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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 1104
Tytuł:
Modern methods of data analysis in sociology
Autorzy:
Hartmann, Wolfgang
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/747625.pdf
Data publikacji:
1985
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Matematyczne
Tematy:
Sociology
Opis:
W pierwszych dwóch rozdziałach analizujemy za pomocą metody skalowania wielowymiarowego i metody skalowania wielowymiarowego różnic indywidualnych pewien praktyczny przykład, a w trzecim rozdziale - dla porównania - przedstawiamy wyniki analizy tego samego przykładu za pomocą hierarchicznej analizy skupień.
Several methods of multidimensional scaling are first reviewed. The emphasis is not on mathematical intricacies of estimating techniques but on general formulation of the problem itself. A practical example is analyzed by means of multidimensional scaling and individual differences scaling methods. In the last chapter the same example is investigated for comparative reasons using hierarchical cluster analysis.
Źródło:
Mathematica Applicanda; 1985, 12, 24
1730-2668
2299-4009
Pojawia się w:
Mathematica Applicanda
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska myśl kryminologiczna od schyłku XIX w. do 1939 r.
The Polish Criminological Thought from the Close of the 19th Century till 1939
Autorzy:
Nelken, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699220.pdf
Data publikacji:
1986
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia
prawo karne
historia
filozofia
szkoła antropologiczna
psychopatia
socjologia
osobowość
przestępca
polityka kryminalna
criminology
criminal law
history
philosophy
anthropological school
psychopaty
sociology
personality
criminal
criminal policy
polish criminological thought
Opis:
Both the anthropological school of Lombroso, established in the late half of the 19th century, and the sociological school established by Ferri and other criminologists ( Liszt, Prins, van Hammel, Tarde) met with a keen interest in Poland. However, the anthropological school was criticized, as it was the case in other countries too, both by the classical school of penal law, and from the sociological point of view. A critical analysis of the views of Lombroso and his successors was made by the leading representative of the classical school of penal law in Poland in those days Krzymuski who  postulated that recognition of the individual’s free will to be condition of his penal liability, Krzymuski opposed free will to be conception of a born criminal propagated by Lombroso. Lombroso’s theory was also criticized by  Krzywicki, a sociologist and anthropologist who considered the former’s  approach towards the conditions of crime to be too narrow, leaving out of account those resulting from the social and economic conditions. On the other  hand, Polish criminologists considered it to be Lombroso’s unquestionable merit that he had called attention to the necessity of studying the offender's personality, and in this way initiated the modern criminology. Opinions of various sociological schools were discussed in the Polish literature and accepted by the majority of authors starting from the close of the 19th century. In particular, the most accepted one was the opinion that offence is a result of both individual and social factors, and the aim of punishment meted out by the court should be not only to deter. the perpetrator from committing offences, but also to reeducate him. Due to the fact that in the 19th-centuiy judicial practice the sentence depended on the extent of damage caused by the offender, it was emphasized in the Polish literature that punishment should take into consideration also the offender's individual features, as it is only then that it can fulfil its tasks (Stebelski). With the accepted division of offenders into professional and causal, the fact was stressed that - if the offender reveals a tendency to relapse into crime- the measures the society applies towards him should be more drastic since the society has to defend itself against incorrigible criminals in an effective way. Instead, more lenient measures should be applied towards causal offenders, such measures  being sufficient for their reeducation. In the period between the two world wars, criminology in Poland became a separate branch and extended its range; the establishment of the Polish Criminological Society in 1921 and of the Department of Criminology at the Free Polish University in 1922, later (I932) transformed into the Criminological Institute, contributed to this situation. The Polish criminology of that period faced the task of studying and defining in detail the basic factors of crime: individual (endogenous) and social (exogenous). This was related to the necessity to learn about the sources of crime with the aim of its effective control by means of preparing a Penal Code and properly shaping the criminal policy (Wróblewski). When studying the individual factors of crime, particular attention was paid to the psychopathic personality. Criminal psychopaths were believed to suffer from a pathological moral defect resulting from their underdevelopment in the sphere of emotions. It was stated that psychopaths who committed an offence should not be recognized as mentally irresponsible (Nelken). Psychopathy cannot be treated psychiatrically; on the other hand, intensified resocialization of the offender is necessary here, conditions for this treatment created during his prison term. At the same time, an adequate segregation of prisoners should be applied based on the psychopathological criterion (Łuniewski). The science of the offender's personality was called criminal biology; it dealt with the physical and mental structure of the offender. Criminal biology was to make use of the general anthropological, psychological and psychiatric data as well as those gathered by means of other clinical methods. Aimed at  gathering comprehensive data concerning the whole of the offender’s mental and physical properties, criminal biology should not confine itself to a mere specification of his various traits: it should also study their origin, methodically examining the development of these properties in the milieu in which the offender’s personality was formed. Thus the criminal-biological research must be made from the psychological and medical as well as sociological points of view. Particular importance was attached to detailed environmental research in the study of juvenile delinquents (Batawia). In the early Thirties, the Ministry of Justice initiated criminological- biological research in prisons. The research was carried out by special commissions with the use of a specially prepared comprehensive questionnaire . The greatest part was played by psychiatric and psychological examination. The  criminal-biological research in prisons was interrupted by the outbreak of the war. In connection with the criminogenic role of alcoholism, criminologists spoke for a considerable reduction of production and sale of spirits. Moreover, an opinion was expressed that a commission of an offence in the state of a normal (the so-called physiological) intoxication should not result in the recognition of the offender as mentally irresponsible. Only pathological intoxication may be considered from the point of view of irrespossibility. The offender should not avail himself of his intoxication as a mitigating circumstance (Nelken). The scientists opposed the introduction of compulsory sterilization which was to be applied toward persons whose children could inherit serious  pathological traits from them. The opposition had both scientific and humanistic grounds (Łuniewski, Nelken). Compulsory sterilization was not introduced. The main trend of the Polish criminology in the period between the wars corresponded with the sociological school which took into account the relationship between the endogenous (biological) and the exogenous (social) factors in the origins of crime. A vast majority of Polish criminologists opposed the conception of a “born criminal” put forward by Lombroso. Some of the Polish scholars of the period between the wars who used the term “criminal anthropology” (e.g. Rabinowicz), emphasized the evolution of this science which differed from the Lombroso’s doctrine, and postulated the social milieu as a factor be largely taken into consideration in the studies on the causes of crime. In the Polish criminology of those days, the stress was laid principally on criminal biology due to the fact that the internal factor is usually less  conspicuous and more difficult to prove than the external one in the etiology of crime. It was emphasized that not all of persons who  found themselves in unfavourable social conditions turned offenders (Neymark, Lemkin); therefore, the biological (somato psychological) factor determines the individual’s moral resistance to the unfavourable external conditions. On the other hand, also the social factor, in addition to the biological one, was included in the causes of crime, due to the considerable impact of living conditions on the human mind. The opinion was that - though the etiology of an offence is usually determined by a combination of the external and internal factors - in each case one should attempt to find out which of these factors prevailed in the origin of a given act; this should also be taken into account in the criminological prognosis. In general, the chance for correction is smaller in the case of an offender of the endogenous type who requires a more thorough and longer resocialization as compared with one of the exogenous type; this should be taken into account by the court when meting out punishment (Rabinowicz, Lemkin). The Polish  Penal Code of 1932 (in force till 1969) was an expression of the compromise between the classical school of penal law and the sociological school. In the code, many legal structures included in the General Part were formulated in accordance with the achievements of the science of penal law in its classical form; this concerns particularly the definition or the essence of crime and the principles of liability including that of subjectivism as responsibility for a culpable act. A compromising character was given in the code to meting out punishment which was conditioned not only  by the weight of the offence according to the classical principle of retribution and deterrence, but also by the offender's personality and the life he had led hitherto according to the instructions of the sociological school (Art. 54). The discussed code did not adopt from the Italian positivism the so-called ante-criminal prevention, i.e.. the application of sanctions towards an individual who has not committed any prohibited act yet. Also indeterminate sentences were not adopted in the Code in relation to penalties and not protective measures, as this would be contradictory to the principle of individualization of punishment. Under the influence of the sociological school the Code contained of a possibility of suspension of ęxceution of the penalty, and of its extraordinary rnitigation, as well as the release from prison before the expiration of term (separately regulated by the law of 1927-) and a possibility to mete out a more severe penalty in the case of recidivists. In addition to the medical security measures, which consisted in the commitment of the offender to a mental hospital and which the court could apply towards the persons guilty of acts committed in the state of mental irresponsibility or decreased responsibility, the code introduced - basing on the postulates of the sociological school-isolating security measures applied towards the offenders whose acts were connected with reluctance to work, and towards recidivists and professional as well as habitual criminals if their staying at liberty endangered the legal order. The isolating security measures were applied together with the penalty (not instead of it), the necessity of their application connected with the ‘’ state of danger", i.e. the perpetrator's probability of commission of further offences; in the criminological literature, subjective and state of objective criteria of the danger were distinguished (Strasman). According to Art. 84 of the  Penal Code, offenders of this type were  committed to a special institution  for at least 5 years, and the court decided after the termination of each such period whether it was necessary to prolong the commitment for the next five years. In the Penal Code of 1932, also the measures applied towards juvenile delinquents were divided into educational measures on the one hand, and commitment to a corrective institution on the other hand, depending  on the juvenile's age and of his possible discernment or lack there of when committing the forbiden act.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 223-260
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozmiary i uwarunkowania zachowań dewiacyjnych młodzieży wiejskiej
Extent and Causes of Deviant Behaviour in the Rural Youth
Autorzy:
Siemaszko, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699232.pdf
Data publikacji:
1986
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zachowanie
młodzież
przestępczość
aresztowanie
klasa społeczna
geneza przestępczości
zbiorowość
niesubordynacja
nieuczciwość
statystyka
socjologia
behaviour
youth deviations
delinquency
arrests
social class
genesis of crime
community
insubordination
dishonesty
statistics
sociology
ommunity
Opis:
In the years 1978-1979, a study of the extent and causes of deviant behaviour in older schoolchildren was carried out in Warsaw which included three thousand persons. boys and girls. Since there was a lack of comprehensive studies of the extent and causes of social maladjustment of the rural, youth in Poland' it was decided that this study should be repeated in typically agricultural regions. The study, carried out in late l981, was aimed at the following: to construct a Polish version of the self-report delinquency scale, to estimate the extent of deviant behaviour in the analyzed populations, and to determine the variables particularly closely related to deviant behaviour. The stratified random sample consisted of 2,144 persons (1,7O2 boys and 429 girls). They were students of 86 different grades of various secondary schools, and were aged 14- 19. The study was carried out by an anonymous questionnaire which contained 124 questions; among them. there were 42 questions - about the various types of deviant behaviour, while the remaining ones concerned the separate groups of independent  variables. The data on the following groups of independent variables were collected:1. the attitudes towards the family, the past and present and future family situation, and the character of interactions within the family; 2. deviance in the environment; 3. the attitudes towards friends, the character of interactions with friends and the intensity of bonds with the reference groups; 4. the attitudes towards school and the learning progress; 5. attitudes towards the legal norms; 6. the appraisal of life prospects and of the chances for fulfilment of aims and aspirations by means of legitimate methods; 7. the system of values, outlook on life and attitude towards moral norms; 8. engagement in social, cultural and sports activities and the like. A distinct  group were the so-called alcohol variables, analyzed separately and the socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the questionnaire contained a ninc-question lye scale. The dependent variable was an index of 42 questions about various types of deviant behaviour. The possible answers to all the questions were indentical: "never", "once or twice", "several times", "a dozen or more times" and "more often". The sum of the respondents' affirmative answers to the questions about deviant behaviour formed the so-called variety scale. The frequency scale resulted from summing up all types of answers to each of the questions. Since the correlation between the scales of variety and frequency exceeded r :0.90, the variety scale was used in the analysis. This was due to its simplicity and a greater easiness of statistical interpretation. Three groups of deviant behaviour were distinguished for the purposes of the analysis. The first of them were manifestations of behaviour given a working term of insubordination. Though not forbidden by the law, such behaviour is improper in consideration of age or represents a challenge to the authority of the parents" guardians. teachers etc. For instance. the following types of behaviour were included here: staying away from home all night without the parents' consent. running away from home, or smoking before the age of 14. The second group were acts of "dishonesty" also not penalized as a rule– e.g. failure to give a lost thing back to its owner, or steadling rides. The third and most important group were acts that bore the character of transgressions or offences. Among others, this category included brawls. beatings and other offences against person. robbery thefts. breaking and entering, receiving stolen property, and other offences against property. The examined young persons committed the following acts, most frequently: smoking before the age of 14. stealing rides. failure to give the change left from shopping back-to the parents (over 80f of affirmative answers), failure to give the change back to a shopkeeper, failure to give back a found object (over 70% of affirmatie answers). misdemeanour at school. beating. participation in a brawl (over 50% of affirmative answers). Most seldom they admited taking drugs, picking public telephones and slipping out of a pub without paying the bill (less than 10%, of the examined persons). Generally, about 35% of the examined boys (i.e. 583 persons) admitted having committed at least once a half of the, 42 acts included in the questionnaire. over 20% of boys had a high, and 7.7% a Very high level of deviance. In the Warsaw study. a very high level of deviance was found in 6.1%, of boys. Therefore, the percentage of boys with a high level of deviance is similar in both studies and nearing other Polish estimates of the extent of social maladjustment of the school youth. In the present study, hypotheses were verified which were derived from some of the most popular theories of deviance: i.a., Sutherland's theory of differential associations, Hirschi's control theory, Merton's aims – means theory, (and the related conceptions of Cloward and Ohlin), Sykes and Matza's theory of neutralization. Also certain hypotheses were verified indirectly that were derived from the Gluecks' multifactor conception and the labeling theory: The major findings were as follows: Family situation Four items of the questionnaire made together the scale of ties with the family. These were the following questions: "Do your parents try to understand your problems?'', "Do your parents trust you?,  ,,Do you generally like to discuss your plans with your parents?", "Do you trust your parents?". The scale of family ties revealed a rather high negative correlation with the deviance scale (r = -0.34 for boys and. R = -0.28 for girls). It appeared that the lesser the sense of ties with the parents. the higher the tendency to deviant behaviour. Two questions concerned the general apprasal of the atmosphere at home and the degree of the respondents' identification with their families. A strong interdependence was found between the way of defining the atmosphere- at home and the level of deviance. .The respondents who scored highest on the deviance scale, defined their atmosphere at home as bad several times more frequently, and much more seldom as good or very good, as compared with the others. As regards the question whether the respondents would like their own future families to be similar to their parental homes,  the distribution of answers was alike. Among the respondents who would not like it at all or rather would not like it, there were nearly three times more of those who scored highest on the deviance scale. The global index of the attitude towards the family (constructed with the answers to all questions concerning the ties and identification with the family) revealed a negative and rather high correlation with the deviance scale, both in the case of boys (r = -0.30) and of girls (r = -0.26). Thus it appeared that deviant behaviour is inversely related to family ties and identification. Those of the examined persons who revealed a nelative attitude towards their families scored significantly higher on the scale of deviance as compared with those whose appraisal of their homes was favourable. Deviance of the environment and attitudes towards friends There were four questions that concerned deviance in the environment, one of which ("Has any member of your closest family ever been convicted by the court?'') concerned the perceived intensity of deviance in the family. Both the boys and the girls whose family member had a criminal record had the highest level of deviance. This finding is of a great theoretical as well as practical value since it demonstrates the groundlessness of the frequently accepted assumption that the family is always the source of pro-social patterns of behaviour. Three questions concerned deviance of the environment, their construction aimed at reflecting various aspects of the problem both as regards the subjective and the objective point of view: the different intensity of deviance and range of environment. The questions were: "Did you ever happened to have problems at school, boarding-school or at home because of your friends?'', "Did any of your acquaintances have a case in a juveni1e court or court of general criminal jurisdiction?", "Are there many young persons in your environment who have troubles with the police?". The distribution of answers to these questions markedly differentiated the examined populations in respect to deviance. In the groups distinguished according to their level of deviance significant differences could be found as far as the deviance of the environment is concerned. The respondents whose level of deviance was the highest appeared to move significantly more often with decidedly negative circles. A scale of deviance in the environment was constructed of the above questions. Of all the scales included in the study, this one showed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour, both in the case of boys (r = 0.56) and of girls (r = 0.36). Instead, the distribution of answers to the questions about emotional ties with the reference groups, the degree of identification with these groups and the emotional stability failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of the degree of deviance; this finding was a surprise. Attitudes towards the law  There were three items in the questionnaire that concerned the attitude towards the law: "The law should be observed"; "Most of the acts people term offences actually cause no harm at all to anybody''' and "In order to get a position in life, lawless behaviour is indispensable"; the latter two were at the same time an operationalization of the Sykes and Matza's techniques of neutralization. Opinions denying or aggreeing with the statement concerning the harmlessness of offences were the 1east important in the differentiation of the examined populations in respect to the level of deviance. This variable was also least correlated with the general scale of altitudes towards the law. On the other hand, the remaining two variables of this groups did differentiate the respondents well in respect of the level of deviant behaviour. The most discriminating was the question in what situations the law should be observed. The respondents who were\of opinion that "law should always be observed irrespective of the situation'' appeared to reveal the lowest level of deviance. Instead, among the resolute legal nonconformists (,,you can break the law whenever you are certain that you will escape punishment"), those prevailed who scored highest on the deviance scale. The scale of attitudes towards the law was moderately but significantly correlated with the deviance scale, though the relationship of the presently discussed scale with that of deviance was less marked than it was the case with the scales of deviance of environmental and of the attitudes towards the family. The perceived life-chances and material situation Two of the questions concerned the perceived life prospects that can be fulfilled by legitimate means: "what is your estimation of your life prospects as compared with those of the others?", and "Will you be able to get a good job after school?". The differences in the distributions of answers to the above questions in respect of the level of deviance were not great; however. they were significant. The "worst" respondents somewhatimore often had pessimistic, and the "best" ones - optimistic views. However, the constructed index of legitimate opportunities (which consisted of the above two questions failed to reveal a significant relation to deviant behaviour. This means that the sense of blocked opportunities for promotion and success (operationalized as above) is not related to deviant behaviour. The more so as the question about the respondents' estimation of their family material standing - though it differentiated the answers in respect of the level of deviance - also revealed a very small correlation with the scale of deviance (about 0.10). Perception of life prospects and opportunities was also analyzed from a somewhat different point of view. Namely, the respondents were asked whether in their opinion connections were necessary to get a god job. and whether it was possible to succeed in life through good honest work. These questions composed the variable "illegitimate opportunities". Constructed so as to make it complementary in relation to the variable "legitimate opportunities". An attempt was also made to ascertain to what degree this variable was correlated with the attitude towards the law. The questions about the chances of fulfilment of success goals through illegitimate means differentiated the examined populations in respect of the level of deviance. The "worst" respondents stated significantly more frequently that honest work did not lead to success in life. and that connections were necessary to get a good job. It was interesting to find that the variable "illegitimate opportunities'' was moderately correlated both with the attitude towards the law and with the "legitimate opportunities''. It was a moderately good predictor of deviant behaviour since it was correlated with the deviance scale at about 0.20 for boys as well as for girls. Values, moral principles and outlook on life Values treasured most frequently (love, friendship. happy home - over 75% (of all choices) failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of their deviance. Of the remaining ten values, deep religious faith was chosen most frequently by the "best'' respondents, and acquiring individuality as well as learning to "be oneself' - by the ,,worst'' ones. The question about the stability of moral principles (three "types" of morality were distinguished: strict, situational and nihilistic) completely failed to differentiate the group of respondents Separated according to their Scores on the scale of deviance. There were among the moral nihilist as many of the "worst" as of the "best" respondents. The possible answers concerning the attitude towards religion ranged from: "I 'm a decided adherent of secular views" to: "I'm deeply religious". Generally speaking. This question provided but a poor differentiation in respect of the level of deviance. Since nearly 90%  of the examined persons were at least "not-Church-going believers". Those of the examined persons who were deeply religious were an exception. In this group, the level of deviance of this group was decidedly the lowest. Involvement in conventional activities Of the three questions about activities consistent with the norms (active participation in youth organizations, hobbies, participation in organized leisure activities), none appeared to differentiate the examined group in respect of the level of deviance. Instead, the questions about school achievements ("Are you a good, bad or average student?") and about learning motivation ("What is for you the importance of being a good student?") were strongly related to deviance. The "worst" respondents much more often declared themselves to be bad students and admitted not caring about learning. At the same time, the variable of motivation was a much better predictor of deviance (r=  -0.27) than the actual learning achievements (r= -0.11). Of the considered models of deviance, the most strongly confirmed was the theory of differential associations. This may be concluded from the following premises. Firstly, the variable of "devince of the environment'' and its separate elements revealed the highest correlation with the deviance scale. The test of significance of the differences of the value of correlation coefficients justifies the rejection of the null hypothesis as to their random character. Both the question about deviance among the closest friends, and those about deviance in a broader surroundings. revealed a much stronger correlation with deviant behaviour than the remaining variables. Also the question about deviance in the family appeared relate to deviant behaviour. In the light of the results obtained, not only a deviant peer group, but also a deviance in the family seem to be conducive to deviance. The adherents of the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations would find it difficult to argue that it was the deviance in the examined persons that led to deviance in their families. Also the way in which the variable ,, deviance of the environment" is correlated with other variables speaks against the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations since this variable a also revealed rather high correlation with deviant attitudes, the attitude towards learning at school and towards the family. Moreover, the relationship between the  variable "deviance of environment" and ,,deviant behavior” was found to increase with age which is consistent with the known of importance of peer groups in the life of youths and their growing effect. On the other hand the result in question is difficult to interpret in the terms of alternative hypotheses: the "criminal tendencies" or ,.deviant impulses’’ should after all be constant and do not change with time. Still another finding should be mentioned here. In spite of the fact that girls generally have stronger ties with their parents as compared with boys, the correlation of the attitudes towards the family with deviant behaviour was found to be smaller in the group of girls than in the group of boys. Instead, against expectations, the deviance of the environment also revealed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour in the group of girls. Hirschi's control theory was much less confirmed by the findings of the present study. Of the four elements of bonds only the  attachment to the, parents were rather strongly supported. On the other hand, hypotheses derived from the remaining elements of Hirschi.s conception were not confirmed at all (e.g. no confirmation at all was found of Hirsci’s argument that high degree of involvement in conventional types of activity is negatively related to deviance) or confirmed but to a small extent (e.g. the relationship between the school achievements and deviance). Besides the attitudes towards the family, only the attitude towards learning at school proved to be consistent with Hirschi's theory. On the other hand, in spite o| the principal hypothesis of the control theory the most isolated respondents failed to reveal a significantly higher level of deviance. Thus the conception of a solitary deviant promoted by Hirschi appears not tanable in the light of the obtained results. To sump up, if one had to decide basing on the findings of the present study which of the discussed theories was confirmed to a greater degree, it could be concluded that the theory of  differential associations was confirmed to greater extent than Hirschi's control theory. On the other had, the results of the study do not seem to speak for Merton’s aims-means theory or the conception of differential opportunities of Cloward and Ohlin. Also some of the statements of the labelling approach failed to find confirmation.
In the years 1978-1979, a study of the extent and causes of deviant behaviour in older schoolchildren was carried out in Warsaw which included three thousand persons. boys and girls. Since there was a lack of comprehensive studies of the extent and causes of social maladjustment of the rural, youth in Poland' it was decided that this study should be repeated in typically agricultural regions. The study, carried out in late l981, was aimed at the following: to construct a Polish version of the self-report delinquency scale, to estimate the extent of deviant behaviour in the analyzed populations, and to determine the variables particularly closely related to deviant behaviour. The stratified random sample consisted of 2,144 persons (1,7O2 boys and 429 girls). They were students of 86 different grades of various secondary schools, and were aged 14- 19. The study was carried out by an anonymous questionnaire which contained 124 questions; among them. there were 42 questions - about the various types of deviant behaviour, while the remaining ones concerned the separate groups of independent  variables. The data on the following groups of independent variables were collected:1. the attitudes towards the family, the past and present and future family situation, and the character of interactions within the family; 2. deviance in the environment; 3. the attitudes towards friends, the character of interactions with friends and the intensity of bonds with the reference groups; 4. the attitudes towards school and the learning progress; 5. attitudes towards the legal norms; 6. the appraisal of life prospects and of the chances for fulfilment of aims and aspirations by means of legitimate methods; 7. the system of values, outlook on life and attitude towards moral norms; 8. engagement in social, cultural and sports activities and the like. A distinct  group were the so-called alcohol variables, analyzed separately and the socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the questionnaire contained a ninc-question lye scale. The dependent variable was an index of 42 questions about various types of deviant behaviour. The possible answers to all the questions were indentical: "never", "once or twice", "several times", "a dozen or more times" and "more often". The sum of the respondents' affirmative answers to the questions about deviant behaviour formed the so-called variety scale. The frequency scale resulted from summing up all types of answers to each of the questions. Since the correlation between the scales of variety and frequency exceeded r :0.90, the variety scale was used in the analysis. This was due to its simplicity and a greater easiness of statistical interpretation. Three groups of deviant behaviour were distinguished for the purposes of the analysis. The first of them were manifestations of behaviour given a working term of insubordination. Though not forbidden by the law, such behaviour is improper in consideration of age or represents a challenge to the authority of the parents" guardians. teachers etc. For instance. the following types of behaviour were included here: staying away from home all night without the parents' consent. running away from home, or smoking before the age of 14. The second group were acts of "dishonesty" also not penalized as a rule– e.g. failure to give a lost thing back to its owner, or steadling rides. The third and most important group were acts that bore the character of transgressions or offences. Among others, this category included brawls. beatings and other offences against person. robbery thefts. breaking and entering, receiving stolen property, and other offences against property. The examined young persons committed the following acts, most frequently: smoking before the age of 14. stealing rides. failure to give the change left from shopping back-to the parents (over 80f of affirmative answers), failure to give the change back to a shopkeeper, failure to give back a found object (over 70% of affirmatie answers). misdemeanour at school. beating. participation in a brawl (over 50% of affirmative answers). Most seldom they admited taking drugs, picking public telephones and slipping out of a pub without paying the bill (less than 10%, of the examined persons). Generally, about 35% of the examined boys (i.e. 583 persons) admitted having committed at least once a half of the, 42 acts included in the questionnaire. over 20% of boys had a high, and 7.7% a Very high level of deviance. In the Warsaw study. a very high level of deviance was found in 6.1%, of boys. Therefore, the percentage of boys with a high level of deviance is similar in both studies and nearing other Polish estimates of the extent of social maladjustment of the school youth. In the present study, hypotheses were verified which were derived from some of the most popular theories of deviance: i.a., Sutherland's theory of differential associations, Hirschi's control theory, Merton's aims – means theory, (and the related conceptions of Cloward and Ohlin), Sykes and Matza's theory of neutralization. Also certain hypotheses were verified indirectly that were derived from the Gluecks' multifactor conception and the labeling theory: The major findings were as follows: Family situation Four items of the questionnaire made together the scale of ties with the family. These were the following questions: "Do your parents try to understand your problems?'', "Do your parents trust you?,  ,,Do you generally like to discuss your plans with your parents?", "Do you trust your parents?". The scale of family ties revealed a rather high negative correlation with the deviance scale (r = -0.34 for boys and. R = -0.28 for girls). It appeared that the lesser the sense of ties with the parents. the higher the tendency to deviant behaviour. Two questions concerned the general apprasal of the atmosphere at home and the degree of the respondents' identification with their families. A strong interdependence was found between the way of defining the atmosphere- at home and the level of deviance. .The respondents who scored highest on the deviance scale, defined their atmosphere at home as bad several times more frequently, and much more seldom as good or very good, as compared with the others. As regards the question whether the respondents would like their own future families to be similar to their parental homes,  the distribution of answers was alike. Among the respondents who would not like it at all or rather would not like it, there were nearly three times more of those who scored highest on the deviance scale. The global index of the attitude towards the family (constructed with the answers to all questions concerning the ties and identification with the family) revealed a negative and rather high correlation with the deviance scale, both in the case of boys (r = -0.30) and of girls (r = -0.26). Thus it appeared that deviant behaviour is inversely related to family ties and identification. Those of the examined persons who revealed a nelative attitude towards their families scored significantly higher on the scale of deviance as compared with those whose appraisal of their homes was favourable. Deviance of the environment and attitudes towards friends There were four questions that concerned deviance in the environment, one of which ("Has any member of your closest family ever been convicted by the court?'') concerned the perceived intensity of deviance in the family. Both the boys and the girls whose family member had a criminal record had the highest level of deviance. This finding is of a great theoretical as well as practical value since it demonstrates the groundlessness of the frequently accepted assumption that the family is always the source of pro-social patterns of behaviour. Three questions concerned deviance of the environment, their construction aimed at reflecting various aspects of the problem both as regards the subjective and the objective point of view: the different intensity of deviance and range of environment. The questions were: "Did you ever happened to have problems at school, boarding-school or at home because of your friends?'', "Did any of your acquaintances have a case in a juveni1e court or court of general criminal jurisdiction?", "Are there many young persons in your environment who have troubles with the police?". The distribution of answers to these questions markedly differentiated the examined populations in respect to deviance. In the groups distinguished according to their level of deviance significant differences could be found as far as the deviance of the environment is concerned. The respondents whose level of deviance was the highest appeared to move significantly more often with decidedly negative circles. A scale of deviance in the environment was constructed of the above questions. Of all the scales included in the study, this one showed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour, both in the case of boys (r = 0.56) and of girls (r = 0.36). Instead, the distribution of answers to the questions about emotional ties with the reference groups, the degree of identification with these groups and the emotional stability failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of the degree of deviance; this finding was a surprise. Attitudes towards the law  There were three items in the questionnaire that concerned the attitude towards the law: "The law should be observed"; "Most of the acts people term offences actually cause no harm at all to anybody''' and "In order to get a position in life, lawless behaviour is indispensable"; the latter two were at the same time an operationalization of the Sykes and Matza's techniques of neutralization. Opinions denying or aggreeing with the statement concerning the harmlessness of offences were the 1east important in the differentiation of the examined populations in respect to the level of deviance. This variable was also least correlated with the general scale of altitudes towards the law. On the other hand, the remaining two variables of this groups did differentiate the respondents well in respect of the level of deviant behaviour. The most discriminating was the question in what situations the law should be observed. The respondents who were\of opinion that "law should always be observed irrespective of the situation'' appeared to reveal the lowest level of deviance. Instead, among the resolute legal nonconformists (,,you can break the law whenever you are certain that you will escape punishment"), those prevailed who scored highest on the deviance scale. The scale of attitudes towards the law was moderately but significantly correlated with the deviance scale, though the relationship of the presently discussed scale with that of deviance was less marked than it was the case with the scales of deviance of environmental and of the attitudes towards the family. The perceived life-chances and material situation Two of the questions concerned the perceived life prospects that can be fulfilled by legitimate means: "what is your estimation of your life prospects as compared with those of the others?", and "Will you be able to get a good job after school?". The differences in the distributions of answers to the above questions in respect of the level of deviance were not great; however. they were significant. The "worst" respondents somewhatimore often had pessimistic, and the "best" ones - optimistic views. However, the constructed index of legitimate opportunities (which consisted of the above two questions failed to reveal a significant relation to deviant behaviour. This means that the sense of blocked opportunities for promotion and success (operationalized as above) is not related to deviant behaviour. The more so as the question about the respondents' estimation of their family material standing - though it differentiated the answers in respect of the level of deviance - also revealed a very small correlation with the scale of deviance (about 0.10). Perception of life prospects and opportunities was also analyzed from a somewhat different point of view. Namely, the respondents were asked whether in their opinion connections were necessary to get a god job. and whether it was possible to succeed in life through good honest work. These questions composed the variable "illegitimate opportunities". Constructed so as to make it complementary in relation to the variable "legitimate opportunities". An attempt was also made to ascertain to what degree this variable was correlated with the attitude towards the law. The questions about the chances of fulfilment of success goals through illegitimate means differentiated the examined populations in respect of the level of deviance. The "worst" respondents stated significantly more frequently that honest work did not lead to success in life. and that connections were necessary to get a good job. It was interesting to find that the variable "illegitimate opportunities'' was moderately correlated both with the attitude towards the law and with the "legitimate opportunities''. It was a moderately good predictor of deviant behaviour since it was correlated with the deviance scale at about 0.20 for boys as well as for girls. Values, moral principles and outlook on life. Values treasured most frequently (love, friendship. happy home - over 75% (of all choices) failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of their deviance. Of the remaining ten values, deep religious faith was chosen most frequently by the "best'' respondents, and acquiring individuality as well as learning to "be oneself' - by the ,,worst'' ones. The question about the stability of moral principles (three "types" of morality were distinguished: strict, situational and nihilistic) completely failed to differentiate the group of respondents Separated according to their Scores on the scale of deviance. There were among the moral nihilist as many of the "worst" as of the "best" respondents. The possible answers concerning the attitude towards religion ranged from: "I 'm a decided adherent of secular views" to: "I'm deeply religious". Generally speaking. This question provided but a poor differentiation in respect of the level of deviance. Since nearly 90%  of the examined persons were at least "not-Church-going believers". Those of the examined persons who were deeply religious were an exception. In this group, the level of deviance of this group was decidedly the lowest. Involvement in conventional activities Of the three questions about activities consistent with the norms (active participation in youth organizations, hobbies, participation in organized leisure activities), none appeared to differentiate the examined group in respect of the level of deviance. Instead, the questions about school achievements ("Are you a good, bad or average student?") and about learning motivation ("What is for you the importance of being a good student?") were strongly related to deviance. The "worst" respondents much more often declared themselves to be bad students and admitted not caring about learning. At the same time, the variable of motivation was a much better predictor of deviance (r=  -0.27) than the actual learning achievements (r= -0.11). Of the considered models of deviance, the most strongly confirmed was the theory of differential associations. This may be concluded from the following premises. Firstly, the variable of "devince of the environment'' and its separate elements revealed the highest correlation with the deviance scale. The test of significance of the differences of the value of correlation coefficients justifies the rejection of the null hypothesis as to their random character. Both the question about deviance among the closest friends, and those about deviance in a broader surroundings. revealed a much stronger correlation with deviant behaviour than the remaining variables. Also the question about deviance in the family appeared relate to deviant behaviour. In the light of the results obtained, not only a deviant peer group, but also a deviance in the family seem to be conducive to deviance. The adherents of the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations would find it difficult to argue that it was the deviance in the examined persons that led to deviance in their families. Also the way in which the variable ,, deviance of the environment" is correlated with other variables speaks against the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations since this variable a also revealed rather high correlation with deviant attitudes, the attitude towards learning at school and towards the family. Moreover, the relationship between the  variable "deviance of environment" and ,,deviant behavior” was found to increase with age which is consistent with the known of importance of peer groups in the life of youths and their growing effect. On the other hand the result in question is difficult to interpret in the terms of alternative hypotheses: the "criminal tendencies" or ,.deviant impulses’’ should after all be constant and do not change with time. Still another finding should be mentioned here. In spite of the fact that girls generally have stronger ties with their parents as compared with boys, the correlation of the attitudes towards the family with deviant behaviour was found to be smaller in the group of girls than in the group of boys. Instead, against expectations, the deviance of the environment also revealed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour in the group of girls. Hirschi's control theory was much less confirmed by the findings of the present study. Of the four elements of bonds only the  attachment to the, parents were rather strongly supported. On the other hand, hypotheses derived from the remaining elements of Hirschi.s conception were not confirmed at all (e.g. no confirmation at all was found of Hirsci’s argument that high degree of involvement in conventional types of activity is negatively related to deviance) or confirmed but to a small extent (e.g. the relationship between the school achievements and deviance). Besides the attitudes towards the family, only the attitude towards learning at school proved to be consistent with Hirschi's theory. On the other hand, in spite o| the principal hypothesis of the control theory the most isolated respondents failed to reveal a significantly higher level of deviance. Thus the conception of a solitary deviant promoted by Hirschi appears not tanable in the light of the obtained results. To sump up, if one had to decide basing on the findings of the present study which of the discussed theories was confirmed to a greater degree, it could be concluded that the theory of  differential associations was confirmed to greater extent than Hirschi's control theory. On the other had, the results of the study do not seem to speak for Merton’s aims-means theory or the conception of differential opportunities of Cloward and Ohlin. Also some of the statements of the labelling approach failed to find confirmation.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 7-108
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The law in a Society of the Period of Systemic Change
Autorzy:
Turska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43444221.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
society
systemic change
law
sociology
market economy
human rights
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1998, 1-4; 33-43
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Wanderer zwischen den Disziplinen”. O twórczości Georga Simmla
„Wanderer zwischen den Disziplinen”. To the Work of Georg Simmel
Autorzy:
Cieśla, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1857668.pdf
Data publikacji:
2001
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
historia socjologii
Georg Simmel
poznanie
Kant
kultura
społeczeństwo
wzajemne oddziaływanie
socjologia
pragmatyzm
history of sociology
knowledge
culture
society
mutual influence
sociology
pragmatism
Opis:
„Wanderer zwischen den Disziplinen”. Zum Schaffen von Georg Simmel Das Ziel dieses Aufsatzes war nicht nur eine Darstellung des umfangreichen Werkes von Georg Simmel, sondern auch eine Beschreibung der wichtigsten Probleme, mit denen er sich in seinen Werken auseinandergesetzt hat. Der Aufsatz ist also verstanden als Beitrag zur Überwindung der auch in der polnischen Fachliteratur vorhandenen Stereotype über Georg Simmel. Die Analyse geht von drei Phasen der intellektuellen Entwicklung Simmels aus: von Forschungen des jungen Simmel, über Studien zur Kultur und Gesellschaft, bis hin zur Lebensphilosophie. Soziologie, obwohl sehr bedeutend in seinem Schaffen, war nie das einzige Forschungsfeld Simmels. Mit der Begründung der Soziologie als Wissenschaft beschäftigt er sich zwar sein ganzes Leben lang, er gehört als Soziologie zu den Klassikern der Soziologie, ist Soziologe, aber keinesfalls „nur Soziologe”. Genauso beschäftigt er sich mit den Problemem der Erkenntnis, Kultur, Ästhetik, Philosophie. Das was sein Werk verbindet, sind eben die Probleme. Er wandert zwischen den Disziplinen, um die ihn interessierenden Probleme aus der Perspektive verschiedener Disziplinen zu beleuchten und zu erörtern.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2001, 1; 69-96
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fundatorzy wiedzy socjologicznej o polskiej wsi
Founders of Rural Sociology in Poland
Autorzy:
Turowski, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1857535.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
socjologia wsi
metody badań socjologicznych
rural sociology
research methods in sociology
Opis:
The author depicts the research and main works by eminent Polish scholars, founders of rural sociology. The following professors belong to this group: Franciszek Bujak, Stefan Czarnowski, Jan St. Bystroń, Ludwk Krzywicki, Władysław Grabski, Florian Znaniecki, and Józef Chałasiński. Franciszek Bujak as a historian of the socio-economical history of Poland would put more significance on the research on the social rural history. He stressed the close relationship between social phenomena and economical phenomena, and initiated the development of the monographic method of field research. Now, Stefan Czarnowski and Jan St. Bystroń as ethnographers and historians of culture collected unique sources and studies on material, social, and religious culture of the rural population. They introduced and carried out the methods of historical and intercultural comparative studies. Ludwik Krzywicki introduced the problems of the theory of social development and the so-called peasant's question into sociology. Władysław Grabski introduced rural sociology as an academic discipline into university syllabus in Poland. Florian Znaniecki and Józef Chałasiński gained merit for their works of global significance (let us mention The Polish Peasant in Europe and America and Young Generation of Peasants). They also worked out the so-called biographic method of sociological research, applied in various versions in contemporary sociology.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2002, 30, 1; 25-46
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Socjologiczne a priori w ujęciu Georga Simmla
Sociological a priori according to Georg Simmel
Autorzy:
Cieśla, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1857534.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
„teoria poznania społeczeństwa”
historia socjologii
a priori
natura
społeczeństwo
rozumienie
indywidualność
rola społeczna
struktura społeczna
theory of knowledge about society
history of sociology
nature
society
understanding
individuality
social role
social structure
Opis:
The paper sought to present the assumptions of Georg Simmel's sociology. Founding sociology, Simmel relies on the results of his epistemological research. In reference to sociology, he calls his research „theory of knowledge of the social science” or „theory of the knowledge about society.” These theories are supposed to answer the questions about the character of social reality, and about individuals as participants and co-creators of this reality. Epistemological research in sociology is that important because the subject matter of sociology is very complex, and is a result the working of an infinite number of social processes. The paper is also an attempt at an a priori sociological interpretation, that is the understanding and individual character of social harmony.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2002, 30, 1; 47-70
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pięćdziesiąt lat socjologii miasta
Fifty Years of Social Theories of Urban Development
Autorzy:
Musil, Jiří
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/414337.pdf
Data publikacji:
2003
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Ameryk i Europy. Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych (EUROREG)
Tematy:
socjologia miasta
teoria rozwoju miasta
okres powojenny
urban sociology
theory of urban development
post-war period
Opis:
Artykuł porusza problem ewolucji socjologii miasta w ostatnim pięćdziesięcioleciu. Tłem do prezentacji różnych poglądów i nurtów socjologicznych są zachodzące zmiany społeczne, ujęte w trzy okresy. Pierwszy to rekonstrukcja gospodarki i miast zniszczonych w wyniku działań wojennych. W drugim okresie rozwoju gospodarczego (lata 1955-1975) formułowano liczne modele państwa dobrobytu, ale przede wszystkim następowały procesy suburbanizacji i metropolizacji, a także poprawy warunków mieszkaniowych w miastach. Trzeci okres (1975-2000) przejawia się pogłębianiem różnic społecznych, konfliktami miejskimi i polaryzacją, zarówno regionalną, jak i wewnątrz ośrodków miejskich.
This paper is a comparative study of main social theories of urban development in the last fifty tears. The author presents various approaches and social theories from across the world. He divides the after-war period into three phases according to the profound social changes. the first one covers the years of ending the post-war reconstruction of economy, infrastructure and cities damaged by the war. the second phase includes "the golden years" between approximately 1955 and 1975, when the formation of different types of welfare state, but mainly the urban population growth, suburbanization and metropolization processes and improvement of living conditions and urbanities took place. the third phase, covering the years between 1975 and 2000, is marked by the first signs of the decline of the welfare state accompanied by deepening social inequalities increasing urban poverty, marginalization of some groups of the population, political radicalization and urban conflicts as well as by urban and regional polarization.
Źródło:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne; 2003, 1(11); 5-36
1509-4995
Pojawia się w:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Świadomość potoczna w ujęciu Petera L. Bergera i Thomasa Luckmanna
A Common-sense Consciousness According to Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann
Autorzy:
Zemło, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1857226.pdf
Data publikacji:
2003
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
P. L. Berger i Th. Luckmann
socjologia wiedzy
świadomość potoczna
wiedza potoczna
styl poznawczy
P. L. Berger and Th. Luckmann
sociology of knowledge
common-sense consciousness
common-sense knowledge
cognitive style
Opis:
An analysis of consciousness is one of the key issue of the sociology of knowledge. Both the initiators and classics of this discipline dealt with it. Berger and Luckmann, the founders of a new paradigm in the area under considerations, also devoted much attention to it. They were interested in the common-sense consciousness, unlike their predecessors who were occupied with political, scientific, and world-view etc. consciousness. They dealt with this kind of consciousness in their most prominent book The Social Construction of Reality, and in numerous papers written separately by each of the authors. This paper puts together and orders various dispersed statements as regard the common-sense consciousness, in order to present it in a compact and complete picture.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2003, 31, 1; 21-45
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O metodzie funkcjonalnej Bronisława Malinowskiego
Bronislaw Malinowskis Functional Method
Autorzy:
Obrębski, J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137853.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
history of ethnology and sociology
functionalism
historia etnologii i socjologii
funkcjonalizm
Opis:
Józef Obrebski's article entitled 'Bronislaw Malinowski's Functional Method of Analysis' preserved in his archives in manuscript form. was edited by Anna Engelking. This elaborate work concerning the method of analysis of Obrebski's professor and mentor presents Malinowski's functionalism in the context of both his own scholarly biography as well contemporary anthropology. The article is accompanied by discussion by Kotarbinski and Ossowski, and the author's own response to it. The remaining archival texts by Obrebski are included in the Annex. These are fragments of two lost or unfinished larger works regarding Malinowski from the late 1930's. The first edition of these yet unknown archival works and the evidence of the first studies of Malinowski's legacy becomes an interesting contribution to the history of Polish ethnology and sociology.
Prezentowany tekst, zachowany w spuściźnie archiwalnej Józefa Obrebskiego w postaci maszynopisu referatu, został opracowany do druku przez Annę Engelking. W obszernym referacie o metodzie badawczej swojego nauczyciela i mistrza, wygłoszonym w 1939 roku, Obrębski przedstawił interpretację funkcjonalizmu Malinowskiego, ukazując ją w kontekście zarówno ówczesnej myśli antropologicznej, jak i własnej biografii naukowej. Referatowi towarzyszy dyskusja z głosami m.in. Tadeusza Kotarbinskiego i Stanislawa Ossowskiego oraz odpowiedzią prelegenta. Pozostałe archiwalne teksty Obrębskiego to zamieszczone w Aneksie fragmenty dwóch nieukończonych lub niezachowanych większych jego prac dotyczących Malinowskiego z końca lat trzydziestych XX wieku. Opracowanie - pierwodruk nieznanych dotychczas badaczom archiwaliow Obrębskiego i zarazem świadectwo pierwszych polskich badań nad Malinowskim - stanowi interesujący przyczynek do historii polskiej etnologii i socjologii.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2004, 2(173); 35-63
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obrębski o Malinowskim. Z dziejów recepcji funkcjonalizmu w Polsce
Obrebski on Malinowski. The Reception of Functionalism in Poland
Autorzy:
Engelking, A.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137850.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
history of ethnology and sociology
functionalism
historia etnologii i socjologii
funkcjonalizm
Opis:
The following article is an extended commentary to Jozef Obrebski's writings regarding Bronislaw Malinowski's anthropology. Obrebski's archival text is included in this volume. The author starts with presenting Obrebski's (1905-1967) scholarly biography. He was a student and a doctoral candidate of Malinowski who became ardently devoted to popularizing Malinowski's theories by virtue of further studies and translations. Most of Obrebski's archival legacy can be found at the University of Massachussetts at Amherst, USA. The second part of the article deals with the history of relations between the two scholars, which the author managed to trace through a meticulous search of various source materials and archives. In the third part of the article the author sums up the results of her findings. By juxtaposing Obrebski's newly found Malinowskiana with his published works related to Malinowski, of which there are very few and often and only fragmentary, we find important testimony to the initial reception of functionalism in Poland.
Artykuł jest komentarzem do odnalezionych w spuściźnie archiwalnej Józefa Obrębskiego pism dotyczących antropologu Bronisława Malinowskiego, zamieszczonych w niniejszym tomie na stronach 35-63. Autorka rozpoczyna od przedstawienia biografii naukowej Obrębskiego (1905-1967). Był on uczniem i doktorantem, później także popularyzatorem, tłumaczem i badaczem myśli teoretycznej Malinowskiego. Większość spuścizny archiwalnej Obrębskiego znajduje się w archiwum University of Massachusetts w Amherst w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Druga część artykułu to omówienie dziejów kontaktu między obu uczonymi, które autorka odtworzyła dzięki poszukiwaniom archiwalnym i źródłowym. W części trzeciej autorka przedstawia wyniki swoich dociekań nad odnalezionymi w archiwaliach Obrębskiego Malinowscianami w zestawieniu z jego opublikowanymi pracami dotyczącymi Malinowskiego i konstatuje, iż - choć nie jest ich wiele, a część z nich to zaledwie ułamki większych całości - wydają się godne uwagi jako świadectwo początków recepcji funkcjonalizmu w Polsce.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2004, 2(173); 17-34
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Bieszczadzki Park Narodowy w oczach turystów i mieszkańców
Perception of the Bieszczady National Park by Tourists and Inhabitants
Autorzy:
Komorowska, Kinga A.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/414403.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Ameryk i Europy. Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych (EUROREG)
Tematy:
interakcja człowieka z otoczeniem
geografia
socjologia
turystyka
Bieszczadzki Park Narodowy
interaction between man and its environment
geography
sociology
tourism
Bieszczady National Park
Opis:
Badania nad interakcją człowieka z jego otoczeniem to stosunkowo nowa dziedzina nauki z pogranicza geografii i socjologii. Część teoretyczna artykułu przybliża więc czytelnikowi problematykę percepcji. W części drugiej opisano sposób percepcji Bieszczadzkiego Parku Narodowego przez turystów oraz dorosłych mieszkańców Bieszczadów i tamtejszych uczniów. Odwołanie się do podobnych badań przeprowadzanych przez autorkę w Tatrzańskim Parku Narodowym pozwoliło m.in. stwierdzić, że odwiedzający góry znają je dużo lepiej niż mieszkańcy, a parki narodowe, widziane oczami ankietowanych, są większe i bardziej puste niż w rzeczywistości. Niektóre z prezentowanych na wstępie teorii znalazły potwierdzenie w prezentowanych w niniejszym artykule badaniach.
"Interaction between human beings and their environment is a relatively new science domain, placed between geography and sociology. Therefore, a theoretical part of this article aims at familiarizing the readers with perception issue. In the following part one can find a description of perception of the Bieszczady National Park by tourists, adult inhabitants and pupils from Bieszczady region. It is compared to the similar research conducted in the Tatra National Park. One of the findings is that tourists are better familiarized with the mountain geography than any other group. What is also interesting, people find national parks bigger and more empty than they are in reality. Some of the theories presented at the beginning of the article were confirmed by the author's reseearch."
Źródło:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne; 2005, 3(21); 113-133
1509-4995
Pojawia się w:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Internet a nierówności społeczne
Internet and Social Inequalities
Autorzy:
Batorski, D.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137745.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Internet
digital divide
social inequalities
sociology of the Internet
cyfrowe wykluczenie
nierówności społeczne
socjologia Internetu
Opis:
The author discusses the impact of Internet on social inequalities. The basic question is whether access to Internet decreases social inequality and increases life opportunities for marginalized people or, to the contrary, whether it the source of further deepening and justification of existing social inequalities.Based on the data on Internet use in Poland, he claims that inequalities can be observed not only with regard to the very access to the Internet but also to the quality of access and the ability to take advantage of it. The author demonstrates various ways of using the Internet which may lead to the improvement of life opportunities and help avoid negative effects of excessive use of the Internet.
Artykuł poświęcony jest problemowi związku Internetu z nierównościami społecznymi. Podstawowe pytania dotyczą tego, czy przyczynia się on do zmniejszenia nierówności społecznych i zwiększenia szans życiowych osób wykluczonych, czy też jest odwrotnie i Internet jest kolejnym źródłem pogłębiania i legitymizacji istniejących nierówności społecznych. W analizach danych dotyczących korzystania z Internetu w Polsce rozważone zostaną nie tylko nierówności związane z samym dostępem do niego, ale również z jakością tego dostępu oraz z umiejętnościami jego wykorzystania. Pokazane zostanie również znaczenie sposobu korzystania z Internetu i umiejętności używania sieci w sposób, który sprzyja polepszeniu sytuacji życiowej oraz pozwala uniknąć negatywnych konsekwencji nadmiernego korzystania z sieci.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2005, 2(177); 107-131
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Klasyczna socjologia kulturowa: nowe odczytanie spuścizny Floriana Znanieckiego
New Reading of Florian Znanieckis Contribution to Classical Cultural Sociology
Autorzy:
Hałas, E.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2138169.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Florian Znaniecki
cultural sociology
social action theory
symbolic interactionism
Chicago school
social systems
socjologia kulturowa
teoria działania społecznego
interakcjonizm symboliczny
Opis:
It is argued that a renewed reception of the works of the Polish and American scholar should be furthered by the cultural turn in sociology. If the new cultural sociology is to get firm grounds it should go beyond the reaction against structural-functional normativism in search of classic studies of cultural dynamics as those of Florian Znaniecki. The authoress examines the reasons for blurring the influence of Znaniecki on 20th century sociologists, including Talcott Parsons and Alfred Schütz, and presents an overall review of his contribution to cultural sociology.
Oddziaływanie nowej, amerykańskiej socjologii kulturowej powinno sprzyjać pełnej recepcji klasycznej socjologii kulturowej. Tak zwany zwrot kulturowy w socjologii najnowszej nie spowodował jednak szerszego upowszechnienia perspektywy wskazanej przez Floriana Znanieckiego badania dynamiki kultury, ogranicza się bowiem do reakcji przeciwko strukturalno-funkcjonalnemu normatywizmowi. W artykule przedstawiany jest wpływ twórczości Znanieckiego na socjologią XX wieku, w tym na teorię struktur alno-funkcjonalną Talcotta Parsonsa i fenomenologię społeczną Alfreda Schiitza, a przede wszystkim na ukształtowanie orientacji kulturalistycznej w socjologii. Analizowane są przyczyny stopniowego osłabiania oddziaływania tej spuścizny. Podawane są racje przemawiające za ponownym odczytaniem dzieł Znanieckiego, które umocniłoby podstawy nowej socjologii kulturowej.
Źródło:
Studia Socjologiczne; 2005, 3(178); 5-34
0039-3371
Pojawia się w:
Studia Socjologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Max Weber und die Innerweltliche Askese
Max Weber i asceza wewnątrz świata
Autorzy:
Kuttner, Heinz-Georg
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/38718730.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
kapitalizm zachodni
ekonomia
racjonalność
etyka protestantyzmu
socjologia religii
polityka
asceza
western capitalism
economics
rationality
Protestant ethics
sociology of religion
politics
asceticism
Opis:
Osoba i dzieła Maxa Webera wzbudzają do dzisiaj duże zainteresowanie wielu analiz etyczno-filozoficzno-ekonomicznych. Kilka danych historycznych, nieznanych zapewne polskiemu czytelnikowi, rzuca nowe światło na centralne zagadnienia myśli Webera, jak np. związek pomiędzy procesami racjonalizacyjnymi zachodniego kapitalizmu a prawnymi, społecznymi i kulturalnymi sposobami istnienia człowieka: Dlaczego właśnie w Europie doszło do powstania gospodarki kapitalistycznej? Czy ta forma gospodarowania była konieczna? W protestantyzmie, przede wszystkim Johna Calvina, Weber upatruje najgłębszej przyczyny nowożytnego sposobu myślenia ekonomicznego. Jedną z tez Webera jest dostrzeganie w religii „momentu racjonalności”, dopomagajacej człowiekowi w tworzeniu własnego i całościowego poglądu na świat. Jednak wskutek „dynamiki w przepływie kapitału, zwiększającej się biurokracji, różnicującej się administracji, intelektualizacji” życia ludzkiego wzrasta „przepaść” pomiędzy światem zsekularyzowanym a treściami religii. Jako rozwiązanie tej problematyki Weber zaproponował naukę wolną od wartości, by według niego ustanowić realny pomost porozumienia dla tak przeciwstawnego świata. Przeciwieństwo istnieje − według tego myśliciela − także pomiędzy etyką obiektywną a etyką odpowiedzialności, którą można nazwać etyką polityczną, uzależnioną ostatecznie od jej użyteczności. Tę etykę R. Spaemann nazwał także „utylitarystyczną”. Stanowisko to zarówno w wymiarze systematycznym, jak też historycznym okazuje się m.in. dla ekonomii, prawa i polityki niewystarczalne, co potwierdza choćby druga wojna światowa oraz jej negatywne skutki w powojennym okresie rozwoju ludzkiej cywilizacji.
Źródło:
Roczniki Wydziału Nauk Prawnych i Ekonomicznych KUL; 2005, 1, 1; 53-74
1896-6365
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Wydziału Nauk Prawnych i Ekonomicznych KUL
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 1104

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