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    Tytuł:
    Nieznane wspomnienia zapomnianego działacza ludowego
    Unknown memories of a forgotten peasant activist
    Autorzy:
    Misiejuk, Dariusz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/634812.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2011
    Wydawca:
    Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
    Tematy:
    Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
    Władysław Zaremba
    Polish Peasants' Party
    Władyslaw Zaremba
    Opis:
    Władysław Zaremba was one of the leaders of the Polish Peasants’ Party in country and abroad, a member of the Polish government-in-exile during WW2, and a deputy to State National Council. However, he is almost completely forgotten nowadays. Historians were not aware of the fact that, while he was an expatriate in USA in 1965–1966, Władysław Zaremba wrote down his memoirs. The typescript was commandeered from Zaremba by the SB (the secret police) when he came back to the country in 1967 and was never returned to him. Establishing the Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej) gave many researchers an access to the former SB files, among which were Władysław Zaremba’s accounts. The aim of the author of the article is to introduce the reader to information regarding Zaremba’s political and social activity. The author also gives a brief characteristics of the memoirs, by specifying when and how they came into being, and discusses their content through the style of the testimony. An analysis of the typescript brings a conclusion, that it is the key to the history of the Galician countryside, peasants’ movement and Poland’s political history, but even more so – to understanding Władysław Zaremba – a peasant, social activist and politician – himself.
    Źródło:
    Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej; 2011, 1; 105-120
    2719-7522
    2084-0578
    Pojawia się w:
    Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Proces Zarządu Okręgu Państwowych Nieruchomości Ziemskich w Koszalinie w 1948 roku
    The Trial of the Board of the District of State-owned Landed Estates in Koszalin in 1948
    Autorzy:
    Romanow, Zenon
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1194309.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
    Tematy:
    Pomerania
    state agricultural estates
    show trial
    combat against the Polish Peasants’ Party
    Opis:
    At the beginning of 1946 the enterprise referred to as the State-owned Landed Estates (PNZ) was set up. In West Pomerania two such districts were established: in Szczecin and in Koszalin. The latter was one of the biggest in Poland;Władysław Czarnecki was appointed director in September 1946. Many landowners whose landed estates had been taken away and divided into smaller parts worked for the PZN in the years 1944 –1945. The management board of the enterprise was known for its negative attitude towards the so called “people’s authority” and for its support of the Polish People’s Party (PSL) headed by Stanisław Mikołajczyk. After the general parliamentary election to the sejm in January 1947 and Mikołajczyk’s escape from Poland in October 1947, the communists intensified their attacks on the management board of the PNZ. In April 1948, thirteen people were arrested following a fictitious accusation of sabotage; seven of them, including Czarnecki the director, were prosecuted at the Military District Court in Szczecin. The show trial took place in August 1948. The accused were sentenced to long terms in prison, while Władysław Czarnecki was sentenced to death. After appeal, the Supreme Military Court changed the death sentence into fifteen years’ imprisonment and alleviated the sentences of the remaining convicted people. One of them died in jail in February 1950, while the remaining were gradually released in the years 1950–1955. In January 1957, the Supreme Court acquitted all of them.
    Źródło:
    Zapiski Historyczne; 2017, 82, 3; 85-107
    0044-1791
    2449-8637
    Pojawia się w:
    Zapiski Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    „Polska musi być ambasadorem Ukrainy!” Polskie stanowisko wobec konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego 2013/2014
    Autorzy:
    Kirwiel, Eleonora
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/686972.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Tematy:
    the Ukrainian crisis
    Polish parliamentary parties
    Law and Justice
    Civic Platform
    Polish Peasants’ Party
    the Democratic Left Alliance
    ukraiński kryzys
    polskie partie parlamentarne
    Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
    Platforma Obywatelska
    Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
    Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
    Opis:
    The main purpose of this article is to present the position of the Polish parliamentary parties in relation to specific events Ukrainian conflict at the turn of 2013/2014. From the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, most politicians of parliamentary parties in Poland watched and commented on the events in Ukraine 2013/2014, on the one hand, it seems – the absolute support of the European aspirations and Defending the freedom, democracy and sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that there was no difference of opinion. First of all, the ideological issues that lie at the basis of party differences, as well as in traditional political struggle between the two major parties.
    Celem artykułu było przedstawienie stanowiska polskich partii parlamentarnych w odniesieniu do konkretnych wydarzeń ukraińskiego konfliktu na przełomie lat 2013/2014. Od samego początku kryzysu na Ukrainie większość polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych odczytywała i komentowała wydarzenia na Ukrainie 2013/2014 w sposób bardzo podobny – absolutne wsparcie dla dążeń proeuropejskich oraz w obronie wolności, demokracji oraz suwerenności państwowej. Nie oznacza to, że nie było pewnych różnic poglądów – chodzi tu przede wszystkim o kwestie światopoglądowe i ideologiczne oraz pewne wątki walki politycznej pomiędzy dwiema głównymi partiami parlamentarnymi.
    Źródło:
    Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2015, 1, 2
    2450-4866
    Pojawia się w:
    Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Walka o utrzymanie narodowego (demokratycznego) ideału wychowawczego w polskiej oświacie w latach 1944-1947
    The Struggle for Maintaining the National (Democratic) Educational Ideal in Polish Schools in 1944-1947
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953895.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2004
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Szkolnictwo
    Tajna Organizacja Nauczycielska
    Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego
    Polska Partia Robotnicza
    Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
    Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej
    Ministerstwo Oświaty
    Związek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego
    education
    Clandestine Teachers' Organization (TON)
    Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN)
    Polish Workers' Party (PPR)
    Polish Peasants' Party (PSL)
    Provisional Government of National Unity (TRJN)
    Ministry of Education
    Polish Teachers' Association (ZNP)
    Opis:
    After the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN) had been established, Communist education activists came to Poland from the Soviet Union. The group was led by Dr Stanisław Skrzeszewski who was appointed Head of the Education Department in Lublin. In order to draw teachers to work in the Polish school that was being rebuilt, they had to completely change the views of education they had propagated before. These were tactical actions supposed to neutralize the teacher circle's unfavorable or hostile attitudes. This resulted from the fact that the education structure of the London Government Delegation and the Clandestine Teachers' Organization (TON), working on the liberated lands, were under the influence of the Peasants' Party (SL), and they did not join the new authorities' organizational work, as they did not trust the Polish Workers' Party or the National People's Council. This is why in the “Appeal to the Polish Teachers” issued on 1 August 1944 by the Education Department in Lublin it was, among others, stated, that “The teacher has a complete freedom of democratic political views, speech and actions, according to his views”. The people managing the Education Department, knowing the moods prevailing in the society, did not want to introduce radical changes at the initial stage, and the curriculum, including history, was the same as the one before the war. This is proven, among others, by the “Directions for organizing public primary schools in the school year 1944/45”. Such actions resulted from the social-political situation obtaining in Poland at that time. The new authorities did not want to indispose the Polish society and the teachers towards themselves, as the Communist education activists coming from the USSR were already looked at with suspicion. They were also afraid for their own future fate, as the PKWN, and then the Provisional Government were not recognized by the two remaining superpowers of the anti-Hitler coalition, that is, the United States and Great Britain. This had a great influence on the compromise solutions decided on in the field of education. In the new Provisional Government of National Unity (TRJN) appointed on 28 June 1945, on the basis of the agreement between the three superpowers concluded in Jalta, a Polish Peasants' Party (PSL) activist, the president of the Polish Teachers' Association (ZNP), Czesław Wycech became Minister of Education. When Czesław Wycech took over the function of the minister, the Communists, partly debarred from the posts of authority, still tried to influence the crucial decisions, keeping some of the most important positions. Żanna Kormanowa, an education activist who came from the Soviet Union, is a good example here. She had the key function of the Head of the School Reform and Curricula Department. Despite fears of losing it the Communists were able to keep the position. Formally not controlling the Ministry of Education, they in fact had a lot of influence on the curricula that were being prepared. Many PPR activists knew that establishing the TRJN was a necessary compromise. However, they could not understand why the party had given up just this ministry, as their educational work done so far was assessed as very good by the party leaders. They thought that reconstructing the contents of school education in history and forming a new, communist educational ideal, were an indispensable condition in the planned ideological attack. In this way a situation arose, in which the changes in education were being introduced by teachers connected with PSL, who did not agree with the former Ministry of Education's conception of reform. They did not accept the education ideal postulated by PPR, either. On the contrary, the main educational aims, which the Ministry of Education headed by the PLS pursued, were: “the principles of democracy understood as respect for human rights for freedom, for full development, for participation in material and cultural achievements according to one's work and abilities, as aspiration for dividing hardships and burdens that an individual has to bear for the common good”. These aims proved that the PSL wanted to build a fully democratic state, which was contrary to the principle of “the dictatorship of the proletariat” proclaimed by the PPR. However, in the situation that obtained at that time the Communists had to tolerate the views presented by the Ministry of Education. Until the forged elections of 1947 the Ministry tried to resist the PPR's influences and aimed at democratic changes in Poland, which was reflected, among others, in the curricula that were then issued. Having seized all the power in 1947 the Communists started putting into effect the ideals of education based on Marxist-Leninist ideology, alien to Polish people. Deserted in its struggle for democracy the PSL, supported practically by the Church alone, subjected to repressions and exposed to actions aiming at its dissent, was not able to defend the democratic and national education. The education ideas proclaimed by the PSL after the war were returned to practically only after the rise of the “Solidarity” trade union in 1980, and started being put into effecty after the breakthrough of 1989, when Poland regained full independence.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2004, 52, 2; 57-70
    0035-7707
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polskie partie parlamentarne na temat konfliktu na Ukrainie (2013/2014)
    Autorzy:
    Кирвель, Элеонора
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687072.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Tematy:
    the Ukrainian crisis, Polish parliamentary parties , Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish Peasants’ Party, the Democratic Left Alliance
    ukraiński kryzys, polskie partie parlamentarne, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platforma Obywatelska, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
    украинский кризис, польские парламентские партии, «Право и справедливость», «Гражданская платформа», Польская крестьянская партия, Союз демократических левых сил
    Opis:
    The main purpose of this article is to present the position of the Polish parliamentary parties in relation to specific events Ukrainian conflict at the turn of 2013/2014. From the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, most politicians of parliamentary parties in Poland watched and commented on the events in Ukraine 2013/2014, on the one hand, it seems – the absolute support of the European aspirations and Defending the freedom, democracy and sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that there was no difference of opinion. First of all, the ideological issues that lie at the basis of party differences, as well as in traditional political struggle between the two major parties.
    Głównym celem tego artykułu było przedstawienie stanowiska polskich partii parlamentarnych w stosunku do konkretnych wydarzeń ukraińskiego konfliktu na przełomie 2013/2014. Od samego początku kryzysu na Ukrainie większość polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych odczytywała i komentowała wydarzenia na Ukrainie 2013/2014 w sposób z jednej strony bardzo podobny – absolutne wsparcie do dążeń proeuropejskich oraz w obronie wolności, demokracji oraz suwerenności państwowej. Nie oznacza to, że niebyło pewnych różnic poglądów – chodzi tu przede wszystkim o kwestie światopoglądowe i ideologiczne, które leżą u podstaw różnic partyjnych (SLD, PiS) oraz pewne wątki walki politycznej pomiędzy PO i PIS.
    Oсновной целью данной статьи является представление позиций польских парламентских партий в связи с конкретными событиями украинского конфликта на рубеже 2013/2014. С самого начала кризиса в Украине большинство политиков парламентских партий Польши наблюдало и комментировало события в Украине 2013/2014, с одной стороны, очень похоже – абсолютная поддержка европейских устремлений и защитa свободы, демократии и суверенитета Украины. Это не означает, что не было разницы во мнениях. Прежде всего, в идеологических вопросах, которые лежат в основе партийных различий, а также в процессе традиционной политической борьбы между двумя главными партиями.
    Źródło:
    Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2015, 1, 1
    2450-4866
    Pojawia się w:
    Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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