Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "Polish peasants" wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 24
Tytuł:
Nieznane wspomnienia zapomnianego działacza ludowego
Unknown memories of a forgotten peasant activist
Autorzy:
Misiejuk, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/634812.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
Tematy:
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
Władysław Zaremba
Polish Peasants' Party
Władyslaw Zaremba
Opis:
Władysław Zaremba was one of the leaders of the Polish Peasants’ Party in country and abroad, a member of the Polish government-in-exile during WW2, and a deputy to State National Council. However, he is almost completely forgotten nowadays. Historians were not aware of the fact that, while he was an expatriate in USA in 1965–1966, Władysław Zaremba wrote down his memoirs. The typescript was commandeered from Zaremba by the SB (the secret police) when he came back to the country in 1967 and was never returned to him. Establishing the Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej) gave many researchers an access to the former SB files, among which were Władysław Zaremba’s accounts. The aim of the author of the article is to introduce the reader to information regarding Zaremba’s political and social activity. The author also gives a brief characteristics of the memoirs, by specifying when and how they came into being, and discusses their content through the style of the testimony. An analysis of the typescript brings a conclusion, that it is the key to the history of the Galician countryside, peasants’ movement and Poland’s political history, but even more so – to understanding Władysław Zaremba – a peasant, social activist and politician – himself.
Źródło:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej; 2011, 1; 105-120
2719-7522
2084-0578
Pojawia się w:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Etnografia w archiwum. Chłopskie podania o ziemię poniemiecką w gminie Łazisko w centralnej Polsce. Antropologiczny przyczynek do Historii Alternatywnej reformy rolnej (1944)
Autorzy:
Latocha, Sebastian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1042653.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
land reform
German settlers
Polish peasants
ethnography
Alternative History
rural studies
Opis:
The article – by probing / pipetting method – presents the Polish peasants’ applications for former German land in the Łazisko commune from the period of land reform (1944). It opens a problem area and shows that the ethnographic / anthropological reading of documents, which are peasant applications for land, attempts to illuminate an old problems with a new light. The article is a contribution to the Alternative History of land reform, the axis of which is to examine the peasant experience of land reform in the context of relations with German settlers who disappeared from the common local cultural landscape. The alternativity or anthropology of the approach used is based on: shifting the perspective from a macro historic to a micro historic one, focusing on documents located on the border of formality and informality (objectivity and subjectivity, facts and sphere of emotions), deriving history from national borders (for the purpose of focusing on universal suffering), the discourse of counter-history.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Wiejskie; 2019, 25; 109-122
1506-6541
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Wiejskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Proces Zarządu Okręgu Państwowych Nieruchomości Ziemskich w Koszalinie w 1948 roku
The Trial of the Board of the District of State-owned Landed Estates in Koszalin in 1948
Autorzy:
Romanow, Zenon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1194309.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
Pomerania
state agricultural estates
show trial
combat against the Polish Peasants’ Party
Opis:
At the beginning of 1946 the enterprise referred to as the State-owned Landed Estates (PNZ) was set up. In West Pomerania two such districts were established: in Szczecin and in Koszalin. The latter was one of the biggest in Poland;Władysław Czarnecki was appointed director in September 1946. Many landowners whose landed estates had been taken away and divided into smaller parts worked for the PZN in the years 1944 –1945. The management board of the enterprise was known for its negative attitude towards the so called “people’s authority” and for its support of the Polish People’s Party (PSL) headed by Stanisław Mikołajczyk. After the general parliamentary election to the sejm in January 1947 and Mikołajczyk’s escape from Poland in October 1947, the communists intensified their attacks on the management board of the PNZ. In April 1948, thirteen people were arrested following a fictitious accusation of sabotage; seven of them, including Czarnecki the director, were prosecuted at the Military District Court in Szczecin. The show trial took place in August 1948. The accused were sentenced to long terms in prison, while Władysław Czarnecki was sentenced to death. After appeal, the Supreme Military Court changed the death sentence into fifteen years’ imprisonment and alleviated the sentences of the remaining convicted people. One of them died in jail in February 1950, while the remaining were gradually released in the years 1950–1955. In January 1957, the Supreme Court acquitted all of them.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2017, 82, 3; 85-107
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
LEGAL ISSUES RELATED TO THE FLIGHT OF PEASANTS IN OLD POLAND (14th-19th CENTURY)
Autorzy:
Konarski, Marcin Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/915210.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
First Polish Republic, feudalism, peasants, flight of peasants, slave trade, old Polish law
Opis:
In the light of old Polish law, based on the system of norms of peasant slavery, understood as a legal institution, the flight of peasants was qualified as an illegal act, which was subject various legal sanctions. The reason why peasants chose to become fugitives was usually their desire to improve living conditions. The direction the fugitives took was another village (a different demesne), a town (private or royal); peasants even crossed state borders. This analysis draws attention to the most important legal problems related to the flight of peasants in former Poland concerning the sources of law as regards the flight of peasants, ways of seeking to release a peasant by means of court proceedings, types of sanctions for such flight, and forms of peasants' abandonment of master's property other than flight.
W świetle dawnego prawa polskiego stojącego na gruncie systemu norm niewoli chłopskiej rozumianej jako instytucja prawna, zbiegostwo chłopów posiadało kwalifikację czynu nielegalnego, który zagrożony był różnorodnymi sankcjami prawnymi. Przyczynami zbiegostwa była zazwyczaj chęć poprawy warunków egzystencji. Kierunkiem jaki obierali zbiegowie była inna wieś (inny majątek ziemski), miasto (prywatne lub królewskie) lub nawet chłopi uchodzili poza granice państwa. Niniejsza analiza zwraca uwagę na najważniejsze problemy prawne związane ze zbiegostwem chłopów w dawnej Polsce dotyczące źródeł prawa w zakresie zbiegostwa chłopów, sposobów dochodzenia na drodze sądowej do wydania zbiega, rodzajów sankcji za zbiegostwo, oraz innych niż zbiegostwo form opuszczania przez chłopów majątku pańskiego.
Źródło:
Review of European and Comparative Law; 2019, 38, 3; 7-32
2545-384X
Pojawia się w:
Review of European and Comparative Law
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od dożywocia do emerytury. Ewolucja systemu zabezpieczenia starości na wsi polskiej w latach 1945–1989 i jej echa w korespondencji chłopskiej
From a Life Annuity to Retirement. The Evolution of the Old-Age Protection System in the Polish Countryside in 1945–89 and its Echoes in Peasant Correspondence
Autorzy:
Jarosz, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2019332.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-09
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
Polish peasants
pensions
People’s Poland
old age
life annuity contract
polscy chłopi
emerytury
Polska Ludowa
starość
umowy dożywocia
Opis:
Artykuł jest próbą analizy ewolucji systemu zabezpieczenia starości osób zamieszkujących na wsi w latach 1945–1989. Podstawę źródłową badań stanowiły, obok literatury przedmiotu, materiały archiwalne pochodzące głównie z zespołu Komitetu Centralnego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej przechowywane w Archiwum Akt Nowych, akta Biura Listów Polskiego Radia i Telewizji (znajdują się w zbiorach Ośrodka Dokumentacji Aktowej i Zbiorów Programowych TVP S.A.) oraz w mniejszym zakresie dokumenty sądowe odnalezione w Archiwum Państwowym w Siedlcach. Przedmiotem badań była instytucja dożywocia oraz ewolucja systemu ubezpieczenia społecznego rolników, a szczególnie zmiany regulacji prawnych dokonywane od lat sześćdziesiątych do osiemdziesiątych XX w.
The article is an attempt at the analysis of the evolution of the insurance scheme to provide old-age protection for peasants in 1945–89. In addition to the literature on the subject, the research was based on archival materials mainly from the fonds of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party kept in the Central Archives of Modern Records, the files of the Office of Letters of the Polish Radio and Television (preserved in the Documentation and Programme Collections Centre of the Polish Television SA) and, to a lesser extent, court documents found in the State Archives in Siedlce. The subject of the research was the institution of life annuity and the evolution of the social insurance system for farmers, especially the changes in legal regulations made from the 1960s to the 1980s.
Źródło:
Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały; 2020, 18; 21-43
2450-8365
Pojawia się w:
Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Życie Józefa ze wsi D., powiatu puławskiego. Przypis do „Młodego pokolenia chłopów”
The Life of Józef from the Village of D. in the County of Puława: A Footnote to ‘The Younger Generation of Peasants’
Autorzy:
Sułek, Antoni
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1373385.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-21
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
history of Polish peasants
life histories
Józef Chałasiński's 'The Younger Generation of Peasants'
communicative and cultural memory
historia chłopów polskich
historie życia
Józefa Chałasińskiego „Młode pokolenie chłopów”
pamięć komunikacyjna i kulturowa
Opis:
In sociological and anthropological studies, people often appear as anonymous representatives of their groups. The question arises of what we could learn about them if we had the opportunity, even many years later, to discover their identities. The author answers this question by a case study derived from Józef Chałasiński’s classic work ‘The Younger Generation of Peasants’ (1938), which was based on life histories submitted to a competition for rural youth. On the basis of memories, documents, and other sources, the author of the present article reconstructs the biography of a peasant from Central Poland, Józef Próchniak (1876–1934) from the village of Dęba. Appearing marginally as ‘Józef’ in one of the life histories submitted to the competition, he is revealed to have been a person of rich biography. This article describes Próchniak’s relations with his social environment and with broader history and is a sociological account of one hundred years of history in his village and neighbourhood. The example demonstrates the misconceptions that exist about ‘classes without history’ and shows that writingthe history of ‘ordinary people’ is possible.
Źródło:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 60, 1; 153-170
2300-195X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kwestie narodowościowe w relacjach między ziemianami a włościanami na Podolu, Wołyniu i Kijowszczyźnie w drugiej połowie XIX i na początku XX wieku
Autorzy:
Gałat, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810682.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-09-27
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach
Tematy:
Polish landlords, Volhynia, Podolia, Kiev governorate, Polish-Ukrainian relations, eenfranchisement of peasants
Opis:
Polish-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century were very complicated. Apart from tensions resulting from the emerging national identity of both nations, economic issues were also important. The class divisions in this area coincided with the ethnic ones. The situation was also worsened by the enfranchisement carried out during the January Uprisingand the rapid growth of the rural population. All these factors contributed to bringing both nationalities into conflict which was one of the goals of tsarism’s policy.
Źródło:
Officina Historiae; 2020, 3, 1; 55-66
2545-0905
Pojawia się w:
Officina Historiae
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Polska musi być ambasadorem Ukrainy!” Polskie stanowisko wobec konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego 2013/2014
Autorzy:
Kirwiel, Eleonora
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/686972.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
the Ukrainian crisis
Polish parliamentary parties
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
Polish Peasants’ Party
the Democratic Left Alliance
ukraiński kryzys
polskie partie parlamentarne
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Platforma Obywatelska
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
Opis:
The main purpose of this article is to present the position of the Polish parliamentary parties in relation to specific events Ukrainian conflict at the turn of 2013/2014. From the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, most politicians of parliamentary parties in Poland watched and commented on the events in Ukraine 2013/2014, on the one hand, it seems – the absolute support of the European aspirations and Defending the freedom, democracy and sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that there was no difference of opinion. First of all, the ideological issues that lie at the basis of party differences, as well as in traditional political struggle between the two major parties.
Celem artykułu było przedstawienie stanowiska polskich partii parlamentarnych w odniesieniu do konkretnych wydarzeń ukraińskiego konfliktu na przełomie lat 2013/2014. Od samego początku kryzysu na Ukrainie większość polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych odczytywała i komentowała wydarzenia na Ukrainie 2013/2014 w sposób bardzo podobny – absolutne wsparcie dla dążeń proeuropejskich oraz w obronie wolności, demokracji oraz suwerenności państwowej. Nie oznacza to, że nie było pewnych różnic poglądów – chodzi tu przede wszystkim o kwestie światopoglądowe i ideologiczne oraz pewne wątki walki politycznej pomiędzy dwiema głównymi partiami parlamentarnymi.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2015, 1, 2
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dissonant Heritage as a By-Product of the Postwar Agrarian Reform in Poland. From Postmemory to Ethnoarchaeology
Dysharmonijne dziedzictwo jako produkt uboczny powojennej reformy rolnej w Polsce. Od postpamięci do etnoarcheologii
Autorzy:
Latocha, Sebastian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/681850.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
postpamięć
dysharmonijne dziedzictwo
antropologia kultury
etnoarcheologia
autoetnografia
powojenna reforma rolna w Polsce
niemieccy osadnicy
polscy chłopi
postmemory
dissonant heritage
cultural anthropology
ethnoarchaeology
autoethnography
agrarian reform after the Second World War in Poland
German settlers
Polish peasants
Opis:
Przedmiotem artykułu jest dysharmonijne dziedzictwo przedstawione na przykładzie poniemieckich wsi w Polsce centralnej. Reforma rolna (1944) zmieniła lokalny krajobraz społeczny i kulturowy, usuwając z niego niemieckich mieszkańców. W poniemieckich gospodarstwach, domach żyją współcześnie rodziny beneficjentów reformy – polskich chłopów. Artykuł ma charakter osobisty, opiera się na postpamięci autora, który bazując na archiwaliach (m.in. aktach stanu cywilnego, podaniach chłopów o poniemiecką ziemię) i informacjach od swojej babki pamiętającej swoich niemieckich sąsiadów, próbuje „wskrzesić” wielokulturową przeszłość i tych, którzy byli częścią tego krajobrazu. Autor w zarysie przedstawia koncepcję badań etnoarcheologicznych tego dysharmonijnego dziedzictwa będącego produktem ubocznym reformy rolnej (1944) w Polsce.
The subject of the paper is dissonant heritage exemplified by former German villages in Central Poland. The agrarian reform (1944) transformed the local social and cultural landscape by removing its German inhabitants. Today, former German farmsteads are occupied by families of the reform beneficiaries – Polish peasants. The paper is personal as it is based on the postmemory of the author, who used archival sources (including vital records and peasants’ letters of application for the post-German land) and information from his grandmother, who remembers her German neighbours, in an attempt to ‘revive’ the multi-cultural past and those who used to be a part of this landscape. The author outlines the concept of ethnoarchaeological research into the dissonant heritage being a by-product of the agrarian reform (1944) in Poland.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica; 2019, 34; 107-127
0208-6034
2449-8300
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Walka o utrzymanie narodowego (demokratycznego) ideału wychowawczego w polskiej oświacie w latach 1944-1947
The Struggle for Maintaining the National (Democratic) Educational Ideal in Polish Schools in 1944-1947
Autorzy:
Składanowski, Henryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953895.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Szkolnictwo
Tajna Organizacja Nauczycielska
Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego
Polska Partia Robotnicza
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej
Ministerstwo Oświaty
Związek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego
education
Clandestine Teachers' Organization (TON)
Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN)
Polish Workers' Party (PPR)
Polish Peasants' Party (PSL)
Provisional Government of National Unity (TRJN)
Ministry of Education
Polish Teachers' Association (ZNP)
Opis:
After the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN) had been established, Communist education activists came to Poland from the Soviet Union. The group was led by Dr Stanisław Skrzeszewski who was appointed Head of the Education Department in Lublin. In order to draw teachers to work in the Polish school that was being rebuilt, they had to completely change the views of education they had propagated before. These were tactical actions supposed to neutralize the teacher circle's unfavorable or hostile attitudes. This resulted from the fact that the education structure of the London Government Delegation and the Clandestine Teachers' Organization (TON), working on the liberated lands, were under the influence of the Peasants' Party (SL), and they did not join the new authorities' organizational work, as they did not trust the Polish Workers' Party or the National People's Council. This is why in the “Appeal to the Polish Teachers” issued on 1 August 1944 by the Education Department in Lublin it was, among others, stated, that “The teacher has a complete freedom of democratic political views, speech and actions, according to his views”. The people managing the Education Department, knowing the moods prevailing in the society, did not want to introduce radical changes at the initial stage, and the curriculum, including history, was the same as the one before the war. This is proven, among others, by the “Directions for organizing public primary schools in the school year 1944/45”. Such actions resulted from the social-political situation obtaining in Poland at that time. The new authorities did not want to indispose the Polish society and the teachers towards themselves, as the Communist education activists coming from the USSR were already looked at with suspicion. They were also afraid for their own future fate, as the PKWN, and then the Provisional Government were not recognized by the two remaining superpowers of the anti-Hitler coalition, that is, the United States and Great Britain. This had a great influence on the compromise solutions decided on in the field of education. In the new Provisional Government of National Unity (TRJN) appointed on 28 June 1945, on the basis of the agreement between the three superpowers concluded in Jalta, a Polish Peasants' Party (PSL) activist, the president of the Polish Teachers' Association (ZNP), Czesław Wycech became Minister of Education. When Czesław Wycech took over the function of the minister, the Communists, partly debarred from the posts of authority, still tried to influence the crucial decisions, keeping some of the most important positions. Żanna Kormanowa, an education activist who came from the Soviet Union, is a good example here. She had the key function of the Head of the School Reform and Curricula Department. Despite fears of losing it the Communists were able to keep the position. Formally not controlling the Ministry of Education, they in fact had a lot of influence on the curricula that were being prepared. Many PPR activists knew that establishing the TRJN was a necessary compromise. However, they could not understand why the party had given up just this ministry, as their educational work done so far was assessed as very good by the party leaders. They thought that reconstructing the contents of school education in history and forming a new, communist educational ideal, were an indispensable condition in the planned ideological attack. In this way a situation arose, in which the changes in education were being introduced by teachers connected with PSL, who did not agree with the former Ministry of Education's conception of reform. They did not accept the education ideal postulated by PPR, either. On the contrary, the main educational aims, which the Ministry of Education headed by the PLS pursued, were: “the principles of democracy understood as respect for human rights for freedom, for full development, for participation in material and cultural achievements according to one's work and abilities, as aspiration for dividing hardships and burdens that an individual has to bear for the common good”. These aims proved that the PSL wanted to build a fully democratic state, which was contrary to the principle of “the dictatorship of the proletariat” proclaimed by the PPR. However, in the situation that obtained at that time the Communists had to tolerate the views presented by the Ministry of Education. Until the forged elections of 1947 the Ministry tried to resist the PPR's influences and aimed at democratic changes in Poland, which was reflected, among others, in the curricula that were then issued. Having seized all the power in 1947 the Communists started putting into effect the ideals of education based on Marxist-Leninist ideology, alien to Polish people. Deserted in its struggle for democracy the PSL, supported practically by the Church alone, subjected to repressions and exposed to actions aiming at its dissent, was not able to defend the democratic and national education. The education ideas proclaimed by the PSL after the war were returned to practically only after the rise of the “Solidarity” trade union in 1980, and started being put into effecty after the breakthrough of 1989, when Poland regained full independence.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2004, 52, 2; 57-70
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polskie partie parlamentarne na temat konfliktu na Ukrainie (2013/2014)
Autorzy:
Кирвель, Элеонора
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687072.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
the Ukrainian crisis, Polish parliamentary parties , Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish Peasants’ Party, the Democratic Left Alliance
ukraiński kryzys, polskie partie parlamentarne, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platforma Obywatelska, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
украинский кризис, польские парламентские партии, «Право и справедливость», «Гражданская платформа», Польская крестьянская партия, Союз демократических левых сил
Opis:
The main purpose of this article is to present the position of the Polish parliamentary parties in relation to specific events Ukrainian conflict at the turn of 2013/2014. From the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, most politicians of parliamentary parties in Poland watched and commented on the events in Ukraine 2013/2014, on the one hand, it seems – the absolute support of the European aspirations and Defending the freedom, democracy and sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that there was no difference of opinion. First of all, the ideological issues that lie at the basis of party differences, as well as in traditional political struggle between the two major parties.
Głównym celem tego artykułu było przedstawienie stanowiska polskich partii parlamentarnych w stosunku do konkretnych wydarzeń ukraińskiego konfliktu na przełomie 2013/2014. Od samego początku kryzysu na Ukrainie większość polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych odczytywała i komentowała wydarzenia na Ukrainie 2013/2014 w sposób z jednej strony bardzo podobny – absolutne wsparcie do dążeń proeuropejskich oraz w obronie wolności, demokracji oraz suwerenności państwowej. Nie oznacza to, że niebyło pewnych różnic poglądów – chodzi tu przede wszystkim o kwestie światopoglądowe i ideologiczne, które leżą u podstaw różnic partyjnych (SLD, PiS) oraz pewne wątki walki politycznej pomiędzy PO i PIS.
Oсновной целью данной статьи является представление позиций польских парламентских партий в связи с конкретными событиями украинского конфликта на рубеже 2013/2014. С самого начала кризиса в Украине большинство политиков парламентских партий Польши наблюдало и комментировало события в Украине 2013/2014, с одной стороны, очень похоже – абсолютная поддержка европейских устремлений и защитa свободы, демократии и суверенитета Украины. Это не означает, что не было разницы во мнениях. Прежде всего, в идеологических вопросах, которые лежат в основе партийных различий, а также в процессе традиционной политической борьбы между двумя главными партиями.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2015, 1, 1
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Етносоціальні аспекти українсько-польських взаємин у першій половині ХІХ століття
Aspekty etniczno-społeczne stosunków ukraińsko-polskich w pierwszej połowie ХІХ wieku
Autorzy:
Павлюк, Віктор
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489279.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
authority,
conflict,
ethnos,
ideology,
nobility,
peasants,
Polish-Ukrainian relations
Opis:
The article shows the influence of ethno-social problems on the Ukrainian-Polish relations in Right-Bank Ukraine. Author in the debate with researchers of the issued problem proves that at the late 18th and early 19th centuries Polish-Ukrainian relations weren’t of antagonistic character neither in the ethno-social nor in the ethno-political sphere. The author doesn’t idealize relations between Ukrainian peasants and Polish landowners, but argues that the nobility understood sense of human dignity and needed the support of the local inhabitants, especially after the defeat of the rebellion in 1830-1831. Peasants realized that their socialeconomic situation wouldn’t change: Russian landowners would come instead of Polish landowners. Therefore, there appeared political organizations aimed at complete emancipation of the peasants, transferring the lands to the property of peasants without compensation and the complete political equality irrespective of the social origin, religion and nationality.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 297-302
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Złote łany, ziemniaczane pola i zagony buraków. Roślinny krajobraz polskiej wsi w perspektywie historii gospodarczej
Autorzy:
Piotr, Koryś,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/897393.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-07-11
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
Polska
rye
wheat
oilseed rape
sugar beets
potatoes
economic history
nobility
peasants
Opis:
The article discusses the role of plants in Poland’s economic development over the last 500 years. The author presents the role of five plants in the history of Poland’s development: cereals (wheat and rye), potatoes, sugar beet and rape. The specificity of the economic development of modern Europe has made Poland one of Europe’s granaries and an important exporter of cereals. This shaped the civilization of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and contributed to its fall due to institutional specificity. In the 19th century, potatoes played an important role in the population development of Polish lands, as they helped feed the rapidly growing population. The spread of sugar beet cultivation created the conditions for the development of modern sugar industry in the second half of the 19th century. It became one of the first modern branches of the food industry in Poland and contributed to the modernization of the village. Quite recently, oilseed rape was to become a plant that would bring back the times of agricultural sheikhs – no longer the nobility would trade in cereals on the European markets, but entrepreneurs producing a vegetable substitute for diesel oil.
Źródło:
Przegląd Humanistyczny; 2018, 62(1 (460)); 33-43
0033-2194
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Humanistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Działalność parlamentarna Jana Olrycha Szanieckiego
The parliamentary activity of Jan Olrych Szaniecki
Autorzy:
Dolata, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/697575.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Opolski
Tematy:
Jan Olrych Szaniecki
fighting for the rights of peasants
Parliament of the Polish Kingdom
parliamentarism
Opis:
The article concerns the parliamentary activity of one of the greatest deputies of the Parliament of the Polish Kingdom of the constitutional era – Jan Olrych Szaniecki, who was wellknown, among others, as a spokesman for the interests of peasants (a supporter of universal abolition of serfdom and conferment of land ownership on peasants) during the sessions of Parliament of 1825 and 1830 and in the period of the November Uprising, and prior to that – as an outstanding lawyer. His activity is very little exposed in the contemporary historical-legal doctrine, yet worth paying attention to.
Źródło:
Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne; 2016, 14, 2; 171-181
2658-1922
Pojawia się w:
Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Naród polski narodem chłopskim
The Polish Nation Is a Peasant Nation
Autorzy:
Gołębiowski, Bronisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1372990.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-03-26
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
history of Poland
nation
Polish society
peasants
middle class
historia Polski
naród
społeczeństwo polskie
chłopi
klasa średnia
Opis:
The author advances a thesis about the folk pedigree of the modern Polish nation. He sees the present shape of the nation in the history of Polish nationalism and proves that the long period after the nation’s loss of independence favored the nation’s image of itself as an nation “eternally faithful” to the Church, with a common religion, language, and customs. He emphasizes that the struggle for Polishness based on such a view of the nation was folk-oriented, egalitarian, and democratic, and that after the acquisition of statehood the country’s borders were decided by the Greater Poland and Silesian uprisings, which were popular in nature, and by the defeat of the Soviet offensive [sic!] in 1920, thanks to the engagement of the common people. In restored Poland, peasant groupings undertook many political initiatives; a government was formed and announced a revolutionary program for a democratic state. The parliamentary act on agricultural reform, the Constitution of March 1921, and elections according to the new constitution showed that the people’s and workers’ parties had acquired significant power. Thanks to this activeness, the new Polish nation had a peasant face. The author connects his thesis about the folk pedigree of the Polish nation with the present as well. He gives examples of cultural continuity and of the contributions made by classes of the common people. He views the forming middle class as a post-peasant level, unequipped with mature cultural capital but balancing between folk — mainly peasant — culture and mass culture.  
Źródło:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo; 2018, 62, 1; 101-121
2300-195X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 24

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies