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Tytuł:
Стосунки уряду та опозиції в Чехословаччині в кінці 80-х – на початку 90-х років XX ст.
Relationship between the Government and the Opposition of Czechoslovakia at the End of 80th Beginning of 90th of XX century
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489347.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political opposition
Czechoslovakia
government
authority
competition
Opis:
The study aims to identify of the specific models of cooperation between government and opposition in Czechoslovakia in transition period. In the article the prerequisites of confrontational relationships and their projection on the level of political competition and the formation of new political institutions in terms of democratization are determined. Was proved that the character of the relationship between government and opposition in Czechoslovakia was largely determined by degree of democratization of the regime and the opposition force, it`s goals and strategies. In the late 80th under pressure of the opposition, parties have moved from confrontation to cooperation, what reflected on co-option of the opposition members to the government. However, at the coalition government in fact was no division on pro-government and opposition forces, which made adaptation of opposition to the new socio-political conditions more complicated. A fundamental difference between the relationship of government and opposition in West European countries and Czechoslovakia was noted. In West European countries, the relationship found expression in both legal and political norms. They were characterized by the fact that they are in mutual consent of the parties to act before all in the public interest without going beyond existing law. In Czechoslovakia the main opponents of the ruling forces were communists who had radically different understanding of the main goals of social development. As for the anti-communist opposition, which operated until 1989, its isolation and the virtual disappearance were observed. The elections did not lead to authority post-communist forces, as it were observed in Poland and Hungary. The weakness of the opposition until 1989 gave her little chances at a new political conditions. It was weakened by internal divisions. Against the background of a weak opposition increased level of competition between pro-government parties. This, to some extent, contributed the establishment of new informal rules of electing of the president and prime minister of the federal government. After the first free parliamentary elections, relations between the government and the opposition have changed to a more confrontational with minimal consensus. In Czechoslovakia, in contradistinction to Poland and Hungary, there was no opposition repositioning, i.e. its transformation from outsider of changes of political order to an active participant in the parliament. Post-opposition forces remained weak and separated political entities. In 1991-1992 clear division between progovernment and opposition forces cannot be traced. Blurred boundaries between political opponents were intensified duality of political regime, that combines the features of the previous and democratic, centrifugal tendencies, regionalization of political parties. The competition took the form of real competition within the ruling group, formally differentiated by geographic criteria into two political parties. All this weakens the inter-party competition at the level of «government-parliamentary opposition» at the national level and put the problems of democratization to the second plan, giving priority to processes of formation of independent states of Czech Republic and Slovakia.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 162-168
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawnoustrojowa instytucjonalizacja opozycji politycznej - analiza porównawcza
The legal institutionalization of the political opposition – a comparative analysis
Autorzy:
Matuszek, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22444285.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
opposition
political opposition
institutionalization
opozycja
opozycja polityczna
instytucjonalizacja
Opis:
Celem niniejszego artykułu było przeanalizowanie stanu prawnej (bezpośredniej) instytucjonalizacji opozycji politycznej we współczesnych państwach, a także wyszczególnienie i uporządkowanie rozwiązań, jakie stosowane są w tym procesie. W opracowaniu postawiono hipotezę, że obecny stan wiedzy na ten temat jest nieaktualny, a prawna instytucjonalizacja, w tym jej konstytucjonalizacja, staje się zjawiskiem coraz powszechniejszym. W celu rozwiązania problemu badawczego i zweryfikowania hipotezy w trakcie badań skorzystano z metody analizy treści i metody porównawczej. Bazę źródłową stanowiły akty normatywne, monografie i opracowania zbiorowe oraz artykuły naukowe. Wynik analizy pokazał, że bezpośrednia instytucjonalizacja opozycji politycznej jest zjawiskiem coraz częstszym, obejmującym również państwa o bogatych tradycjach demokratycznych.
The aim of this article was to analyze the condition of legal (direct) institutionalization of political opposition in contemporary states, as well as to specify and organize solutions that are used in this process. The elaboration hypothesized that current conditio of knowledge on this subject is out of date, and legal institutionalization, including its constitutionalization, becomes more and more common phenomenon. To solve the research problem and verify the hypothesis, the content analysis and comparative methods are used during research. The source base were normative acts, monographs and collective studies as well as scientific articles. The result of the analysis showed that the direct institutionalization of the political opposition is more and more frequent phenomenon, concerning also states with rich democratic traditions.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2022, 20, 2; 122-141
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
WPROWADZENIE DO DYSKUSJI NAD KONCEPCJĄ OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ
INTRODUCTION TO THE DEBATE ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL OPPOSITION
Autorzy:
Pałecki, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512781.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Political opposition
political power
subjectivity in power relations
Opis:
After the adoption of the understanding of political power as a game of social agen-cy in a politically organized community, the author states that the scope of the subjectivi-ty of both sides of power relations is variable, but the subjectivity of subordinates cannot be completely reduced. He defines political opposition as a normatively regulated and institutionally realized right to resist power entities.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 5-11 (7)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Етимологічна та змістовна варіативність і системність класичного / вузького визначення політичної опозиції
Etymological and content variativity and system of classical / narrow definition of political opposition
Autorzy:
Кольцов, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489299.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
governmen
opposition
determinism of the political opposition
parliamentary opposition
political power
competition
Opis:
Political opposition (in the narrow sense of the word) plays an important role in the mechanism of checks and balances under the conditions of one or another type of political regime. Accordingly, the study of political opposition is impossible without studying the political system and political power, and the political opposition is a term and a concept that is of paramount importance for understanding political competition, relations between power and non-power, the state and society. However, the narrow definition of political opposition is varied and ambiguous, although its essence and unilateral. Its unidirectionality is a consequence of classical research in the late 60's and early 70's of the twentieth century. It was initially argued that political opposition is an antipode of government within any political system, and therefore forms the basis of the political-system context of the analysis of inter-institutional relations. Consequently, the narrow definitions of political opposition are variable, albeit averaging equal to the mechanisms of checks and balances. The point is that, in the classical sense, political opposition is interpreted relatively, because it is relevant to staying in one form or another disagreement with other authorities. The specificity of the narrow understanding of political opposition is due to the view from which angle of view and theoretical and methodological point of view it is normative, institutional, structural and functional. At the same time, the perception of political opposition is the unified as an institution with its functions and structure. A lot part of scientists appeals to definition political opposition in an even more narrow and even normative or instrumental sense. This generates the requirement of perception of political opposition as an institution that is sharply opposed, on the one hand, individual political actors, but on the other hand, any sudden outbursts of protests and violence, although they can be a tool of influence of the political opposition. In addition, it determines the vision of the political opposition as an institution outside government or power in its narrow sense. Largely this narrow and normative understanding of the political opposition due to the fact that the study of empirical cases of political opposition or claim and the necessity of its classification, even the classics of political theory of the opposition mainly focus their attention on one particular kind of political opposition, namely the parliamentary opposition, which is understood as the most advanced and institutional example of a political conflict. Using this theoretical and methodological logic of the political opposition in its classic Definition often limited to one particular political sphere - the Parliament - or just one specific actor - party (or parties) that represents a minority in the legislature. The primary objective of the political opposition in its classical definition is getting political, especially governmental power. This means that political and parliamentary opposition are equivalent in the narrow approach. As a conclusion, an appeal to the essence and phenomenon of political competition is the synthetic descriptor of a narrow or classical definition of political opposition. In this regard, any form of political opposition is always generated around a certain type of political competition, and not vice versa, because political competition does not necessarily involve a political opposition. In this case, competition between the government and the political opposition, which are political categories, is primarily a competition for political power. Or, in other words, competition under the scheme of "government-opposition" is traditionally considered as a controversy over the issues of obtaining and implementing power. The government and the opposition must be determined by some degree of mutual recognition of each other, and therefore excludes a high degree of violence in their relationship and competition (whereby the opposition in time of war and unauthorized by the government the strike are not manifestations of political opposition), changing their structured rules. Although on the other hand, such conceptualization of the political opposition as a base is insufficient, because it works only in a democratic political regime. But this observation is not the task of the presented scientific exploration, it is subject to further scientific research on the problem of determining the political opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 230-237
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Funkcjonowanie muzyki rozrywkowej w pierwszym i trzecim obiegu w polskiej kulturze muzycznej lat 80.
The functioning of popular music in the first and third circulation in the 80s Polish musical culture
Autorzy:
Wyżga, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513946.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-07-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Koło Naukowe Studentów Muzykologii UJ
Tematy:
Polish rock music
political opposition
alternative culture
Opis:
Rock is a kind of popular music, which is destined to the young and is played by the young, and intended for mass media publishing. It's a characteristic phenomenon for youth culture of the second half of 20th century. With the help of developing new technology, rock gained global popularity also in Poland, especially in 1980's, which is called the ‘boom of Polish rock music’. That unexpected growth of rock popularity was caused by cultural, social and economic factors. A very special role was played by the circulations of culture. In Poland of 1980's, we had three circulations: the first one (official culture), the second one (political opposition) and the third one (alternative culture). Famous rock bands, which composed in the West, earned a lot of money by promoting their singles, playing concerts and selling albums, so they could not only live comfortably, but also record better albums in good studios, with the best instruments. In Poland, the bands which played in Polish People's Republic didn't have such an opportunity – their popularity depended on the government, and the salaries were given according to the results of the exam of theoretical knowledge and general musical skills. The media tried to break the monopoly of the government (e.g. Program 3 of Polish Radio or ‘Non Stop’ magazine). The third circulation, equated especially with punk culture, developed in underground and on independent stages. It was characterized by raising issues which were ‘banned’ in the official culture. It was manifested in the message of the words of songs, but also in magazines created by fans or musicians (fanzin). A very interesting phenomenon were also music festivals, which, despite the political situation, gave a lot of freedom to musicians and the audience. This publication is a compilation of information collected by other researchers and also an extract of the BA thesis of the author of this text.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ; 2014, 3(22); 4-21
2956-4107
2353-7094
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Młodych Muzykologów UJ
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Opozycyjna działalność polityczna prezydenta Antanasa Smetony w latach 1920–1926
Oppositional Political Activity of President Antanas Smetona during the Years 1920–1926
Autorzy:
Malužinas, Martinas
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1798582.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-11-21
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
Antanas Smetona
elections
political opposition
nationalism
dictatorship
demagogy
Opis:
Antanas Smetona was the father of Lithuania’s independence, a journalist, lawyer, politician, but also Lithuania’s dictator. He is considered an architect of the country’s authoritarian and fascist regime and at the same time was a fugitive who fled the country at a decisive moment. Due to the lack of scientific publications in Polish scientific discourse, my aim is to present oppositional actions of Lithuania’s first president (during the years 1920–1926) as well as to explore new aspects of his political thought/ideology.
Źródło:
Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; 2020, 13; 27-53
1898-4215
Pojawia się w:
Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Konstytucjonalizacja opozycji w systemach politycznych państw europejskich
Constitutionalization of the Opposition in Political Systems of European States
Autorzy:
Matuszek, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2083353.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-03-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
opposition
political opposition
constitutionalization
Europe
opozycja
opozycja polityczna
konstytucjonalizacja
Europa
Opis:
W literaturze politologicznej wyróżnia się dwie formy instytucjonalizacji opozycji – instytucjonalizację polityczną (pośrednią) i instytucjonalizację prawnoustrojową (bezpośrednią). Pierwsza opiera się na założeniu, że opozycja stanowi nieodłączny element systemu politycznego, co wynika z podstawowych zasad konstytucyjnych, katalogu praw obywatelskich czy przepisów prawa wyborczego, natomiast druga polega na zamieszczeniu sformułowania nawiązującego do „opozycji” w konkretnym akcie prawnym: uchwale, ustawie bądź konstytucji. Niniejszy artykuł koncentruje się właśnie na tej drugiej formie instytucjonalizacji opozycji, a ściślej mówiąc, na jej konstytucjonalizacji. Celem autora opracowania było bowiem zbadanie skali tego zjawiska w systemach politycznych państw europejskich, jak również przedstawienie kontekstu, w jakim ustrojodawcy nawiązują w treści konstytucji do „opozycji”, i jakie występują różnice w tym zakresie. Analiza objęła konstytucje wszystkich europejskich państw, w związku z czym badania zachowały charakter całościowy. Wśród wykorzystanych metod znalazły się: metoda analizy treści i metoda porównawcza, a na bazę źródłową – oprócz konstytucji – złożyły się: monografie, opracowania zbiorowe, artykuły naukowe oraz inne akty prawne. Badania wykazały, że konstytucjonalizacja opozycji politycznej jest w Europie zjawiskiem rzadkim, obejmującym jedynie kilka państw. Te zaś, które się na to zdecydowały, różnią zastosowane w tym celu metody i rozwiązania.
Political science literature distinguishes two forms of institutionalization of the opposition – political (indirect) institutionalization and legal (direct) institutionalization. The first is based on the assumption that the opposition i san integral part of the Political system, which results from the basic constitutional rules, a catalog of civil rights or electoral law, while the second relies on placing a phrase reffering to “opposition” in a specific legal act: resolution, law or constitution. This article focuses just on the second form of institutionalization of the opposition, or more precisely, on its constitutionalization. The aim of the author of the study was to examine the scale of this phenomenon in the political systems of European states, as well as to present the context in which constitution-makers refer to the “opposition” in the content of the constitution, and what are the differences in this scope. The analysis embranced the constitutions of all European states, therefore the research kept comprehensive character. Among the used methods were: the method of content analysis and the comparative method, and the source base – apart from the constitutions – included: monographs, collective studies, scientific articles and other legal acts. Research has shown that the constitutionalization of political opposition is a rare phenomenon in Europe, encompassing only a few states. Those who decided to do it, differ the methods and solutions used for this purpose.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2022, 1; 99-108
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od sojuszu do skrajnej wrogości. Ewolucja zachowań parlamentarnych Platformy Obywatelskiej i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w latach 2001–2013
From alliance to extreme hostility. Evolution of parliamentary behavior of Platforma Obywatelska and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość in the period 2001–2013
Autorzy:
Sokołowski, Jacek K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489666.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
political parties
political opposition
parliamentary behavior
Platforma Obywatelska
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Opis:
The main purpose of the article was to analyze the evolution of parliamentary behavior of Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) in the years 2001–2013. The present paper explains the development of identity of both parties since the election of 2005. The analysis takes into account creating bond with the voters, as well as selected models and rules governing the behavior of politicians. The data presented show that up until 2010 Polish government opposition was of consensual type, i.e. the opposition agreed with the governing party in many cases. At the turn of sixth and seventh term of office was substituted with “hard” opposition, who consistently voted against proposed bills of the coalition. However, it needs to be stressed that a clear dissonance in legislative behavior is correlated with the previously long term of stability of coalition governments, as well as with the increase in coherence of parliamentary clubs. This may be an indicator of the forming of a permanent model of parliamentary rivalry and of an increase in stability of the political system.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2015, 15; 115-133
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
INSTYTUCJONALIZACJA OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ WE WŁADZACH GMINY
THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE POLITICAL OPPOSITION WITHIN LOCAL AUTHORITIES
Autorzy:
Kotarba, Bogusław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1368074.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
political opposition
local government
municipality
local authorities
the institutionalization of the opposition
Opis:
The phenomenon of opposition is the easiest to notice and most frequently analysed at the national, parliamentary-government level. However, it is also to be met at lower levels of power, for example in local, regional authorities. Among those we can distin-guish communes, not least because of the monocratic executive body, elected in a direct way. The article analyzes the current institutional and legal solutions as well as the actual ones, which have a significant impact on the development and institutionalization of the opposition at the lowest level of regional authorities. The analysis confirmed the accepted thesis, according to which the existing constitutional arrangements for the municipalities in Poland are not conducive to the formation of the opposition in local authorities and their adverse impact is reinforced by the specific conditions of local governments.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 65-78
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola zjednoczenia opozycyjnego „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy” w Euromajdanie
Role of the Opposition Union “People’s Council of Ukraine” in Euromaidan
Autorzy:
Hurska-Kowalczyk, Liana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411090.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
Ukraine
Euromaidan
protests
political opposition
Ukraina
Euromajdan
protesty
opozycja polityczna
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie roli zjednoczenia deputowanych ludowych „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy” w Euromajdanie. W artykule została przedstawiona periodyzacja Euromajdanu według kryterium ustosunkowania uczestników protestów do władz oraz kontekst utworzenia zjednoczenia „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy”. Zostały również omówione działania podjęte przez „Ludową Radę Ukrainy” podczas Euromajdanu. W celu realizacji zamierzenia badawczego zastosowano metody: historyczną, systemową i case study.
The aim of the article is to analyze the role of the union of people’s deputies “People’s Council of Ukraine” in Euromaidan. The article presents the periodization of Euromaidan according to the criterion of protest participants’ attitude towards the authorities. The context for the establishment of the “People’s Council of Ukraine” was defined. Actions taken by the “People’s Council of Ukraine” during Euromaidan were also discussed. In order to implement the research objective, the following methods were used: historical, systemic, and case study.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 43 (50); 39-53
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
“Non-campaign of a non-candidate” – Alexei Navalny in the 2018 presidential election in Russia
Autorzy:
Donaj, Łukasz
Kusa, Natalia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/619768.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Russian elections
Russian president
Alexei Navalny
election campaign
political opposition
Opis:
In March 2018, another presidential election took place in the Russian Federation. For the fourth time Vladimir Putin won the election by a large majority of votes. Alexei Navalny – an oppositioncandidate who had been preparing his election campaign since the end of 2016 – was not allowed to stand in the election. Regardless of his elimination from the election, Navalny remained an active member of Russian political life before and after the election; he carried out a boycott of the election, and organized post-election protests. Without a doubt, despite the ban on running in the election, Navalny was one of the main figures in the electoral process. Thus, the aim of this article is a detailed analysis of Navalny’s preparations for the campaign – the authors focused not only on the candidate’s opposition activity, but also on his unique measures and methods of running a campaign (Internet, social media, crowdfunding). The article examines the campaign preparations, as well as the reasons for the rejection of Navalny’s registration as an election candidate, social support index, relationships with other candidates and the change of strategy after the Central Election Commission’s decision. The analysis is based on Russian law, Central Election Commission’s decisions, opinion poll results and information from the Russian and international media.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2018, 3; 21-34
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kampania wyborcza Zjednoczonej Opozycji „O Ojczyznę”
The election campaign for the United Opposition “Fatherland”
Autorzy:
Hurska-Kowalczyk, Liana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616950.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political opposition
opposition parties
election
election campaign
opozycja polityczna
partie opozycyjne
kampania wyborcza
Opis:
The article analyzes the electoral campaign for the United Opposition “Fatherland”, which was the main rival of the ruling party – the Party of Regions. The United Opposition could not present a new quality in the election campaign, it has demonstrated its concept of development of the state, the society. The opposition acted as the governing party distributing promises and creating a “black and white” picture of reality.
W artykule przeprowadzono analizę kampanii wyborczej Zjednoczonej Opozycji „O Ojczyznę”, która była głównym rywalem partii rządzącej – Partii Regionów. Zjednoczona Opozycja nie potrafiła zaprezentować nowej jakości w kampanii wyborczej, nie zademonstrowała własnej koncepcji rozwoju państwa, społeczeństwa. Opozycja zachowywała się podobnie jak partia rządząca, rozdając obietnice i kreując „czarno-biały” obraz rzeczywistości.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2014, 4; 191-204
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Propozycje wzmocnienia opozycji politycznej w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w koncepcjach polskiego obozu narodowego w XXI w.
Proposals for Strengthening Political Opposition in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland in Concepts of Polish National Camp in the 21st Century
Autorzy:
Koziełło, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2123363.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-08-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polski obóz narodowy
opozycja polityczna
konstytucja
Polish national camp
political opposition
Constitution
Opis:
This article presents the ideas of the contemporary Polish national camp, represented by the League of Polish Families and the National Movement, concerning the postulated role of the political opposition in the political system of the Republic of Poland. Both parties have taken the view that the opposition should be strengthened by granting it new powers and competences, which would allow for an increase in pluralism and ideological diversity, as well as to oppose the domination of a few large political parties.
Artykuł stanowi przedstawienie koncepcji współczesnego polskiego obozu narodowego, reprezentowanego przez Ligę Polskich Rodzin i Ruch Narodowy, dotyczących postulowanej roli opozycji politycznej w systemie politycznym Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Oba ugrupowania stały na stanowisku, że należy wzmocnić opozycję, nadając jej nowe uprawnienia i kompetencje, co pozwoliłoby zwiększyć pluralizm i różnorodność ideologiczną oraz przeciwstawić się dominacji kilku wielkich ugrupowań politycznych.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2022, 4(68); 169-180
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Belarusian parliamentary election in 2019
Autorzy:
Czwołek, Arkadiusz
Kołodziejska, Julia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1920237.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-09-10
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Belarus
National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus
parliamentary election
political opposition
OSCE
Opis:
In 2019 a snap election was held to the bicameral National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus. The election was fully controlled by the authorities. Numerous cases of election law violations were recorded by independent observers. The intensity of the election campaign was low and the candidates were not guaranteed equal access to the media. As in the previous parliamentary election, mainly “nonpartisan” candidates loyal to the regime and several representatives of pro-regime parties were elected. No candidate from the political opposition gained a seat in the new parliament. According to ODIHR/OSCE’s assessment, the 2019 Belarusian parliamentary election did not meet international standards.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2021, 1; 81-93
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Między Gdańskiem a Szczecinem. Kryzysy społeczno-polityczne PRL w regionie koszalińsko-słupskim (1956–1981) – podsumowanie badań
Between Gdańsk and Szczecin social and political crises in the communists’ Poland in the Koszalin-Słupsk region (1956–1981) – a research summary
Zwischen Gdańsk und Szczecin. Sozialpolitische Krisen der Volksrepublik Polen in der Region Koszalin-Słupsk (1956–1981) – Forschungsresümee
Autorzy:
Marciniak, Rafał
Sulikowski, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1622909.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
political-social crises
political opposition in the PRL
Koszalin-Słupsk region
investigations of the regional history
Opis:
The article discusses the problem of province and smaller cities/towns within general political and social changes in critical times of Communists’ Poland and the role played by smaller communities in the occuring changes. The Author states that the influence range of central changes in the Communists’ party PZPR and other state organs in Warsow had a weaker feedback on the province and their regional pendants. The same concerned vivid social workers’ and independence movements, strikes and different struggles. The neighbourhood of two big centres: Szczecin and Gdańsk, the craddle of „Solidarność”, have had a rather low-rated effect on the changes in Koszalin (mainly influenced by Szczecin) and Słupsk (mainly influenced by Gdańsk) region. The both centres were active clusters of oppositional movements. Between them, as Marciniak stated, existed in the years 1956–1981 a precipice, a ‘sociological vacuum’, conditioned mainly by a lack of strong academic, intellectual and religious circles.
Źródło:
Studia Maritima; 2014, 27, 2; 355-383
0137-3587
2353-303X
Pojawia się w:
Studia Maritima
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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