for a great variety of serious offences) or else by certain administrative organs (cases of minor forest thefts, tax offences, minor frauds in commerce, and a few others). In this way, police statistics may be considered as a source which makes it possible to form a relatively full picture of the offences brought to light in Poland. Certain transformations have also been undergone by the problem of the statistical unit accepted by police statistics. While previously (down to 1956-1957) such a unit was a criminal case (which might comprise a larger number of them), at present such a unit, in principle, consist of one offence. By offences, in police statistics, are understood felonies or misdemeanors, i.e. acts dealt with by the 1932 Criminal Code, still in force, or by special penal statutes, and for which the penalty is over three months custody or a fine of over 4500 zlotys. The statistical material contained in the present contribution has not been published so far, apart from the basic information provided by the Statistical Year-Books for the years 1956, 1957, and 1958. The number of the population of Poland increased from about 27 000 000 to 29 000 000 during the 1954 to 1958 period, while the number of city and town dwellers increased from about 11 300 000 to 13 500 000, and that of  village dwellers decreased from 15 700 000 to 15 500 000 in the same period. In the course of the above-mentioned period, therefore, the number of offences known to the police increased by 35 per cent, but the rate of delinquency, in connection with a certain increase in the total number of the population, increased only by 27 per cent. In the period preceding the Second World War, in the years 1927 to 1937, the number of offences brought to light every year was considerably larger (in 1934 as many as 658 thousand were registered, and in the years 1935 to 1937 nearly 600 thousand per annum); the rate of delinquency was expressed by the following coefficients: in 1934 - 2000, in 1935 - 1770, in 1936 - 1760, and in 1937 - 1710. The magnitude of delinquency in the years 1954 to 1958 differed considerably as between the territories of the several voivodeships. The highest rate of delinquency could be observed in the voivodeships of the Western Territories, with the exception of the voivodeship of Opole (in the several years of the period under investigation coefficients oscillated between 1450 and 2130), in the two largest cities: Warsaw (2470 b 2760) and Łódź (1590 to 1970), as well as in the most highly industrialized and urbanized region of the country' formed by the voivodeship of Katowice (1400 to 1680). Nearly one-third of all the offences known to the police were committed on the territory of a mere three voivodeships (those of Katowice, Wrocław, and the City of Warsaw), which contain rather over one-fifth of the country's population. The offences brought to tight by the police have been divided into four groups according to their kind: group I consists of offences against property, group II - of economic offences, group III – of offences against life and health, and group IV – of all the other offences. Offences against property, which comprise the accaparation of social property, thefts of individual property, robberies, frauds, forgeries, and damage to property, in 1954 and 1955 constituted about 70 per cent of all the offences brought to light (the number of such offences known to the police in these years was 214 470 and 238 911 respectively), in 1956 and 1957 about 65 per cent (241 543 and 261 621 offences respectively), and in 1958 about 60 per cent (251 788 offences). Their rate, in the years 1954 to 1958, was expressed by the figure of from 780 to 920 offences per 100 000 of the population.   In the 1954 to 1958 period, approximately 91 000 to 124 000 offences of accaparating social property were brought to light annually, while their number kept continually increasing down to 1957; in 1958 about 117 000 of them were made known to the police. It is a generally known and emphasized fact that the size of the obscure figure is particularly big with offences against property. It is to be presumed that this obscure figure is most conspicuous in the case of offences against social property. Among the offences against social property between 11 000 and 15 000 were burglaries. Out of a total of 11 989 of such offenses brought to light in 1958, 24 per cent were committed in the country (so that there were 188 of them for each 100 000 village dwellers), and 76 per cent - in the cities and towns (there were 679 of them per 100 000 of the population). According to the size of the cities and towns, the coefficients which depict the number of burglaries per 100 000 of the population assumed the following proportions: towns of up to 50 thousand inhabitants - 622, from 50 to 100 thousand inhabitants - 651, 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 676, and over 200 thousand inhabitants - 810. During the 1954 to 1958 period an approximate annual figure of from 111 000 to 131 000 thefts of individual property was known to the police, but as from 1955 their number diminished from year to year reaching the figure of 112 883 in 1958. Of the latter offences, 31 per cent were committed in the country (coefficient: 230), and 69 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient:580). In the case of theft of individual property there was also a dependence between the size of the towns and the rate of such offences: in towns with a population below 50 thousand it was expressed by a coefficient of 470, in towns of between 50 and 100 thousand inhabitants - 720, from 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 620, over 200 thousand inhabitants - 750. Thefts of individual property with burglary amounted to 11 577 in 1958 (and their number has kept decreasing from year to year, starting from 1955, when 18 455 of them were known to the police. 13 per cent of them have been committed in the country (coefficient 154), and 87 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient 689). According to the size of the towns, going from the smallest to the largest, the coefficients showing the rate of such offences were expressed in the following figures in 1958: 397, 918, 929 and 1067. If we count together the accaparation of social property and thefts of individual property and treat them jointly as thefts, it would appear that in the years 1954 to 1958 from 200 000 to 245 000 such offences were made known to the police every year; their rate was expressed by the figure of from 750 to 860 per 100 000 of the population. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 3000 to 4000 forgeries were known to the police every year; their number has tremendously increased in 1958, reaching the very figure of 6300 (i.e. 217 per 100 000 of the population). The number of robberies brought to light by the police amounted to 2066 in 1954 (coefficient:76), 2503 in 1955 (coefficient: 91), 2905 in 1956 (coefficient: 103), 3185 in 1957 (coefficient: 112), and 2503 in 1958 (coefficient: 89). The decrease in the number of such offences recorded in 1958 is estimated as connected with a real decrease in their number. Of the total of robberies known to the police in 1958, 35 per cent were committed in the country (thus there were 46 of them per 100 000 of the population), and 65 in the cities and towns (138 per 100 000 of the urban population). According to the size of the towns (from the smallest to the largest) the coefficients depicting the rate of robberies committed there looked as follows: 85, 141, 194, 213. The number  of  cases of receiving stolen goods has considerably increased within the 1954 to 1958 period, from 816 in 1954 (coefficient: 32), to 1880 in 1958 (coefficient: 65). Group Two of offences, described by the name of economic offences, has been made to include cases of speculation, corruption and neglect of duty by civil servants resulting in damage to the State economy, further, Treasury offences, and currency offences. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 36 000 to 40 000 such offences were known to the police every year; in 1958 their number has considerably increased, probably in connection with a greater diligence in prosecuting them, and amounted to as many as 53 579 (coefficient: 190). Group Three - that of offences against life and health - comprises: murder and manslaughter, infanticides, inflicting grievous injury to the body, and brawls. The total number of such offences has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958, namely from 18 583 in 1954 (coefficient: 70) to 28 910 in 1958 (coefficient: 100), i.e. by about 60 per cent. Their share among all the offences recorded by the police has increased from 13 per cent in 1954 to 21 per cent in 1958. In the years 1954 to 1958 from 700 to 900 murders and manslaughters were recorded annually; in 1958 803 of them were known to the police, of which 620 were carried out and 183 attempted. Consequently there were 28 such offences per 100 000 of the population that year. In 1937 3 314 murders and manslaughters were recorded, i.e. 96 per 100 000 of the population. The number of infanticides recorded by the police did not go beyond the figure of 90 per year (in 1958 there were 75 such cases). In 1937 802 infanticides were brought to light. The number of recorded cases of inflicting grievous injury to the body and of participation in a brawl (with using a dangerous tool or else if death or grievous injury to the body were the result) has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958 from 5 508 in 1954 (coefficient: 204) to 10 005 in 1958 (coefficient: 346). In 1954 6146 cases of inflicting serious or very serious injury to the body were known to the police (coefficient: 227), in 1958 – 8 350 (coefficient: 289). In 1954 6123 cases of inflicting slight bodily harm were record ed (coefficient: 227), and in 1958 _ 9677 (coefficient: 335). Of the offences included in Group Four particularly noteworthy are the offences against morality. In 1958 969 cases of rape were recorded; 901 cases of immoral acts with juveniles under 15 years of age, and 290 cases of abetting to prostitution and deriving profits therefrom. In the Polish text, the present contribution is supplemented with an annex which provides the more important items of the information collected by the police concerning road accidents, suicides, and prostitution.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 7-53
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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