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Tytuł:
Polityka oświatowa władz w procesie instalowania nowego ładu społecznego (1944–1948)
The Educational Policy of the Authorities in the Process of the Introduction of the New Social Order (1944–1948)
Autorzy:
Kahl, Edyta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/955168.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Educational Policy, Poland 1944–1948
Opis:
The problems discussed in the article concern the educational policy in Poland in the first years after World War II (1944-1948). The article presents the educational concepts and postulates of different political fractions and teachers’ circles, which already before the end of the War had formulated their own educational programmes. The discussions about the shape of the post-war educational system, particularly the organization of schools, the school structure, the ideological foundations, the syllabus, school handbooks and teachers’ training, were carried out, among others, between the representatives of the National Democrats, Christian-national groups, political parties, teachers’ organizations and school administration. Their attitudes to many problems varied considerably, and thus, the situation required social debate and confrontation of opinions. The quality of those discussions, the style in which the educational problems were solved as well as the direction of the structural and ideological transformations in the post-war educational system, were significantly influenced by the geopolitical post-war conditions and a strong position of the Left, consolidated by the Soviets, in the policy of the Polish state. In the expansive struggle for the political leadership in Poland, the Left used different forms of pressure and terror in order to eliminate the opposition. To achieve social legitimization for its pseudo-democratic activities, the Left undertook attempts to encourage other groups to co-operate. Particularly, the communists tried to attract cultural elites, including teachers, who they wanted to use to start the process of rebuilding social consciousness according to the rules of the ideology of Marxism and Leninism. These monopolistic ambitions, in the first years after World War II, were reflected in the destruction of the underground state and the development of administrative structures of the totalitarian system. As far as the educational system is concerned, the policy of the Left was manifested in more and more apparent actions taken to subordinate school to the communists’ interests, thus including education into the process of the transformation of the political system. All those activities, were part of the phenomenon of structural Sovietization, formed the foundations for the ideological offensive, planned by the communists and conducted on a massive scale after the formation, in 1948, of the monopolistic Stalinian party - PZPR (Polish United Workers’ Party).
Źródło:
Biuletyn Historii Wychowania; 2011, 27; 33-50
1233-2224
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Historii Wychowania
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Henryk Raabe – organizator i pierwszy rektor Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie (1944-1948)
Henryk Raabe – promoter and first rector of the Maria Curie–Skłodowska University in Lublin (1944-1948)
Autorzy:
Kruszyński, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488067.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra
Tematy:
Universities in Poland
Poland 1944-1948
Polska 1944-1948
polskie uniwersytety
Opis:
Maria Curie–Skłodowska University – MCSU (Polish: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej – UMCS) in Lublin was created on 23 October 1944 by the Polish Committee of National Liberation’s (Polish: Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego PKWN) proMoscow decree. It was first such an institution in “new Poland.” The person chosen to be the vice-chancellor of the MCSU was a pre-war socialist Henryk Raabe. He met all the criteria demanded by the new regime. Firstly, he was a left-winger, but on the other hand, he was not a communist; he was not a member of the unpopular Polish Workers’ Party (Polish: Polska Partia Robotnicza – PPR). As such, he had a greater opportunity to create a necessary team of co-workers. Furthermore, as a socialist, he confirmed the values promoted by propaganda, i.e. political pluralism and the alleged willingness to create a democratic state, in which there would be space for debate and the diversity of views. H. Raabe could be also considered the symbol of a person discriminated against in the Second Polish Republic on the basis of his socialist views, and what follows, a person deprived of the possibility for having an academic career. In the new reality, he became a perfect example portraying the rapid changes in the country where the chance to develop was given to people who had competence, passion and character.
Źródło:
Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2012, 1; 59-87
2299-890X
Pojawia się w:
Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
11 listopada czy 22 lipca. Oficjalna prasa w Polsce 1944–1948 wobec świąt narodowych
November 11 and July 22. National holidays in the official press in Poland 1944-1948
Autorzy:
Gołota, Janusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2167965.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-15
Wydawca:
Ostrołęckie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
The press in Poland 1944–1948
National Holidays in Poland
prasa w Polsce 1944–1948
Święta Narodowe w Polsce
Opis:
The successive totalization of social, economic and political life in Poland after 1944 was also reflected in the press published by officially functioning political parties. The analysis of articles shows that the repressions against the editorials, after the elections, led to the pacification of the press and the unification of the content with the expectations of the post-war Polish authorities. Press reactions can be placed between opportunism and pragmatism. In the second case it was about maintaining even minimal impact on society. Some journalists, symbolized by Zygmunt Augustyński, defended the right to communicate truth and dignity.
Sukcesywna totalizacja życia społecznego, gospodarczego i politycznego w Polsce po 1944 znalazła również odzwierciedlenie w prasie wydawanej przez oficjalnie funkcjonujące partie polityczne. Analiza artykułów wskazuje, że represje stosowane wobec redakcji, po wyborach doprowadziły do spacyfikowania prasy i ujednolicenia treści zgodnie z oczekiwaniami władz powojennej Polski. Reakcje prasy można usytuować miedzy koniunkturalizmem a pragmatyzmem, w drugim wypadku chodziło o zachowanie możliwości chociażby minimalnego wpływu na społeczeństwo. Niektórzy dziennikarze, których postawę symbolizuje Zygmunt Augustyński, broniło prawa do przekazywania prawdy i godności.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego; 2018, Zeszyt, XXXII; 193-208
0860-9608
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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