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Tytuł:
Czynny żal jako instrument polityki kryminalnej i karnej
Active repentance as an instrument of criminal and penal policy
Autorzy:
Sitarz, Olga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698486.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka kryminalna
polityka karna
criminal law
active repentance
Opis:
The object of the analysis are the institution known in the criminal law as active repentance and other similar normative institutions, which are sometimes referred to by scientists as active repentance in its broad sense or as quasi-active repentance. I was interested in the behavior of the perpetrator after commitment of an offence as a factor affecting the extent of perpetrator’s criminal liability in the context of criminal and penal policy (legally permissible modification of criminal responsibility in individual cases). Even a brief review of the institutions of active repentance in the Polish criminal law (regulated in the general and specific chapters of the Penal Code) allows to state that there is no uniformity, consistency, and rationality in shaping of this substantial instrument of criminal and penal policy. Sometimes one may have an impression that the issue of active repentance was regulated quite accidentally, not as a part of the comprehensive, rational criminal policy pursued by the entire criminal justice system. Since the key question is whether the established and accepted objectives and functions of punishment and / or criminal law can be achieved without a punishment, therefore the first part of the article is devoted to theories and functions of the penalty in conjunction with the reasons and functions attributed to active repentance. The different functions of an active repentance – to increase the efficiency – require some specific element in the design of this institution to be taken into consideration. These variables may be: if the benefits gained by the repentant are facultative or mandatory, the extent of the benefits, additional requirements imposed on the offender related to his conduct, an indication of a shorter or longer time limit to meet the statutory requirements and / or conditions related to repentant’s motivation, directory of the deeds in which the perpetrator can use the benefits arising from his active repentance, and indirectly also the place and method of regulation. Whether these variables should include consent of the victim, with all its consequences, probably also needs to be taken into consideration. Referring to the presented features of active repentance, by operating with the indicated variables, one can attempt to construct a variety of models of active repentance appropriate for performance of specific functions. Assuming its preventive function, active repentance should be provided for the widest range of crimes possible. Preferably, active repentance should be described clearly and precisely in the general part of the Criminal Code. Benefits provided for the accused person should be as wide as possible and always obligatory. Effective preventive function enforces the need to spread this instrument, especially the profits associated with it.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2009, XXXI; 159-172
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka kryminalna i polityka karna we współczesnej polskiej rzeczywistości
Criminal and penal policy in contemporary Polish reality
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699011.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka kryminalna
polityka karna
criminal and penal policy
Opis:
The article discusses criminal policy, understood as court procedures intended to counteract and limit crime by applying provisions of criminal law. The chapter begins with an analysis of diverse definitions of criminal and penal policy. Then, mechanism of action of such policies in the aspect of administering punishments to perpetrators of criminal deeds is discussed. An analysis of statistical data concerning administering particular types of punishments allows to draw certain conclusions concerning penal policy employed in Poland in the difficult period of social change. The most often administered punishment in the first decade of the 21st century is deprivation of liberty (imprisonment) with conditional suspension (probation), imprisonment and fines are slightly less frequent, the least frequently courts sentence unconditional imprisonment. The picture of the data allows only to make a draft of contemporary visions of solving social problems related with crime – or rather lack of such visions. The reasons of incoherence and – in many cases – irrationality of our criminal policy can be seen in many factors which are impossible to discuss or even list in one article. However it is worth to notice that undoubtedly the progressing expansion and politicization of criminal law should be limited and it should be acknowledged that criminal law is not the best remedy for social problems, which include crime.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2012, XXXIV; 401-425
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Atypowe przypadki korupcji w oceNach sądów i prokuratur na przykładzie przestępstw z art. 228 i 229 k.k.
Atypical bribery cases in the opinion of courts and prosecutor offices as illustarted with examples of crimes commited under articles 228 i 229 Penal
Autorzy:
Bachmat, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698547.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
korupcja
polityka karna
reakcja na przestępczość
bribery
Opis:
The article presents results of file research invovling an analysis of the manner in which court and prosecution applied law in resolving atypical cases of bribery. The subject of the said research were atypical cases of bribery involving crimes under Article 228 and Article 229 of the Penal Code perpetrated by persons performing public functions. The cases discussed followed a number of varied scenarios which, in general, consisted in accepting or granting material or personal benefit or a promise of such in connection with the perpetrator's official capicity. Hence the conduct of the perpetrator did formally fulfil the definition of the crime defined in Articles 228 and 229 Penal Code. However, since some specific circumstances took place, such as a statutory body's decision or penal jurisprudence, the perpetrated act should not render the perpetrator liable to prosecution. It was found that, when classifying atypical acts of corruption, judicial authorities made some effort to employ lenient penal-legal assessment of the perpetrator's conduct, but they often did so with insufficient diligence and by implementing inappropriate provisions of the penal law. The atypical bribery cases included circumstances in which physicians misled their patients by suggesting they should purchase a highend endoprothesis or medicine produced abroad, on an allegedly free market outside the National Health Fund (NFZ) refunding system. The patients they did so, in spite of the fact that such recommendations have no substantiation in the public functions of a medical doctor. Physicians would then claim that they assumed the role of an intermediary between a patient and a foreign dealer or manufacturer. In practice, they used prothesis or medicines refunded by the National Health Fund (NFZ). Unaware of that fact, patients acted in error as to the circumstances, fulfilling the definition of an unlawful act (error facti), and in particular, the patients were not aware that the money they handed over was in fact a bribe granted in connection with official capacity of the physician. In consequence, the criminal procedure in such cases should either be closed by means of discontinuation or refusal to instigate under Article 17 § 1.2 Criminal Procedure Code subject to Article 28 § 1 Penal Code. Prosecution bodies, however, avoided such classification and in cases like that opted for exempting the informer - briber from the penalty (Article 229 § 6 Penal Code), which did not fully reflect the actual legal and formal circumstances of a misinformed patient's conduct. Especially disagreeable was the fact that the solution adopted by prosecution assumed such patients were guilty. It was established that the notion of customary gifts, widely accepted in penal law publications as lawful excuse, is in practice defunct. This does not mean that similar facts were never subject to criminal procedure.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 247-282
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788415.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-30
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
wymiar kary
cudzoziemcy
penal policy
sentencing
foreigners
Opis:
Przedmiotem rozważań artykułu jest fragment polityki karnej państwa obejmujący działalność sądów w celu przeciwdziałania i ograniczania przestępczości w drodze stosowania przepisów prawa karnego wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce. W szczególności poruszane jest zagadnienie polityki wymierzania kar i środków karnych cudzoziemcom, którzy dopuścili się czynów zabronionych przez polskie prawo karne i trafili do systemu formalnej kontroli społecznej. Celem analizy jest ustalenie, w jaki sposób na przestrzeni lat 2004-2012 kształtowała się polityka sądowego wymiaru kary cudzoziemcom, jakie kary i środki karne były wobec nich najczęściej stosowane w odpowiedzi na popełnienie poszczególnych rodzajów przestępstw oraz sprawdzenie czy, a jeśli tak, to w jakim kierunku i zakresie, polityka ta odbiega od polityki karnej stosowanej wobec polskich obywateli.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2015, 22; 27-37
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czynna i bierna strona płatnej protekcji - akt korupcji, sądowa kwalifikacja czynu
Passive and active parties to the crime of trading in influence - the act of corruption and court qualification of the deed
Autorzy:
Bachmat, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698951.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
korupcja
polityka karna
reakcja na przestępczość
corruprion
criminal justice
Opis:
The article is a result of file examination and attempts to characterise acts related to trading in influence and their criminal evaluation formulated by the courts of law in their final sentences. The empirical basis of the research are 123 criminal proceedings which resulted in valid sentences concerning passive and active trading in influence (articles 230 , and article 231 of Polish Criminal Code ). Analysed proceedings were from across the country and were decided between 1 January 2004 and 1 November 2006. The research investigated not only the court files but also public prosecution files. No files on cases discontinued or dismissed under articles providing for the indemnity of the perpetrator who informs of the crime (article 17 of Criminal Proceeding Code under article 230a of the CC) were included. The file material contained predominantly cases of passive trading in influence (article 230 of CC) consisting in, to put it simply, an obligation to take care of a matter in a public institution in return for a bribe or a promise to do so. 92 such cases were reported, 109 persons trading in influence were accused. As a result of court decisions, 78 persons were found guilty, 5 acquitted, one found partially guilty (cleared of one charge but guilty of another), and 8 cases were dismissed on conditions. Cases of active trading in influence (article 230a of CC), that is the practice of paying for someone’s influence, were much less frequent. The files included only 31 such cases, with 57 accused for paying for trading in influence. 28 cases resulted in convictions and three were dismissed on conditions. Acquittals did not occur in this group of cases. Two basic areas of study were assumed. First, a case analysis of a corruption deed of trading in influence allowed to obtain the information necessary for drafting a profile of typical perpetrators, to identify their approach (pleading guilty/not guilty) and for drafting a profile of the act of corruption itself. The latter included investigation of the means of corruption, the initiator of the corruption proposal, a catalogue of matters (contract, document, permission etc.) to be paid for, and institutions whose operation was to be interfered by trading in influence. Corruption act profile included also an attempt to investigate the promised influence (own, third parties’, actual, fictitious) and its source (family, friends, acquaintances, co-workers, other) which the passive perpetrators referred to and which the active perpetrators sought. Second, the study analysed application of provisions defining the features of the crime (articles 230 and 230a of CC). The analysis included the practice of applying the said provisions by the prosecution and the courts, as they were obliged to interpret a deed for the purpose of proceedings in legal terms and to qualify it according to provisions of law. Legitimacy of deed qualification was evaluated, particularly by the courts in their valid final verdicts.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 275-326
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kara pozbawienia wolności i jej (dys)funkcjonalność. Krytyka polskiej polityki karnej i resocjalizacyjnej w świecie akademickim
Autorzy:
Kacprzak, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/450781.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-02
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydział Ekonomiczno-Socjologiczny
Tematy:
polityka karna
resocjalizacja
system resocjalizacyjny
wykluczenie społeczne
reintegracja społeczna
Opis:
Kara pozbawienia wolności i związany z nią proces resocjalizacji, któremu poddawani są skazani jest od dawna przedmiotem zainteresowania akademickiego. Problematyka penalizacji zachowań przestępczych, więziennictwa oraz realizacji celów i zadań systemu resocjalizacyjnego jest poruszana nie tylko przez prawników i kryminologów, ale również ekonomistów, psychologów, pedagogów, socjologów czy nawet przedstawicieli nauk medycznych. Każda z wymienionych dziedzin wskazuje zarówno na pozytywne, jak i negatywne efekty kary pozbawienia wolności. Odmienność prezentowanych stanowisk jest przy tym niezwykle szeroka. Wśród zwolenników jej stosowania pojawiają się stanowiska traktujące ją jako jedyny skuteczny sposób resocjalizacji przestępców, podczas gdy jej krytycy zwracają uwagę, że przystosowanie do życia w społeczeństwie nie jest możliwe do realizacji w warunkach izolacji penitencjarnej. Polska już od ponad dekady należy do ścisłej czołówki krajów Wspólnoty Europejskiej o najwyższych wskaźnikach penalizacji sprawców przestępstw. Stąd też problematyka więziennictwa i funkcjonowania systemu resocjalizacyjnego jest ważna i budzi żywe zainteresowanie świata akademickiego. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie najważniejszych punktów sporu o karę pozbawienia wolności w specyficznym kontekście polskiej polityki penalnej oraz praktyki resocjalizacyjnej.
Imprisonment and resocialization process which is undertaken in order to ‘rehabilitate’ offenders has been the subject of academic discussion for years. The issue of penalizing criminal offences, prison institutions, as well as completing the goals of resocialization system is undertaken by not only criminologists or lawyers but also economists, psychologists, pedagogists, sociologists and even medics. Each of the mentioned disciplines indicates both, positive and negative effects of imprisonment and the span of presented ideas is firmly broad. Some specialists tend to see imprisonment as the only effective and possible social reaction to crime, others indicate that social integration is impossible by means of social isolation. Since over decade Poland has now been among the European Union countries with the highest imprisonment indexes. This is why the case of imprisonment and functioning of resocialization system is important and is often commented by academics. The aim of this article is to indicate the most important arguments concerning the issue of imprisonment in the specific climate of Polish penal policy and resocialization practice.
Źródło:
Władza sądzenia; 2016, 10
2300-1690
Pojawia się w:
Władza sądzenia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Motywy zabójstw homoseksualnych część IV — motywacja sprawców zabójstw a odpowiedzialność karna
Autorzy:
Lisiecki, Mirosław Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1921969.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-02
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
zabójstwa
motywy
kryminogeneza
wiktymogeneza
modus operandii
homoseksualizm
kryminologia
polityka karna
odpowiedzialność karna
Opis:
W niniejszym opracowaniu przedstawiono wpływ procesu motywacyjnego sprawców zabójstw na ich odpowiedzialność karną. Na podstawie badanych spraw można stwierdzić, iż zabójstwa homoseksualne dokonywane są przede wszystkim na skutek określonej sytuacji faktycznej, w której niepoślednią rolę odgrywa ofi ara, dążąc do zaspokojenia popędu seksualnego wbrew woli sprawcy lub posiada dobra materialne pożądane przez sprawcę. Z reguły są to zabójstwa nieplanowane popełnione pod wpływem nagle powstałego zamiaru, w wyniku pewnej zaskakującej sytuacji kryzysowej, wyzwalającej gwałtowane reakcje emocjonalne. Najczęściej swoje wyjaśnienia zmieniali sprawcy zabójstw na tle ekonomicznym. Natomiast większość sprawców zabójstw z motywów emocjonalnych podtrzymywała swoje wyjaśnienia do końca. W wielu wypadkach pojawiło się u nich głębokie poczucie winy i żal z powodu zaistniałej zbrodni, co niewątpliwie mogło ułatwić i ukierunkować proces przyszłych oddziaływań resocjalizacyjnych. Niejednokrotnie podawane w wyjaśnieniach elementy procesu motywacyjnego były brane pod uwagę jako okoliczności łagodzące przy wymiarze kary. Przykładowo: ustalenie faktu znęcania się nad przyszłym sprawcą (partnerem homoseksualnym), szantażu lub jego zgwałcenia przez ofi arę, z reguły wpływało na złagodzenie wymiaru kary. Dowodem tego może być różnica średniej wysokości wymiaru kary pozbawienia wolności dla sprawców zabójstw z motywów emocjonalnych (10,3 lata) w stosunku do sprawców zabójstw z motywów racjonalnych, w większości ekonomicznych (17,1 lat). Na podstawie prowadzonych badań można uznać, iż polimotywacyjność jest w zasadzie cechą dystynktywną zabójstw homoseksualnych. Oprócz motywów wiodących (pierwotnych i wtórnych), które spowodowały u sprawcy powstanie i realizację zamiaru dokonania zabójstwa, można było wyróżnić również motywy uboczne, tj. zachowania następcze związane integralnie z motywem wiodącym bądź mające charakter dodatkowego bodźca, któremu sprawca uległ w chwili popełnienia lub bezpośrednio po popełnieniu czynu, np. sprawca korzystając z okazji dokonuje kradzieży mienia. Sprawcy zabójstw popełnionych z motywów emocjonalnych tłumaczyli swoje zachowanie przede wszystkim zawinioną postawą ofi ary i związanym z tym własnym zdenerwowaniem, szokiem, wściekłością, furią, wzburzeniem, które wywołały agresję o podłożu fizjologicznym. Następowało więc znane wiktymologii typowe „odrzucenie ofi ary”, gdyż, mimo że przyznali się do popełnienia czynu, a nawet żałowali swego postępku, to jednak przeważało zapatrywanie, iż ofiara zasłużyła sobie na takie potraktowanie, z uwagi na swoje karygodne zachowanie. Było to typowe usprawiedliwianie swego czynu opierające się na deprecjacji i dewaloryzacji ofi ary oraz poczuciu krzywdy jako aktu sprawiedliwości pozwalającego uniknąć winy w aspekcie moralnym. W literaturze zagranicznej podkreśla się, iż w obronie sprawców zabójstw homoseksualnych wykorzystuje się argumenty tzw. paniki homoseksualnej. Jest to forma obrony opierająca się na przesłance obrony koniecznej, polegająca na przerzuceniu winy na ofi arę. Jeżeli się powiedzie, wówczas ogranicza odpowiedzialność karną oskarżonego do zarzutu nieumyślnego spowodowania śmierci. Wydaje się, że nie ma powodów, aby przyjmować, iż w Polskim systemie prawnym w nadmierny sposób jest wykorzystywana obrona oparta na tzw. panice homoseksualnej, a jej uwzględnienie jest związane z homofobią występującą w wymiarze sprawiedliwości. Dowodem tego mogą być zabójstwa, gdzie sąd nie uznał wyjaśnień oskarżonego i przyjął ekonomiczny motyw popełnienia czynu, względnie uznał polimotywacyjność, przyjmując motywy racjonalne za wiodące lub równorzędne. Orzeczone w tych sprawach wysokie kary pozbawienia wolności dowodzą, iż sąd nie wziął pod uwagę powoływania się sprawcy na motywy emocjonalne oraz m.in. na tzw. panikę homoseksualną.
Źródło:
Przegląd Policyjny; 2017, 2(126); 123-137
0867-5708
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Policyjny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Główne kierunki polityki karnej realizowanej przez kolegia do spraw wykroczeń w latach 1972–1989
The Main Directions of Penal Policy Pursued by Transgession Boards in the Years 1972–1989
Autorzy:
Szumski, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698530.pdf
Data publikacji:
1993
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
środki karne
wykroczenia
penal policy
penal measures
contraventions
Opis:
The paper characterizes the evolution of penal policy with respect to per peetrators of transgressions, pursued in Poland by elected agencies attacbed to the state administration and called “transgression boards”. In the years 1972–1989, their decisions were supervised by the Minister of Internal Affairs. Most of the discussion, based on statistical materials, concerns changes in the structure and dynamics of penal measures applied by the boards. The measures have been defined as all legal reactions applicable upon the finding the perpetrator’s guilt. The present paper does not deal with all of those measures, though: for lack of statistical data, tukets imposed by the penal prosecution agencies and the possible reactions on part of those agencies if they renounce moving the case to the board for punishment according to the principle of  expediency of prosecution could not be discussed. Penal policy has been characterized against the background of amendments introduced in the period under analysis and of instructions issued by the Minister of Internal Affairs that shape the boards’ decisions. After 1982, such instructions usually aimed at aggravating repression. The statutory catalogue of penal measures contained in the transgressions code is relatively extensive. The most severe measure is detention which amounts to deprivation of liberty for up to 3 months. As stated in the code, it should be applied in exceptional cases only. In the first decade of validity of the code, detention was imposed in l–l.5 % of all decisions which meant the deprivation of liberty of 9,00–10,000 persons. It is therefore doubtful whether detention was indeed treated as an exceptional measure by practicians. In the next years, it was imposed much less often. The penalty of suspended detention played any role in the practice of transgression boards. As shown by studies, those who applied law  treated suspended detention as a separate penal measure to replace other measures not involving deprivation of liberty rather than a way of limiting the use of immediaste detention. Also disappointed were the  expectations related to another new measure, formally more severe than fine, that is limitation of liberty which was to “educate through work”. According to the legislators’ assumptions, that penalty was to  be the main alternative to detention; in practice, it was imposed rather often  (about 5% of all measures applied) but served mainly as a substitute for fine. The basic measure applied to perpetrators of transgressions was fine, imposed on 90% of cases of those punished by the boards. According to provisions of the Transgressions Code, though, a substitute penalty of detention can be imposed in the case of justified doubts as to the possibility of execution of fine. For this reason, it was found advisable in the present analysis to treat this form of fine as a measure different in quality from fine imposed without a substitute penalty which could in no case lead to imprisonment. Also research findings encouraged the treatment of these two kinds of fine as separate penal measures: the substitute penalty was treated in practice as a specific method of aggravating repression, and imposed in defiance with provisions of the Code. Owing to this approach it could be evidenced that the proportion of fines combined with the threat of deprivation of liberty (another measures designed as exceptional) went up rapidly in mid-1910s to become stabilized at about 20% of all decisions of the  transgression boards. The abuse of that measure, also designed as exceptional, was accompanied mainly by less frequent fines without a substitute penalty. At the same time, the proportion of the two most lenient measures, that is admonition and renouncement of inflicting punishment, went down regularly and amounted to a mere 2% of decisions despite the broad applications of those measures contained in the Code. This reflects the practicians’ tendency to use the aggravating legal solutions much more often than those which mitigate penalty; this led to increased repressiveness of penal policy. Beside the above-mentioned reactions, the Transgressions Code provides for a number of measures called additional penalties which are to accompany the principal ones. They can also be applied as self-standing measures in specific situations. Yet the agencies that apply law never availed themselves of this latter possibility. Instead, additional penalties were lavishly imposed (particularly the witholrawal it driving licence and the penalty of making the sentence publicly known) which led to accumulation of repressions suffered by the punished person. This is why the serious growth in the number of additional penalties, after the legal changes introduced in mid-l980s and instructions issued by the Minister of Internal Affairs in particular, was still another proof of the aggravation of penal policy with respect to perpertrators of transgressions. Characteristically, the Polish Transgressions Code combines the application of some of the non-custodical measures with the threat of deprivation of liberty in the case of failure in the execution of those measures. This concerns the above-mentioned fine but also, in definite conditions, the limitation of liberty and suspended detention. In practice, the threat of imprisonment was used very often, the total proportion of the three above measures becoming stabilized, after an initial growth, at about 20–25% of decisions which mainly resulted from excessive imposition of fines with a substitute penalty of detention. Most importantly, though, that threat was realized with respect to every fifth or sixth person in that group. As a result, the average of 20–25 thousand persons a year were imprisoned despite the fact that a measure not involving deprivation of liberty had originally been applied to them. A paradoxical situation arose where persons sentenced to the principal penalty of detention constituted a small percentage of those imprisoned by force of decisions of the transgression boards, while most served a substitute penalty due to a failure in the execution of the previously applied non-custodial measure. Still another expression of the growing repressiveness of penal policy was the greater and greater involved in the most frequently imposed penalty of fines in both of its forms: due to amendments of the Transgressions Code, the amound of fine went up a quicker pace than the average wages in socialized economy during most of the 1980s. A statutory solution concerning transgression that was most vehemently critized by the doctrine was the most limited judicial supervision over  decisions of the transgression boards. The appel instance were boards of  the second instance; only decisions imposing detention and limitation of liberty could be appealed against to the court. Thus judicial supervision concerned neither the substitute penalties which involved deprivation of liberty nor the most acute ban on driving motor vehicles. Meanwhile as shown by experimental findings, 6–15% of persons punished by the boards were acquitted by the court to which they complained, and a non-isolation measure was  substituted for deprivation of  liberty in over one-third of the cases. This shows that courts saw decisions of the boards not only as essentially defective but also as excessively repressive. This latter conclusion is rather symptomatic the fact considered that penal policy pursued by courts with respect to offenders was sewere, too. What has also to be stressed when characterizing the decisions in cases of transgressions is the frequent use of the statutory possibility of deciding in expedited proceedings and proceedings  by writ of payment. From the viewpoint of rational penal policy, that tendency deserves to be criticized as protection of the defendant’s basic processual guaranties suffers statutory limitation in those modes of procedure, and the speed and simplification of proceedings affect the individualization of punishment. Also of importance was the fact that the frequent decisions in expedited proceedings served as a specific form of aggravation of represion since – as shown by research findings – the penalties imposed in that mode were more severe than in the ordinary proceedings. Analysis of the evolution of decisions of the transgression boards has led to the conclusion that throughout the period under analysis, penal policy was regularly aggravated which was largely influenced by punitive instructions of the Minister of Internal Affairs. The only periods of mitigation of penalties were  the years 1981 and 1989: this resulted mainly from social conflicts and public opinion pressure on reduction of repressiveness of the penal system. For this reason, the 1989 amendment of the Transgression Code, forced by systemic changes, which deprived the Minister of Internal Affairs of his original control over decisions of the transgression boards and submitted all of those decisions to judical review brings the hope for liberalization and rationalization of penal policy in cases of transgressions.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 107-131
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O polityce karnej z perspektywy retrospektywnej
On Criminal Policy in Retrospection
Autorzy:
Pływaczewski, Emil W.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698744.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
kodeks karny
analiza retrospektywna
criminal policy
penal code
retrospection
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 617-628
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce
Penal Policy Toward Foreign Nationals Residing in Poland
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Rychlik, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698654.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
cudzoziemcy
kryminologia
Polska
penal policy
foreign nationals
punishment
Polska
Opis:
The paper focuses on penal policy, or to be more accurate, on its part related to “the operation of the courts of law with a view to preventing and reducing the crime rate through the application of criminal law,”1 though with regard to a selected group only, i.e. foreign nationals who reside in Poland. In very simple terms, it addresses the policy of punishments and punitive measures pursued with respect to foreign nationals who have committed offences expressly prohibited by Polish criminal law, and were subsequently embraced by a formal system of social supervision. The studies at issue were conducted on the basis of statistical data collected by the Ministry of Justice. They comprise information on the kinds of punishment and punitive measures applied to foreign nationals for committing respective types of criminal offences, as revealed and discovered by Polish justice system throughout the country, in the period spanning 2004–2012. It appears that an 8-year period of scrutiny regarding the application of penal policy to foreign nationals allows for the identification of all attendant key trends, as well as any portents of forthcoming changes. An appraisal of the structure of criminal offences committed by foreign nationals reveals that they fall most frequently (87% in total) within 5 key categories, i.e. 21% of convictions against the credibility of documents, 20% against public order, 18% against the safety of transportation, 15% fraud, 13% against property. Criminal offences falling within the scope of other legislative constraints that serve as the conviction basis against foreign nationals are encountered much less frequently and comprise primarily offences against: human life and health, the justice system, family and family care, sexual freedom, public security, environment, commercial endeavours, and against the Republic of Poland. There are also criminal offences whose characteristics fall within the scope of other legal classifications than those comprised in Polish Criminal Code, usually the following ones: the Polish Fiscal Penal Code of September 10, 1999 (Journal of Laws of 1999, No. 83, Item. 930), the Promotion of Sobriety and Prevention of Alcohol Abuse Act of October 26, 1982 (Journal of Laws of 1982, No. 35, Item. 230), the Health Protection Against the Consequences of Consumption of Tobacco and Tobacco Products Act of November 9, 1995 (Journal of Laws of 1996, No 10, Item 55), and finally, the Industrial Property Act of June 30, 2000 (Journal of Laws of 2001, No. 49, Item 508). The current policy of criminal convictions against foreign nationals does not substantially differ from the general trends in Polish penal policy. By far, most frequently the courts of law opt for a term of imprisonment with conditional suspension of its execution as a penal measure. The next option in line comprises a fine, and then comes an immediate custodial sentence, occasionally a restriction of personal liberty.2 It is clear that the key category of criminal offences for which foreign nationals ended up in Polish prisons were offences against property. In this particular category, most offenders had been convicted in pursuance of the provisions of Article 278 § 1, Polish Penal Code (theft), Article 279 §1, Polish Penal Code (burglary with forced entry), and Article 280 §1, Polish Penal Code (aggravated theft). The legislation in place provides for an opportunity to apply a diversity of punitive measures apart from the penalty itself, also as probation measures, or as preventive measures. The legislators clearly aimed for generally increasing the role and overall significance of punitive measures within the penal policy, although an overall body of convictions meted out against foreign nationals over the years 2004–2012 in Poland demonstrates that the courts of law were not particularly forthcoming in this respect, rather seldom ordering punitive measures against the perpetrators, and if so, they would usually reach out for the option of ordering fines and a driving ban, or a forfeiture of property. Statistical data taking into account the lawfully convicted foreign nationals, stratified by a specific type of criminal offence, gender, and punishment meted out for the principal offence, reveal that in 2005 there was a significant reduction in the number of punitive measures ordered by the courts. In fact, compared with 2004, their number decreased fivefold, and remained approximately at the same level throughout the following four years, whereas in 2010, a penal measure was ordered only once, none in 2011, and in 2012 – twice. The sentencing and penal measures policy pursued by the Polish courts, as addressed in the present study, was assessed not only at the level of statistical data made available by the Ministry of Justice, but also through meticulous research conducted on the court’s case files pertaining to foreign nationals whose cases had lawfully been closed, randomly sampled. Both the sampling methodology applied and the number of the records brought under study makes the results of this research project fully representative. Examination of the court’s case files yielded the results fully consistent with the results obtained on the basis of the statistical data obtained from the ministerial records, including in terms of the actual application of the penal policy against foreign nationals committing criminal offences in Poland, although certain exceptions were encountered with regard to the policies applied to the perpetrators of specific types of criminal offences. On the other hand, though, those seem to have much more in common with a particular type and nature of the offence itself, rather than the fact that it was committed by a foreign national. The conclusions drawn from the statistical data under study, as supplemented by a detailed appraisal of the court records, give sufficient grounds to believe that in its essence, the penal policy applied to foreign nationals residing in Poland does not differ from that applied in Poland at large.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2016, XXXVIII; 61-91
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obraz polityki karnej lat osiemdziesiątych i początku lat dziewięćdziesiątych (1980‒1991)
Penal Policy in the 1980s and early 1990s (1980‒1991)
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962416.pdf
Data publikacji:
1993
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
sądy polskie
prawo karne
penal policy
Polish courts
penal law
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 27-105
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna w sprawach o wykroczenia w początkach lat dziewięćdziesiątych
Penal Policy in Cases of Transgressions in the Early Nineties
Autorzy:
Szumski, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699084.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
wykroczenia
1990-1994
dane statystyczne
penal policy
transgressions
statistical data
Opis:
  The paper describes and appraises the policy of prosecution and punishment in cases of transgressions in the years 1990‒1994, i.e. after the systemic transformations in Poland. It is a continuation of a study of penal policy carried out while the former Code of Transgressions was still in force; the aim now is to draw a comparison between the old and new tendencies in the practice of prosecution and punishment. The comparison, however, encounters specific difficulties. The first reason for this is that a full judicial control over decisions of transgression boards was introduced and the boards were submitted to the Ministry of Justice supervision. The second reason is that the statistical data gathered now by that department are much scantier as compared to those formerly gathered by the Ministry of Internal Affairs while the transgression boards were still subordinated to it. In the seventies, a systematic aggravation of the penal policy took place. Admittedly, that policy was then temporarily mitigated with the birth of Solidarity; yet after the imposition of martial law in 1982, followed by the passing of the 1985 act, penal policy once again grew repressive, this time much more so. Then, at the close of the past decade, as a result of social pressure, penal policy was quite distinctly liberalized. To show the transformations of that policy in the nineties, it has usually been compared to the tendencies found in both a “repressive” year of 1987 and a “liberal” one of 1988. As follows from analysis of the prosecution policy measured by the number of motions for punishment submitted to transgression boards, the number of such motions was greatly reduced in the years 1990-1994 as compared to preceding decades. The fact considered that recorded crime went up distinctly in that period, as probably did also the number of petty infringements of the law – that is, transgressions – this reduction can be interpreted as a limitation of the scope of prosecution with respect to such acts. On the one hand, this resulted from a lowered activity of the police, on the other hand – from the force’s aim towards improving their image in society. A similar trend could be found in the case of police orders the number of which was also reduced. Characteristically, the average fine imposed by police order amounted to not even a half of the statutory upper limit. This notwithstanding, a draft amendment of the code of transgressions was published in the Spring of 1994 which suggested that the limit be raised tenfold; the draft also provided for an identical raise in the upper limit of fine as a main penalty, This solution was sharply criticized by the present author as its actual implanentation would result in a general aggravation of economic repression. The structure of transgressions for which the boards imposed punishment in the nineties underwent a rather significant change: the number of persons brought before the boards for traffic transgressions went up considerably (to about 70%) while that of persons guilty of disturbance of public order went down. This latter trend should be seen as advantageous since the formerly mass-scale prosecution of perpetrators of such acts, most of them alcohol dependent, was generally considered futile. Also liberalized was the structure of penal measures imposed on all perpetrators of transgressions. Admittedly, fine remained the prevalent response (about 95% of decisions); yet the proportion of the strictest measures (arrest and limitation of liberty) went down distinctly, and that of the most lenient ones (reprimand and renouncement of inflicting punishment) went up. The fact considered that the penalty of arrest was limited to the minimum and imposed chiefly on persons guilty of the acts that are to be classified as offenses under the draft of the Penal Code, the proposed preservation of that penalty in the future Code of Transgressions cannot be praised. This same conclusion is also true for conditional suspention the execution of arrest which is nearly a dead institution in practice. As clearly follows from statistical data used in the present analysis, changes in the structure of penal measures imposed reflected a mitigation of penal policy. Instead, no data are gathered as to the severity load of those measures. This situation is bound to provoke criticism, chiefly because of the lack of data on the amounts of fines. Fines being the most frequently imposed measures, their amounts constitute the basic index of punitiveness of the boards’ decisions. The fact considered that the statutory amount of fine was last raised in 1992 while nominal wages showed a regular upwards trend, the conclusion is justified that we in fact dealt with what was perhaps an unintended mitigation of the actual severity of economic repression. As follows from the principles of rational penal policy, the provions legal in force have to be to be amended. Due, however, to pauperization of society, the raise in the maximum statutory fine cannot be as drastic as suggested in the above-mentioned draft amendment of 1994. This might well lead to revival of the once pursued practice of using fines as an instrument of adding to the budget. The statistical data under analysis also provide no information on the imposition of additional penal measures, the sole exception being prohibition of operating motor driven vehicles. All that can be observed is a very serious growth in the proportion of this latter penalty which was due to a mass prosecution of perpetrators of petty traffic offenses. Characteristically, though, the incidence of imposition of this measure on such persons (those additionally guilty of drunken driving included) has been on a regular decrease. Also astonishing is the fact that despite the introduction of judicial review of the boards’ decisions (which had been postulated for many decades by the scientific circles), no statistical data are gathered showing the extent to which penal policy pursued by those boards is actually corrected by courts. Admittedly, it follows from the findings of the solo relevant research project conducted in the nineties that today as in the past, courts usually tend to reduce the penalties imposed by transgression boards (the penalty of prohibition of operating motor driven vehicles in particular). What remains unknown, though, is both the general number of persons who demand that their cases be examined by courts and the actual decisions of those courts. Although penal policy in cases of transgressions grew slightly more severe in 1990‒1994, its present liberalization as compared to the two preceding decades is generally seen as favorable. What probably accounts for this liberalization is the exclusion of transgression boards from under the supervision of Ministry of Internal Affairs and the resulting deprivation of the head of that particular Ministry of the right to issue instructions as to the sentencing policy which invariably increased its punitiveness. Thus an instrument of pressure was abolished which limited the discretion of members of transgression boards. This shows that respect for the independence of those appointed to apply tbe law may result in a reduction of repressiveness even with no legislative changes in the system of penal measures. This is not to say, though, that – still  based on rigorous provisions as it is – the system does not require a possibly prompt amendment.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1995, XXI; 135-152
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Contemporary thieves in Poland - their crime and punishment
Autorzy:
Klimczak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788441.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-24
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kradzież
złodziej
kradzież w sklepach
polityka karna
penal policy
theft
larceny
thief
Opis:
Theft is one of the oldest and clearly condemned crime in history. It takes a significant part in the crime structure in Poland. Nevertheless, it seems to be a forgotten and uninteresting subject among modern criminological research. In public opinion, theft invariably causes indignation, and the way of punishing thieves is a field of interest for both public opinion and politicians. In  Poland,  theft  is  an  offence  that  can  either  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  or  a  crime - it depends on the value of the property stolen. Therefore, legal penalties for crime related to theft may vary considerably. It is precisely this line between misdemeanor and crime that is cur- rently being discussed in Poland. To talk about changes concerning the punishment of thieves, one should first check what is the current state of the criminal policy in this regard. Therefore, I want to present the results of the research, which I carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2017. I examined randomly selected court files of two above mention categories of theft, which ended validly and in which the enforcement proceedings ended in 2016. The research was conducted on 420 cases (including 233 misdemeanor and 187 crime cases). On the basis of the collected material emerges the image of the criminal policy against thieves who stood before the court, which gives the opportunity to consider whether and what changes in the law can be predicted against the perpetrators of the simple theft.
Kradzież jest jednym z najstarszych przestępstw znanych w historii. Przy ogólnej tendencji spadku ilości popełnianych przestępstw, kradzieże wciąż stanowią znaczący udział w strukturze polskiej przestępczości. W Polsce kradzież jest czynem, który może być ścigany jako wykroczenie lub jako przestępstwo – zależy to od wartości skradzionej własności. W związku z tym, kary za kradzież mogą się znacznie różnić. Sposób i wysokość tzw. „przepołowienia” kradzieży, czyli granicy od której będzie traktowana jako przestępstwo (i co za tym idzie surowiej karana), jest obecnie przedmiotem dyskusji w Polsce. Aby sprawdzić jak w rzeczywistości wygląda struktura orzekanych kar i za jakie wartości skradzionego mienia sprawcy byli pociągani do odpowiedzialności, przestawiam wyniki badania, które przeprowadziłam w Instytucie Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości w 2017 roku. Przedmiotem analizy były losowo wybrane akta sądowe 420 spraw (w tym 233 spraw wykroczeń i 187 spraw przestępstw), które zakończyły się prawomocnie i w których postępowanie wykonawcze zakończyło się w 2016 r. Na podstawie zebranego materiału wyłania się obraz polityki karnej przeciwko sprawcom kradzieży, którzy stanęli przed polskimi sądami. Artykuł jest rozszerzoną i zmodyfkowaną wersją referatu wygłoszonego na XVIII Konferencji Europejskiego Towarzystwa Kryminologicznego w Sarajewie, która odbyła się w dniach 29 sierpnia 2018 r. - 1 września 2018 r.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2018, 25; 184-190
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna w Anglii i Walii (1970–2005)
Penal Policy in England and Wales (1970–2005)
Autorzy:
Adamski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698724.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
Anglia
Walia
wymiar sprawiedliwości
penal policy
England
Wales
administration of justice
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 447-458
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna, kultura polityczna a zasady konstytucyjne
Penal Policy, Political Culture, and Constitutional Obsolescence
Autorzy:
Tonry, Michael H.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699128.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
kultura polityczna
zasady konstytucyjne
prizonizacja
penal policy
political culture
constitutional obsolescence
Opis:
Rapid increases in imprisonment rates and the adoption of severe penal policies in some countries have, in recent years, prompted a burgeoning scholarly literature on the determinants of penal policy. However, much of this literature may be asking the wrong question. The authors typically focussed on the causes of harsher penal policies and offered explanations. However, it seems more reasonable to ask what recent changes in penal policy tell us about the country itself. The paper shows that crossnational differences in penal policy tell us important things about differences in penal culture, and that decisive changes in penal culture may both indicate and portend major, and sometimes regrettable, changes in larger political cultures. The paper has been divided into three sections, each addressing a separate question. The first considers the reasons for penal policies in Britain, Australia, the U.S., and elsewhere becoming harsher over the final three decades of the twentieth century. The short answer is that the question is based on a false premise. Only in some places did penal policies become harsher and in importantly different ways. The assumption that penal policies everywhere tightened over that period is wrong. The second addresses the questions of why penal policies in particular countries did and did not become more severe. A wide range of explanations are available. They range from national differences in constitutional arrangements, the organisation of criminal justice systems, the nature of the mass media, and the nature of national politics to fortuities of personality and event. The key points, however, are that, at day's end, policies are chosen and choices have consequences. The third question is why policy choices matter. One answer, of course, is that they matter because they affect what happens to individual human beings. Another important reason why they matter is that policies adopted and implemented sometimes change the world and sometimes change the ways people think. Repressive policies, rationalised and justified, and in due course followed, desensitise us to the reasons why at the outset they appeared to be repressive and make it easier, when new controversial issues about crime control policies arise, to adopt even more repressive policies. America, over the past 30 years, England for the past 15 years, and other countries for different periods, have through their changes in penal policies changed their penal cultures in ways that portend ill for the future.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2006, XXVIII; 95-110
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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