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Tytuł:
Polityka gospodarcza w deklaracjach wyborczych kandydatów na Urząd Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w 2010 roku
Polish economic policy in the election statements of candidates for the presidency in Poland in 2010
Autorzy:
KAMOLA-CIEŚLIK, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615748.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Polish economic policy
election statements
polska polityka gospodarcza
deklaracje wyborcze
Opis:
The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland’s president by a small majority. Kaczyński’s defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2011, 4; 139-154
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problem legalizacji związków partnerskich osób tej samej płci w kampanii wyborczej 2011 roku
The problem of same-sex couple partnership legalization in 2011 election campaign
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514640.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
polish political parties
left
right
election
partnership of same-sex couple
homosexuality
Opis:
The article presents diff erences between the electorate and political parties programs in a political right point of view according to the principle of same-sex couples to certificate their relations. Parties of the left such as the Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej) and Palikot`s Movement (Ruch Palikota) tried to support the idea of the same-sex couple partnerships however they didn’t try to make them equal with the ordinary marriages. The voters of those parties where more often ready to accept the same-sex couple partnerships, nevertheless the right side pulls in the opposite electorate. Most of the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska RP) voters didn’t support the same-sex couples partnership idea, that kind of attitude dominate the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) electorate too. Nowadays the aversion to the same-sex couples rights can be clearly seen among the whole society. During the 2011 campaign also clearly become the increase of support for the same-sex couples partnership over the previous year especially in political left wing of electorate. Social ratio to the main aspects of the article divines polish political parties as much as the most of the voters, creating a big line between the left and the right side of polish politics.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2012, 3; 237-249
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sytuacja polityczna w Polsce i Europie na łamach gazety seryjnej „Dyáriusz Seimu Electionis” z 1697 roku
THE SERIAL NEWSLETTER DYÁRIUSZ SEIMU ELECTIONIS OF 1697 ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN POLAND AND EUROPE
Autorzy:
Gadocha, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421959.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Poland in the late 17th century
the Election Sejm of 1697
Polish parliamentary press
August II the Strong (Frederick Augustus I of Saxony)
François Louis de Bourbon
Prince de Conti (1664–1709)
Opis:
By focusing on this little known parliamentary publication of 1697 this article attempts to make an addition to the early history of the Polish press as well as unveil an interesting source to the history of Poland during the interregnum after the death of King Jan III Sobieski. The article examines the news coverage of the Dyáriusz Seimu Electionis (unearthed by Konrad Zawadzki) by confronting it with the information in other contemporary sources such as diaries, memoirs and broadsheets. The editors of the Dyáriusz arrange its contents under two separate headings, Home and Abroad. While the former category Home goes beyond the coverage of parliamentary stories, the Abroad section follows current events in Europe
Źródło:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej; 2012, 15, 1(29); 5-22
1509-1074
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Uwarunkowania społeczno-polityczne wyborów parlamentarnych w Polsce w 2011 roku
Socio-political determinants of parlimentary election 2011 in Poland
Autorzy:
Leszczuk-Fiedziukiewicz, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514757.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
socio-political determinants
parliamentary election
influence of media
political competition
plane crash in Smolensk
criticism of Catholic Church
activity of T. Rydzyk
Janusz Palikot`s party
Polish voters absence
public opinion
Opis:
The present article aims to describe socio-political context which has proceeded before parliamentary election 2011 in Poland. It draws attention to the perception of parties and candidates and political preferences those voters who are interested in election. There are many voices the polish politicians activity in campaign takes places in divided country. One of the social expectations is connected with exploration of plane crash in Smoleńsk on April 10th 2010. Public opinion is focused on critic of government and leader`s party (PO) Donald Tusk who is treated as a persona personally responsible for death oh 96 persons in a plane crash. On the other hand we can see strong activity and leadership of monk Tadeusz Rydzyk, tried to put impact on voters (PiS). Rydzyk tries to use catholic radio called „Radio Maryja” to political agitation. The activity of Catholic Church in political campaign was one of the theme discussed by many experts and commentators. Although competition between parties was concentrated on two candidates (Tusk, Kaczyński) new party – „Palikot`s Movement” (Ruch Palikota) was opened. It focused on criticism of Catholic Church, Catholic values and tried to appeal to voters interested in modernity in many levels of socio-political life. The success of Janusz Palikot`s party was possible thanks to personality and charisma of the leader (well known as an author of many spectacular events in politics) and his project of „Modern Country”. The other element of the context of parliamentary election 2011 was mobility of Polish electorate, permanently reduced. Because of the voters absence diagnosis of civil society in Poland seems to be worse than in the other countries in Europe. This proves that situation before parliamentary election 2011 in Poland was specific. The main research materials were: newspaper articles, interviews in magazines, TV advertisements, sociological surveys, websites. It has used problems from range of different sciences: sociology, media and political marketing.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2012, 3; 11-26
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Model of election of the head of state of the Third Polish Republic – balancing between institutional coherence and political pragmatism
Autorzy:
Glajcar, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514616.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
model of election of the head of state
the position of the president
Third Polish Republic
Opis:
Poland held its first ever popular presidential election at the end of 1990. Since then four such elections have been held i.e. in 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010. In the meantime the position of the president gradually evolved hence giving rise to the question about which method for the election of the head of state is most “appropriate”. However, this issue was not an object of political deliberation for the major Polish political parties of the last 20 years. Firstly, this resulted from the popularity of the presidential election within society, which was reflected in high turnouts (considering Polish reality). Secondly, especially until the enactment of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997, no party wanted to run the risk of being accused of returning to the political transition solutions adopted at the Round Table. Thirdly, until the beginning of 2010, the competition for the office of president was “reserved” for charismatic leaders or party leaders. It was finally Donald Tusk, who decided not to contend for the presidential election of 2010 thus wanting to change the perception of the institution of president in the system of power and draw attention and emphasize the role and the importance of a government with a strong (normatively and factually) prime minister as the leader.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 4; 39-51
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Candidate Selection in the 2014 European Parliament Election in Poland
Autorzy:
Flis, Jarosław
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514550.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
party candidate selection
European parliamentary election
candidate list position
Polish party system
Opis:
The article presents the determinants of creating candidate lists in European Parliament elections in Poland. Its subject context is the evaluation of importance of selected factors with reference to the effect obtained in the election. The main study hypothesis assumes different patterns of creating candidate lists in EP elections in comparison to parliamentary elections, involving the combined occurrence of several determinants. The first of them is the tendency to fill the highest positions in candidate lists with popular people well-known in the media, who have an advantage over anonymous ones. The second factor is territorial bonds connecting candidates with the electoral district where they stand for election. Another determinant taken into consideration is the territorial form of the candidate list. The last important element of analysis is the concentration of support, determined by the position on the candidate list.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 129-143
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
EWOLUCJA POLITYCZNEJ RELEWANCJI LIGI POLSKICH RODZIN (2001–2010)
THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL RELEVANCE OF THE LEAGUE OF POLISH FAMILIES (2001–2010)
Autorzy:
Koziełło, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513720.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
League of Polish Families
political parties
election
Opis:
League of Polish Families (LPR) achieved great political success against other na-tional parties in 3rd Republic of Poland. The party had representatives in the Polish parliament and government, European Parliament and Voivodeship sejmiks. This success was a result of their political programme, exposing sovereign national policy and consol-idation of different parties of Polish national right. Defeat of LPR was caused by ideolog-ical and personal conflicts amongst the party’s leaders and between central management and local structures. Those problems led to internal divisions in party and decrease influ-ence of LPR in Polish society.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 45-57 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Protesty wyborcze i ich rozpoznawanie w polskich wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego z 2014 roku
Autorzy:
Zych, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/524997.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polskie wybory 2014
protesty wyborcze
ważność wyborów
Parlament Europejski
Polish elections 2014
election protests
validity of the elections
the EU Parlament
Opis:
Tematem niniejszego artykułu jest problematyka protestów wyborczych wnoszonych po wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego, jakie odbyły się w Polsce w 2014 r. Autor podejmie analizę ilościową i jakościową badanego zagadnienia, m.in. poprzez zestawienie liczby protestów wyborczych wniesionych do Sądu Najwyższego po polskich wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w latach 2004 – 2014. Treść uchwały Sądu Najwyższego z dnia 7 sierpnia 2014 r. niewątpliwie jest dowodem na stabilność demokratycznych procedur wyborczych. Powierzenie organom sądowym kompetencji do dokonywania oceny zgodności z prawem przebiegu wyborów spełnia wymogi demokratycznego państwa prawnego i sprawiedliwości społecznej. Sprawowana w Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej kontrola ważności wyborów, dokonywana przez niezależny od legislatywy i egzekutywy organ sądowy, pozwala na bezstronną analizę stanu faktycznego, opartą na prawie i wolną od elementów gry politycznej.
The election protests concerning Polish elections to the European Parliament from 2014 year focused on a number of specific issues. Noteworthy is the number of them – 64. So far, in Polish European elections of 2014 year brought them the most. Still, a large percentage of judgments in election protests are those, in which The Supreme Court shall not act upon a complaint filed by a person not entitled to do so based on the grounds laid down in electoral code. This may indicate the ignorance of people who made such a remedy on the timing and the grounds of his lodge.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2014, 6 (22); 137-148
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Polish elections to the European Parliament in 2014 as shown in the Polish press
Autorzy:
Barabasz, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/969836.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Parliament
political parties
European election
election campaign
MEPs
Polish press
Opis:
The paper presents the opinions of Polish journalists on the results of the elections to the European Parliament in Poland in 2014. The paper discusses the style of the election campaigns conducted by the different political parties. It also assesses the degree to which politicians and society were involved in the European elections. The paper presents the profiles of EP members published in the Polish press. The analysis is conducted on the basis of articles published from April 15 till May 27, 2014 in “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Rzeczpospolita”, “Zielony Sztandar”, “Przegląd”, “Gazeta Polska”, “Najwyższy Czas”, “Polityka”, “Wprost” and “Newsweek”.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2014, 8; 317-331
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
WYBORY UZUPEŁNIAJĄCE DO SENATU NA PODKARPACIU W 2013 ROKU
BY-ELECTION TO THE SENATE IN SUBCARPATHIAN VOIVODESHIP IN 2013
Autorzy:
Szczepański, Dominik
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513080.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
By-election
Senate
Podkarpacie
political parties
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
Polish People’s Party
Solidary Poland
Opis:
The aim of this article is to present the election campaign in the by-election to the Senate in the Subcarpathian voivodeship called by the President of the Republic of Po-land Bronisław Komorowski for 8th September, 2013. The main reason for calling the by-election was the fact that the mandate of Władysław Ortyl, elected as the Marshal of the Subcarpathian voivodeship, terminated. Ultimately, seven candidates supported by their own parties or electoral committees endeavoured to win the support of the local electorate and entered the campaign. A visit paid by top representatives of Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People’s Party and United Poland to the region of the Subcarpathian voivodeship was an essential element of the election campaign. The representatives finally did battle for Subcarpathia. The by-election to the Senate in Subcarpathia in 2013 showed that in electoral competi-tion the political parties performed a decisive role, not their candidates, as evidenced by the election result achieved by the Law and Justice candidate in relation to his political opponents.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 2; 37-48 (12)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
LIGA POLSKICH RODZIN WOBEC WYBORÓW DO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO W 2004 ROKU
THE LEAGUE OF POLISH FAMILIES IN ELECTION TO EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN 2004
Autorzy:
Koziełło, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513702.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
League of Polish Families
Election to the European Parliament
Opis:
The League of Polish Families campaigned on the position that the European Union threatened the political, economic and cultural sovereignty of the Polish state. The danger was the aspiration towards closer integration of the EU which, according to the opinion of party’s leaders, was the first step towards the creation of a transnational system, and a Poland (and others among the poorer European states) dependent on the decisions of the EU’s author-ities. In the new EU Poland would have to execute orders from Brussels, contrary to Polish national interests and preclusive its development. LPR took part in the election to the European Parliament, because of their desire to have their own deputies within the EU’s structures, who could stand up for better conditions of Polish membership, advan-tageous decisions in the EP and popularize their own political ideas in Polish and interna-tional environment. LPR took advantage of the lack of enthusiasm of Polish citizens towards Polish accession to the EU, so their anti-EU and national propaganda gained the support of a large proportion of the electorate and strengthened their position on Polish politi-cal scene.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 13, 1; 71-82 (12)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów do Sejmu z 1957 roku
Spatial differentiation of results of the Polish parliamentary elections 1957
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/965518.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
election 1957
the spatial diversity
sustainability of electoral behavior
Polish United Workers Party
constituencies
wybory z 1957 roku
przestrzenne zróżnicowanie
trwałość zachowań wyborczych
pzpr
okręgi wyborcze
Opis:
Z wyborów organizowanych w czasach PRL na uwagę zasługują przede wszystkim te z 1957 roku. Przeprowadzono je w okresie popaździernikowej odwilży, a władze nie miały specjalnych powodów, by je fałszować. Liberalna atmosfera sprzyjała wyborczej konkurencji, a oficjalne wyniki wyborów uwidoczniły znaczące zróżnicowanie polskiego społeczeństwa w ujęciu przestrzennym.
When comparing the spatial differentiation of results of elections from the inter-war period (1918–1939) and the post-communist period (1989–2015), one sees a very clear similarity between the two (Kowalski, 2014). In the north-western part of the country the electoral preferences are with the left or the liberals, while in the south-eastern part – with the right. Given the persistence of this spatial setting, a supposition arises that the spatial differentiation of the political attitudes existed also during the times of the socialist People’s Poland. Lack of political freedom and electoral falsifications, performed by the communists, make the verification of this proposition quite difficult. Of the elections, organised in the socialist period, it is the ones, carried out in 1957, that deserve consideration, first of all. These elections were carried out in the short period of liberalisation after 1956, in conditions of an enthusiastic support for the new governing administration. The organisers of the elections could be fairly certain as to the outcome. That is why, side by side with the candidates, who were closely connected with the ruling establishment, also more independent persons, frequently enjoying high popularity in the society, were allowed to stand as candidates in these elections. In order to guarantee the victorious outcome, the authorities allowed for the formation of just a single list of candidates. The authorities lanced the appeal to vote for the candidates from the first places on the list, since it was on these places that the persons most convenient from the point of view of the establishment were listed. The few independent candidates were located at far-off positions. There was also an appeal for the possibly highest turnout at the elections, since this would constitute a signal of support for the new administration. These appeals were also shared by the Catholic Church in Poland. Despite the limitations and constraints mentioned, the relatively liberal atmosphere was conducive to the electoral competition within the framework of the candidate lists approved. This was yet enhanced by the fact that candidates represented, formally at least, various political organisms (communists, peasant activists, democratic party, non-aligned candidates) and communities, and, as indicated, the lists also included, even though on far-off places, persons of independent orientations. In addition, the liberal atmosphere and the conviction of the ruling group that they must win, limited, it appears, the electoral falsifications to the minimum. Owing to the advantageous social atmosphere and the appropriate construction of the lists of candidates, the communists could not lose these elections. Yet, in spite of this, the official results of the elections made visible the significant differentiation of the Polish society, both in global terms, and in space. The latter aspect represented a clear similarity to the spatial differentiation of the results of elections, taking place in other time periods, both the earlier ones (the interwar period) and those carried out later (after 1989).
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica; 2015, 21
1508-1117
2353-4826
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zagraniczne echa wyborów do Sejmu PRL z 20 stycznia 1957 roku
Autorzy:
Skobelski, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/653814.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
wybory parlamentarne 1957
PRL
kampania wyborcza
stosunki międzynarodowe
october elections 1957 in Poland
polish parliament
election campaign in Poland
international relations
Opis:
Tekst traktuje o zagranicznych echach wyborów sejmowych w PRL z 1957 roku. W bloku wschodnim kampania wyborcza i same wybory budziły niepokój, ponieważ pojmowano je jako ciąg dalszy przemian polskiego Października. Stąd też, pozytywne dla władz z Warszawy wyniki głosowania, przyjęto z widoczną ulgą, podkreślając wagę wyborczego sukcesu PZPR. Inaczej wybory sejmowe w PRL interpretowano w innych państwach komunistycznych – Jugosławii i Chinach, dla których najistotniejsze w tym kontekście były własne interesy polityczne. Z kolei główne państwa Zachodu odbierały wydarzenia 1956 r. w Polsce, w tym wybory, przez głębszy pryzmat ówczesnych stosunków z blokiem wschodnim. Wyniki polskiego głosowania tłumaczono w kategoriach możliwości uzyskania większego marginesu swobody w relacjach PRL z ZSRR.The article discusses the foreign echoes of the parliamentary elections in the Polish People’s Republic in 1957. The electoral campaign and the elections themselves aroused concern throughout the Eastern Bloc, as they were interpreted as a continuation of the Polish October Revolution. The outcome of the vote, which proved satisfying for the authorities in Warsaw, was received with obvious relief; the importance of the electoral success of the Polish United Workers’ Party was strongly emphasised. But some communist governments, namely those of Yugoslavia and China, demonstrated a different attitude, as they interpreted these results in the light of their own political interests. At the same time, major Western countries perceived the Polish events of 1956, including the elections, in a wider context of current relations with the Eastern Bloc. The results of the vote were cited as an opportunity for Poland to obtain a greater margin of liberty in its cooperation with the USSR.
Źródło:
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; 2015, 50, 2
2353-6403
1230-5057
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hipotetyczna unikalność gmin ze znacznym udziałem mniejszości niepolskiej w aspekcie stabilności lokalnej egzekutywy wyłanianej w wyborach bezpośrednich
Hypothetical uniqueness of communes with a considerable share of non-Polish minority in terms of stability of the local executive elected in direct elections
Autorzy:
Bartnicki, Sławomir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/952028.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
incumbency advantage
non-Polish residents
re-election
local executive authority
Opis:
The aim of the article is to find out whether communes with a considerable share of non-Polish residents (exceeding 30%) differ in terms of stability of local executive authorities appointed as a result of direct elections from communes where this category of people did not occur at all in the 2002 national census, and from those where the share of such people is lower than 30%. Generally, the findings suggest there are no differences in this respect.
Źródło:
Pogranicze. Studia Społeczne; 2016, 27 cz. 2
1230-2392
Pojawia się w:
Pogranicze. Studia Społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish Presidential Election 2015 in the light of first and second order election conception
Autorzy:
Peszyński, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514415.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Polish presidential election 2015
first order election
second order election
Opis:
Among all the elections organized in Poland, presidential elections are not only the ones with a highest turnout, but also most eagerly investigated by the researchers. However, the studies concerning the importance of this particular voting is not often examined. On the one hand, there are arguments to classify it as first-order election, on the other, for certain reasons they ought to be regarded as second-order. The aim of this article is to answer the question whether 2015 Polish presidential election were of first or rather second-order importance. In his analysis, the author focused on the following issues: personal strategies, programme strategies, the course of the campaign in the traditional and new media, the level of electoral participation and the influence of the election on the course and outcome of the parliamentary campaign.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2016, 13; 57-72
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 37

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