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Tytuł:
Orzecznictwo kary śmierci jako element polityki karnej w wybranych państwach świata na przełomie XIX i XX wieku
The caseplaw of the death penalty as a part of the penal policy in selected countries of the world in the 19th and 20th century
Autorzy:
Jurczyk, Marcin
Jędryszek-Geisler, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1939789.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polski Uniwersytet na Obczyźnie w Londynie
Tematy:
capital punishment
social policy
penal code
execution
penal policy
Opis:
The paper presents the attitude of society towards capital punishment during dizerent historical periods and describes the development of philosophical and moral thought regarding the death penalty. It outlines the history of capital punishment in Poland based on various legal norms set out in penal codes of the time. ese are used to investigate the types of crime that carry the death penalty and their number which changed over the years due to signicantly dizerent penal codes applicable in dizerent years. e paper also discusses basic legal acts on the right to life. It presents countries that retain capital punishment, countries that have abolished it and countries where the death penalty is permitted only under military law.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO; 2019; 65-87
2052-319X
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe PUNO
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O wpływie ustawodawstwa karnego na politykę karną
Impact of penal law on penal policy
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698822.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
determinanty polityki karnej
punitywność polityki karnej
prawo zapisane
prawo w działaniu
penal policy
determinants of penal policy
punitiveness of penal policy
law on the books
law in action
Opis:
For many years, Polish penal policy has been considered to be very punitive. This is confirmed by the very high imprisonment rate which was observable even before World War Two. This raises the legitimate question of how to explain this consistent pattern. It is also appropriate to ask whether the reasons for this punitiveness can be found in punitive penal legislation, in the legal code, or in punitive sentencing practice, or at the level of the law in action. This article uses available statistical data to analyse selected trends in Polish penal policy, indicating that on many occasions attempts to diminish punitive sentencing outcomes through legislation produced absolutely opposite results. At the same time, there have been periods of real reduction in this punitiveness which occurred without any specific legislative changes made with such an intention. All of this suggests that the law on the books and the law in action may to a large extent be independent of each other.
Polityka karna w Polsce od lat uchodzi za niezwykle punitywną, o czym świadczą wysokie wartości, jakie przyjmują współczynniki prizonizacji, poczynając od okresu przed II wojną światową. Rodzi to uzasadnione pytanie o przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy: czy leżą one po stronie punitywnego ustawodawstwa, tj. prawa zapisanego, czy też po stronie praktyki orzekania kar przez sądy, tj. prawa w działaniu. Artykuł poświęcony jest analizie w świetle dostępnych danych statystycznych wybranych zjawisk w polskiej polityce karnej, pokazujących, że w szeregu wypadków reformy zmierzające do obniżenia poziomu punitywności polskiej polityki karnej dawały rezultaty odwrotne od zamierzonych. Równocześnie wskazać można okresy jednoznacznego obniżenia tej punitywności, które nie były warunkowane jakimikolwiek zmianami ustawodawczymi. Pokazuje to względną niezależność płaszczyzn prawa zapisanego i prawa w działaniu.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2019, XLI/2; 41-80
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Główne kierunki polityki karnej realizowanej przez kolegia do spraw wykroczeń w latach 1972–1989
The Main Directions of Penal Policy Pursued by Transgession Boards in the Years 1972–1989
Autorzy:
Szumski, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698530.pdf
Data publikacji:
1993
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
środki karne
wykroczenia
penal policy
penal measures
contraventions
Opis:
The paper characterizes the evolution of penal policy with respect to per peetrators of transgressions, pursued in Poland by elected agencies attacbed to the state administration and called “transgression boards”. In the years 1972–1989, their decisions were supervised by the Minister of Internal Affairs. Most of the discussion, based on statistical materials, concerns changes in the structure and dynamics of penal measures applied by the boards. The measures have been defined as all legal reactions applicable upon the finding the perpetrator’s guilt. The present paper does not deal with all of those measures, though: for lack of statistical data, tukets imposed by the penal prosecution agencies and the possible reactions on part of those agencies if they renounce moving the case to the board for punishment according to the principle of  expediency of prosecution could not be discussed. Penal policy has been characterized against the background of amendments introduced in the period under analysis and of instructions issued by the Minister of Internal Affairs that shape the boards’ decisions. After 1982, such instructions usually aimed at aggravating repression. The statutory catalogue of penal measures contained in the transgressions code is relatively extensive. The most severe measure is detention which amounts to deprivation of liberty for up to 3 months. As stated in the code, it should be applied in exceptional cases only. In the first decade of validity of the code, detention was imposed in l–l.5 % of all decisions which meant the deprivation of liberty of 9,00–10,000 persons. It is therefore doubtful whether detention was indeed treated as an exceptional measure by practicians. In the next years, it was imposed much less often. The penalty of suspended detention played any role in the practice of transgression boards. As shown by studies, those who applied law  treated suspended detention as a separate penal measure to replace other measures not involving deprivation of liberty rather than a way of limiting the use of immediaste detention. Also disappointed were the  expectations related to another new measure, formally more severe than fine, that is limitation of liberty which was to “educate through work”. According to the legislators’ assumptions, that penalty was to  be the main alternative to detention; in practice, it was imposed rather often  (about 5% of all measures applied) but served mainly as a substitute for fine. The basic measure applied to perpetrators of transgressions was fine, imposed on 90% of cases of those punished by the boards. According to provisions of the Transgressions Code, though, a substitute penalty of detention can be imposed in the case of justified doubts as to the possibility of execution of fine. For this reason, it was found advisable in the present analysis to treat this form of fine as a measure different in quality from fine imposed without a substitute penalty which could in no case lead to imprisonment. Also research findings encouraged the treatment of these two kinds of fine as separate penal measures: the substitute penalty was treated in practice as a specific method of aggravating repression, and imposed in defiance with provisions of the Code. Owing to this approach it could be evidenced that the proportion of fines combined with the threat of deprivation of liberty (another measures designed as exceptional) went up rapidly in mid-1910s to become stabilized at about 20% of all decisions of the  transgression boards. The abuse of that measure, also designed as exceptional, was accompanied mainly by less frequent fines without a substitute penalty. At the same time, the proportion of the two most lenient measures, that is admonition and renouncement of inflicting punishment, went down regularly and amounted to a mere 2% of decisions despite the broad applications of those measures contained in the Code. This reflects the practicians’ tendency to use the aggravating legal solutions much more often than those which mitigate penalty; this led to increased repressiveness of penal policy. Beside the above-mentioned reactions, the Transgressions Code provides for a number of measures called additional penalties which are to accompany the principal ones. They can also be applied as self-standing measures in specific situations. Yet the agencies that apply law never availed themselves of this latter possibility. Instead, additional penalties were lavishly imposed (particularly the witholrawal it driving licence and the penalty of making the sentence publicly known) which led to accumulation of repressions suffered by the punished person. This is why the serious growth in the number of additional penalties, after the legal changes introduced in mid-l980s and instructions issued by the Minister of Internal Affairs in particular, was still another proof of the aggravation of penal policy with respect to perpertrators of transgressions. Characteristically, the Polish Transgressions Code combines the application of some of the non-custodical measures with the threat of deprivation of liberty in the case of failure in the execution of those measures. This concerns the above-mentioned fine but also, in definite conditions, the limitation of liberty and suspended detention. In practice, the threat of imprisonment was used very often, the total proportion of the three above measures becoming stabilized, after an initial growth, at about 20–25% of decisions which mainly resulted from excessive imposition of fines with a substitute penalty of detention. Most importantly, though, that threat was realized with respect to every fifth or sixth person in that group. As a result, the average of 20–25 thousand persons a year were imprisoned despite the fact that a measure not involving deprivation of liberty had originally been applied to them. A paradoxical situation arose where persons sentenced to the principal penalty of detention constituted a small percentage of those imprisoned by force of decisions of the transgression boards, while most served a substitute penalty due to a failure in the execution of the previously applied non-custodial measure. Still another expression of the growing repressiveness of penal policy was the greater and greater involved in the most frequently imposed penalty of fines in both of its forms: due to amendments of the Transgressions Code, the amound of fine went up a quicker pace than the average wages in socialized economy during most of the 1980s. A statutory solution concerning transgression that was most vehemently critized by the doctrine was the most limited judicial supervision over  decisions of the transgression boards. The appel instance were boards of  the second instance; only decisions imposing detention and limitation of liberty could be appealed against to the court. Thus judicial supervision concerned neither the substitute penalties which involved deprivation of liberty nor the most acute ban on driving motor vehicles. Meanwhile as shown by experimental findings, 6–15% of persons punished by the boards were acquitted by the court to which they complained, and a non-isolation measure was  substituted for deprivation of  liberty in over one-third of the cases. This shows that courts saw decisions of the boards not only as essentially defective but also as excessively repressive. This latter conclusion is rather symptomatic the fact considered that penal policy pursued by courts with respect to offenders was sewere, too. What has also to be stressed when characterizing the decisions in cases of transgressions is the frequent use of the statutory possibility of deciding in expedited proceedings and proceedings  by writ of payment. From the viewpoint of rational penal policy, that tendency deserves to be criticized as protection of the defendant’s basic processual guaranties suffers statutory limitation in those modes of procedure, and the speed and simplification of proceedings affect the individualization of punishment. Also of importance was the fact that the frequent decisions in expedited proceedings served as a specific form of aggravation of represion since – as shown by research findings – the penalties imposed in that mode were more severe than in the ordinary proceedings. Analysis of the evolution of decisions of the transgression boards has led to the conclusion that throughout the period under analysis, penal policy was regularly aggravated which was largely influenced by punitive instructions of the Minister of Internal Affairs. The only periods of mitigation of penalties were  the years 1981 and 1989: this resulted mainly from social conflicts and public opinion pressure on reduction of repressiveness of the penal system. For this reason, the 1989 amendment of the Transgression Code, forced by systemic changes, which deprived the Minister of Internal Affairs of his original control over decisions of the transgression boards and submitted all of those decisions to judical review brings the hope for liberalization and rationalization of penal policy in cases of transgressions.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 107-131
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka kryminalna i polityka karna we współczesnej polskiej rzeczywistości
Criminal and penal policy in contemporary Polish reality
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699011.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka kryminalna
polityka karna
criminal and penal policy
Opis:
The article discusses criminal policy, understood as court procedures intended to counteract and limit crime by applying provisions of criminal law. The chapter begins with an analysis of diverse definitions of criminal and penal policy. Then, mechanism of action of such policies in the aspect of administering punishments to perpetrators of criminal deeds is discussed. An analysis of statistical data concerning administering particular types of punishments allows to draw certain conclusions concerning penal policy employed in Poland in the difficult period of social change. The most often administered punishment in the first decade of the 21st century is deprivation of liberty (imprisonment) with conditional suspension (probation), imprisonment and fines are slightly less frequent, the least frequently courts sentence unconditional imprisonment. The picture of the data allows only to make a draft of contemporary visions of solving social problems related with crime – or rather lack of such visions. The reasons of incoherence and – in many cases – irrationality of our criminal policy can be seen in many factors which are impossible to discuss or even list in one article. However it is worth to notice that undoubtedly the progressing expansion and politicization of criminal law should be limited and it should be acknowledged that criminal law is not the best remedy for social problems, which include crime.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2012, XXXIV; 401-425
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788415.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-30
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
wymiar kary
cudzoziemcy
penal policy
sentencing
foreigners
Opis:
Przedmiotem rozważań artykułu jest fragment polityki karnej państwa obejmujący działalność sądów w celu przeciwdziałania i ograniczania przestępczości w drodze stosowania przepisów prawa karnego wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce. W szczególności poruszane jest zagadnienie polityki wymierzania kar i środków karnych cudzoziemcom, którzy dopuścili się czynów zabronionych przez polskie prawo karne i trafili do systemu formalnej kontroli społecznej. Celem analizy jest ustalenie, w jaki sposób na przestrzeni lat 2004-2012 kształtowała się polityka sądowego wymiaru kary cudzoziemcom, jakie kary i środki karne były wobec nich najczęściej stosowane w odpowiedzi na popełnienie poszczególnych rodzajów przestępstw oraz sprawdzenie czy, a jeśli tak, to w jakim kierunku i zakresie, polityka ta odbiega od polityki karnej stosowanej wobec polskich obywateli.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2015, 22; 27-37
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obraz polityki karnej lat osiemdziesiątych i początku lat dziewięćdziesiątych (1980‒1991)
Penal Policy in the 1980s and early 1990s (1980‒1991)
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962416.pdf
Data publikacji:
1993
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
sądy polskie
prawo karne
penal policy
Polish courts
penal law
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 27-105
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Udział policji państwowej w realizacji polityki penitencjarnej w Polsce w latach 1919-1939
The Role of the Civil Police in Implementing Penal Policy in Poland in 1919–1939
Autorzy:
Sprengel, Bolesław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698580.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka penitencjarna
historia więziennictwa w Polsce
civil police
penal policy
Opis:
The circumstances in which the Civil Police assumed responsibility for convoy and protection duties on behalf of the justice system until 1939 (in practice, until now). The legal and financial aspects of performing convoy and isolation functions on behalf of the Department of Justice. The unsuccessful attempts to transfer these tasks to the Prison Guard. The methods and tactics deployed in performing convoy and protection duties towards criminal and political prisoners. Convoys on foot and by train and other means of transport. Chronic occurrences and extraordinary events during convoys. How fulfilling these duties effected the Police’s other statutory obligations. The role of isolation in Police arrests. The prevailing conditions. The rights and duties of prisoners. The supervision of prisoners. Extraordinary events and chronic occurrences. The function and purpose of police holding cells for juveniles. Their isolation and rehabilitation functions. The Civil Police in performing their duties in connection with municipal arrests. Police assistance to the Prison Guard in extraordinary situations, especially riots. Protecting prisoners from external attacks. Searching for escaped prisoners. Operational and evidentiary work. Operational and procedural activities against people attempting to communicate with prisoners. Civil Police operational work in prisons. Information exchange between the Civil Police and the Prison Guard. The practice of prison authorities informing the police about people released from prison and the legal basis for doing so. The attitude of politicians and the press to the Civil Police carrying out functions on behalf of the prison service.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2014, XXXVI; 227-257
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawo penitencjarne na tle innych gałęzi prawa i wybranych problemów polityki karnej i penitencjarnej
Penitentiary law against the background of other branches of law and and selected problems of penal and penitentiary policies
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698539.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
prawo penitencjarne
polityka kryminalna
polityka penitencjarna
penitentiary law
penal policy
penitentiary policy
Opis:
The article consists of two parts. The first systematises definitions of penitentiary law and presents relations between penitentiary law and other branches of law and fields of science. The voices in discussion on penitentiary law sometimes differ, even in such basic issues as the scope of the very term. This sometimes gives rise to difficulties in qualifying particular provisions to a particular branch of law and causes doubts which rules to apply to particular institutions. Relations between penitentiary law and executive penal law, procedural law, penitentiary science and penal and penitentiary policies are discussed. The second part of the article discusses selected problems of current penal policy related most of all to the use of imprisonment sentence. Between penitentiary law and penitentiary policy or, more broadly speaking, penal policy there are obvious relations. On one hand, this policy is shaped on the basis of the letter of law, on the other hand, based on collected experience, it forces changes in law which fails to respond to actual challenges. Sometimes penitentiary policy, and even mere penitentiary practice, influences provisions of penal law, including penitentiary law, directly. It also happens that law and penitentiary policy (or penal one) fail to meet as far as their goals and assumptions are concerned. It seems it is so in the case of imprisonment, which often looks different in penitentiary law provisions and in statistics resulting from employment of penal and penitentiary policy. The basic paradox consists in that, in spite of observed decrease in crime levels , penitentiary system becomes more and more inefficient. Poland has one of the highest prisonisation indices in Europe and constantly growing number of persons sentenced by the courts and waiting for imprisonment sentence to be executed .The waiting line for imprisonment is approaching the number of the imprisoned. This may be due to a several reasons. Firstly, since the beginning of 1990s there has been a steady increase in the shortest imprisonment sentences (of up to 6 months) which were often administered to those guilty of driving a vehicle under alcohol influence. Secondly, Polish prisons are places where a significant number of imprisonments due to probation violations are served – which shows the weakness in execution of alternatives to incarceration. Another problem is cancellation of suspended sentences. The criminal code provided for two ways a suspended sentence can be cancelled, facultative and obligatory. The latter raised serious doubts and was questioned by the Constitutional Tribunal in its decree of 17.07.2013 r., file no. SK 9/10 (as published in the Journal of Laws as item 905).
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 377-390
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Założenia polityczno-kryminalne kodeksu karnego z 1969 r. i ich realizacja w praktyce w latach 1970—1980
Political and criminal assumptions of the Penal Code of 1969 and their implementation in practice in the years 1970—1980
Autorzy:
Melezini, Mirosława
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/782587.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Penal Code of 1969
judicial practice
imprisonment
polarisation of responsibility
penal policy
prison population
Opis:
The subject of discussion is the issue of the implementation of political and criminal assumptions of the Criminal Code of 1969 in the practice of the justice system in the years 1970—1980. The starting point of the analysis are the basic ideas concerning criminal policy adopted by the Criminal Code of 1969, i.e. stratification of crimes and polarisation of criminal responsibility, and the related striving to limit the scope of short-term imprisonment. In this context, in further considerations, statutory solutions — which were to implement the assumptions adopted by the Criminal Code — have been discussed, and an important role in shaping current criminal policy of the guidelines for the judiciary and judicial practice, adopted by the Supreme Court, has been pointed out. The findings have served as a basis for the confrontation of political and criminal assumptions of the Penal Code of 1969 with judicial practice. For this purpose, findings have been made concerning the structure of the measures of penal reaction adjudicated for crimes prosecuted by public indictment in the years 1970—1980, the dimension of absolute imprisonment in 1970, 1975 and 1980, and the effects of the penal policy implemented in the form of the size of the prison population in the years 1970—1980. The presented picture of the practices has allowed to formulate several conclusions. It has turned out that the idea of polarisation of liability and the related aspiration to significantly reduce the use of absolute imprisonment for non-custodian penalties was not achieved, and as a result of elimination of the shortest penalties (up to 3 months) and limitation of the use of short-term imprisonment penalties, the sentences imposed were significantly extended. The result of the conducted penal policy was a very significant size of the prison population, which confirmed that the penal policy was excessively repressive.
Źródło:
Z Dziejów Prawa; 2019, 12; 895-912
1898-6986
2353-9879
Pojawia się w:
Z Dziejów Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna wobec cudzoziemców przebywających w Polsce
Penal Policy Toward Foreign Nationals Residing in Poland
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Rychlik, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698654.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
cudzoziemcy
kryminologia
Polska
penal policy
foreign nationals
punishment
Polska
Opis:
The paper focuses on penal policy, or to be more accurate, on its part related to “the operation of the courts of law with a view to preventing and reducing the crime rate through the application of criminal law,”1 though with regard to a selected group only, i.e. foreign nationals who reside in Poland. In very simple terms, it addresses the policy of punishments and punitive measures pursued with respect to foreign nationals who have committed offences expressly prohibited by Polish criminal law, and were subsequently embraced by a formal system of social supervision. The studies at issue were conducted on the basis of statistical data collected by the Ministry of Justice. They comprise information on the kinds of punishment and punitive measures applied to foreign nationals for committing respective types of criminal offences, as revealed and discovered by Polish justice system throughout the country, in the period spanning 2004–2012. It appears that an 8-year period of scrutiny regarding the application of penal policy to foreign nationals allows for the identification of all attendant key trends, as well as any portents of forthcoming changes. An appraisal of the structure of criminal offences committed by foreign nationals reveals that they fall most frequently (87% in total) within 5 key categories, i.e. 21% of convictions against the credibility of documents, 20% against public order, 18% against the safety of transportation, 15% fraud, 13% against property. Criminal offences falling within the scope of other legislative constraints that serve as the conviction basis against foreign nationals are encountered much less frequently and comprise primarily offences against: human life and health, the justice system, family and family care, sexual freedom, public security, environment, commercial endeavours, and against the Republic of Poland. There are also criminal offences whose characteristics fall within the scope of other legal classifications than those comprised in Polish Criminal Code, usually the following ones: the Polish Fiscal Penal Code of September 10, 1999 (Journal of Laws of 1999, No. 83, Item. 930), the Promotion of Sobriety and Prevention of Alcohol Abuse Act of October 26, 1982 (Journal of Laws of 1982, No. 35, Item. 230), the Health Protection Against the Consequences of Consumption of Tobacco and Tobacco Products Act of November 9, 1995 (Journal of Laws of 1996, No 10, Item 55), and finally, the Industrial Property Act of June 30, 2000 (Journal of Laws of 2001, No. 49, Item 508). The current policy of criminal convictions against foreign nationals does not substantially differ from the general trends in Polish penal policy. By far, most frequently the courts of law opt for a term of imprisonment with conditional suspension of its execution as a penal measure. The next option in line comprises a fine, and then comes an immediate custodial sentence, occasionally a restriction of personal liberty.2 It is clear that the key category of criminal offences for which foreign nationals ended up in Polish prisons were offences against property. In this particular category, most offenders had been convicted in pursuance of the provisions of Article 278 § 1, Polish Penal Code (theft), Article 279 §1, Polish Penal Code (burglary with forced entry), and Article 280 §1, Polish Penal Code (aggravated theft). The legislation in place provides for an opportunity to apply a diversity of punitive measures apart from the penalty itself, also as probation measures, or as preventive measures. The legislators clearly aimed for generally increasing the role and overall significance of punitive measures within the penal policy, although an overall body of convictions meted out against foreign nationals over the years 2004–2012 in Poland demonstrates that the courts of law were not particularly forthcoming in this respect, rather seldom ordering punitive measures against the perpetrators, and if so, they would usually reach out for the option of ordering fines and a driving ban, or a forfeiture of property. Statistical data taking into account the lawfully convicted foreign nationals, stratified by a specific type of criminal offence, gender, and punishment meted out for the principal offence, reveal that in 2005 there was a significant reduction in the number of punitive measures ordered by the courts. In fact, compared with 2004, their number decreased fivefold, and remained approximately at the same level throughout the following four years, whereas in 2010, a penal measure was ordered only once, none in 2011, and in 2012 – twice. The sentencing and penal measures policy pursued by the Polish courts, as addressed in the present study, was assessed not only at the level of statistical data made available by the Ministry of Justice, but also through meticulous research conducted on the court’s case files pertaining to foreign nationals whose cases had lawfully been closed, randomly sampled. Both the sampling methodology applied and the number of the records brought under study makes the results of this research project fully representative. Examination of the court’s case files yielded the results fully consistent with the results obtained on the basis of the statistical data obtained from the ministerial records, including in terms of the actual application of the penal policy against foreign nationals committing criminal offences in Poland, although certain exceptions were encountered with regard to the policies applied to the perpetrators of specific types of criminal offences. On the other hand, though, those seem to have much more in common with a particular type and nature of the offence itself, rather than the fact that it was committed by a foreign national. The conclusions drawn from the statistical data under study, as supplemented by a detailed appraisal of the court records, give sufficient grounds to believe that in its essence, the penal policy applied to foreign nationals residing in Poland does not differ from that applied in Poland at large.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2016, XXXVIII; 61-91
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość w Polsce do roku 2020. Wyniki alternatywnych scenariuszy instytucjonalnych i środowiskowych uwarunkowań przestępczości
Crime in Poland before 2020. Results of alternative scenarios of institutional and enviromental conditioning of crime
Autorzy:
Florczak, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699009.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
prognozowanie przestępczości
ekonomiczna analiza przestępczości
środowiskowe uwarunkowania przestępczości
crime
penal policy
Opis:
This article presents assumptions and results – along with their exhaustive discussion – of a middle-term crime forecast and its institutional and environmental crime conditioning obtained with a simulation version of WF-CRIME model for Poland for 2012-2020 Moreover, the article presents assumptions and results of two simulation scenario groups which assume realistic changes in current penal policy and environmental conditioning of crime. As for penal policy two cases were analysed: an increase of law enforcement sector (“tightening” scenario) and its decrease (“loosening” scenario) in comparison with the base solution (forecast). In the context of environmental conditioning of crime also two scenarios were drafted – “acceleration” and “deceleration” – in which activity of economic environment is a broadly understood delimitation meta-factor. All analysed scenarios are characterised by realistic assumptions and thus the results should not be considered only in the terms of purely academic discourse of experiment. Presentation of analyses results was preceded by a brief discussion of data sources, applied methodology and the structure of relations between crime and all links of law enforcement system which create simulation system of WF-CRIME model. Appendices enable the reader an independent evaluation of credibility of used data and to track the structure of relations of the system. Based on the performed analysed one can draw a number of conclusions of general nature. First, the possibilities of crime destimulation with the use of institutional measures are very limited. Decrease in general number of crimes in following penal policy toughening is not impressive. Disproportional increase in funds for certain links of the law enforcement system gives a certain chance to increase effectiveness of the whole system: greatest in funding of the judiciary, secondly for public safety. In the light of multiplier and scenario analyses outcomes, directing additional funds to penitentiary system is ineffective, unless its aim is to increase the number of places in existing prisons. Second, environmental factors – external from the point of view of law enforcement system but (at least a part of them) in the set of decisive / quasi-decisive variables from macroeco-nomic point of view - influence crime to a much greater degree than institutional measures. Among these factors, the key role falls to average real salary and economic disparity. Quick economic increase which does not happen at the cost of increase of socioeconomic disparity seems the concise formula for long-term effective crime control. To use metaphor from medi-cine, shaping an anti-criminogenic environment is a treatment of the source, not a treatment of symptoms – the latter can be applied to acting on crime by institutional measures.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2012, XXXIV; 427-480
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Authorities and Society vs. Financial Crime in the Gomułka Period in Poland
Autorzy:
Jarosz, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1390765.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-02-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
financial crime
meat scandal
penal policy in socialist Poland
Władysław Gomułka
Opis:
The pivotal motive behind financial crime in the real socialist states was the chronic shortage of goods and services. In the case of Poland under the Gomułka administration (1956-1970), a factor which contributed to the prevalence of practices considered economically criminal was, ironically, the liberalization of the government in the period following Władysław Gomułka’s rise to power. The procedure of issuing new licenses to private and co-operative manufacturing businesses fostered illegal practices, because the new businesses needed supplies of deficit resources. Private trade businesses struggled with similar problems. The authorities tried to prevent financial crime by concentrating on publishing new laws which allowed heavy punishment for those behind the biggest economic scandals. In this field, the penal policy was shaped by the top authorities of the communist party, and their decisions were binding for the institutions of the justice system. Such decisions of the top authorities of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) were behind the death sentence for Stanisław Wawrzecki, who was charged with fraudulence in meat trade in Warsaw. Poles’ attitude towards financial crime was not clear-cut. One the one hand, in their letters to authorities, many Poles expressed their support for severe punishment for those responsible for the biggest fraud, while others objected towards capital punishment for Wawrzecki. The information we have on the dynamics of confirmed financial crimes does not provide a clear answer whether it was actually related to the severity of the punishments.
Źródło:
Studia Historiae Oeconomicae; 2016, 34; 63-84
0081-6485
Pojawia się w:
Studia Historiae Oeconomicae
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna w sprawach o wykroczenia w początkach lat dziewięćdziesiątych
Penal Policy in Cases of Transgressions in the Early Nineties
Autorzy:
Szumski, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699084.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
wykroczenia
1990-1994
dane statystyczne
penal policy
transgressions
statistical data
Opis:
  The paper describes and appraises the policy of prosecution and punishment in cases of transgressions in the years 1990‒1994, i.e. after the systemic transformations in Poland. It is a continuation of a study of penal policy carried out while the former Code of Transgressions was still in force; the aim now is to draw a comparison between the old and new tendencies in the practice of prosecution and punishment. The comparison, however, encounters specific difficulties. The first reason for this is that a full judicial control over decisions of transgression boards was introduced and the boards were submitted to the Ministry of Justice supervision. The second reason is that the statistical data gathered now by that department are much scantier as compared to those formerly gathered by the Ministry of Internal Affairs while the transgression boards were still subordinated to it. In the seventies, a systematic aggravation of the penal policy took place. Admittedly, that policy was then temporarily mitigated with the birth of Solidarity; yet after the imposition of martial law in 1982, followed by the passing of the 1985 act, penal policy once again grew repressive, this time much more so. Then, at the close of the past decade, as a result of social pressure, penal policy was quite distinctly liberalized. To show the transformations of that policy in the nineties, it has usually been compared to the tendencies found in both a “repressive” year of 1987 and a “liberal” one of 1988. As follows from analysis of the prosecution policy measured by the number of motions for punishment submitted to transgression boards, the number of such motions was greatly reduced in the years 1990-1994 as compared to preceding decades. The fact considered that recorded crime went up distinctly in that period, as probably did also the number of petty infringements of the law – that is, transgressions – this reduction can be interpreted as a limitation of the scope of prosecution with respect to such acts. On the one hand, this resulted from a lowered activity of the police, on the other hand – from the force’s aim towards improving their image in society. A similar trend could be found in the case of police orders the number of which was also reduced. Characteristically, the average fine imposed by police order amounted to not even a half of the statutory upper limit. This notwithstanding, a draft amendment of the code of transgressions was published in the Spring of 1994 which suggested that the limit be raised tenfold; the draft also provided for an identical raise in the upper limit of fine as a main penalty, This solution was sharply criticized by the present author as its actual implanentation would result in a general aggravation of economic repression. The structure of transgressions for which the boards imposed punishment in the nineties underwent a rather significant change: the number of persons brought before the boards for traffic transgressions went up considerably (to about 70%) while that of persons guilty of disturbance of public order went down. This latter trend should be seen as advantageous since the formerly mass-scale prosecution of perpetrators of such acts, most of them alcohol dependent, was generally considered futile. Also liberalized was the structure of penal measures imposed on all perpetrators of transgressions. Admittedly, fine remained the prevalent response (about 95% of decisions); yet the proportion of the strictest measures (arrest and limitation of liberty) went down distinctly, and that of the most lenient ones (reprimand and renouncement of inflicting punishment) went up. The fact considered that the penalty of arrest was limited to the minimum and imposed chiefly on persons guilty of the acts that are to be classified as offenses under the draft of the Penal Code, the proposed preservation of that penalty in the future Code of Transgressions cannot be praised. This same conclusion is also true for conditional suspention the execution of arrest which is nearly a dead institution in practice. As clearly follows from statistical data used in the present analysis, changes in the structure of penal measures imposed reflected a mitigation of penal policy. Instead, no data are gathered as to the severity load of those measures. This situation is bound to provoke criticism, chiefly because of the lack of data on the amounts of fines. Fines being the most frequently imposed measures, their amounts constitute the basic index of punitiveness of the boards’ decisions. The fact considered that the statutory amount of fine was last raised in 1992 while nominal wages showed a regular upwards trend, the conclusion is justified that we in fact dealt with what was perhaps an unintended mitigation of the actual severity of economic repression. As follows from the principles of rational penal policy, the provions legal in force have to be to be amended. Due, however, to pauperization of society, the raise in the maximum statutory fine cannot be as drastic as suggested in the above-mentioned draft amendment of 1994. This might well lead to revival of the once pursued practice of using fines as an instrument of adding to the budget. The statistical data under analysis also provide no information on the imposition of additional penal measures, the sole exception being prohibition of operating motor driven vehicles. All that can be observed is a very serious growth in the proportion of this latter penalty which was due to a mass prosecution of perpetrators of petty traffic offenses. Characteristically, though, the incidence of imposition of this measure on such persons (those additionally guilty of drunken driving included) has been on a regular decrease. Also astonishing is the fact that despite the introduction of judicial review of the boards’ decisions (which had been postulated for many decades by the scientific circles), no statistical data are gathered showing the extent to which penal policy pursued by those boards is actually corrected by courts. Admittedly, it follows from the findings of the solo relevant research project conducted in the nineties that today as in the past, courts usually tend to reduce the penalties imposed by transgression boards (the penalty of prohibition of operating motor driven vehicles in particular). What remains unknown, though, is both the general number of persons who demand that their cases be examined by courts and the actual decisions of those courts. Although penal policy in cases of transgressions grew slightly more severe in 1990‒1994, its present liberalization as compared to the two preceding decades is generally seen as favorable. What probably accounts for this liberalization is the exclusion of transgression boards from under the supervision of Ministry of Internal Affairs and the resulting deprivation of the head of that particular Ministry of the right to issue instructions as to the sentencing policy which invariably increased its punitiveness. Thus an instrument of pressure was abolished which limited the discretion of members of transgression boards. This shows that respect for the independence of those appointed to apply tbe law may result in a reduction of repressiveness even with no legislative changes in the system of penal measures. This is not to say, though, that – still  based on rigorous provisions as it is – the system does not require a possibly prompt amendment.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1995, XXI; 135-152
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Contemporary thieves in Poland - their crime and punishment
Autorzy:
Klimczak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788441.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-24
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kradzież
złodziej
kradzież w sklepach
polityka karna
penal policy
theft
larceny
thief
Opis:
Theft is one of the oldest and clearly condemned crime in history. It takes a significant part in the crime structure in Poland. Nevertheless, it seems to be a forgotten and uninteresting subject among modern criminological research. In public opinion, theft invariably causes indignation, and the way of punishing thieves is a field of interest for both public opinion and politicians. In  Poland,  theft  is  an  offence  that  can  either  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  or  a  crime - it depends on the value of the property stolen. Therefore, legal penalties for crime related to theft may vary considerably. It is precisely this line between misdemeanor and crime that is cur- rently being discussed in Poland. To talk about changes concerning the punishment of thieves, one should first check what is the current state of the criminal policy in this regard. Therefore, I want to present the results of the research, which I carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2017. I examined randomly selected court files of two above mention categories of theft, which ended validly and in which the enforcement proceedings ended in 2016. The research was conducted on 420 cases (including 233 misdemeanor and 187 crime cases). On the basis of the collected material emerges the image of the criminal policy against thieves who stood before the court, which gives the opportunity to consider whether and what changes in the law can be predicted against the perpetrators of the simple theft.
Kradzież jest jednym z najstarszych przestępstw znanych w historii. Przy ogólnej tendencji spadku ilości popełnianych przestępstw, kradzieże wciąż stanowią znaczący udział w strukturze polskiej przestępczości. W Polsce kradzież jest czynem, który może być ścigany jako wykroczenie lub jako przestępstwo – zależy to od wartości skradzionej własności. W związku z tym, kary za kradzież mogą się znacznie różnić. Sposób i wysokość tzw. „przepołowienia” kradzieży, czyli granicy od której będzie traktowana jako przestępstwo (i co za tym idzie surowiej karana), jest obecnie przedmiotem dyskusji w Polsce. Aby sprawdzić jak w rzeczywistości wygląda struktura orzekanych kar i za jakie wartości skradzionego mienia sprawcy byli pociągani do odpowiedzialności, przestawiam wyniki badania, które przeprowadziłam w Instytucie Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości w 2017 roku. Przedmiotem analizy były losowo wybrane akta sądowe 420 spraw (w tym 233 spraw wykroczeń i 187 spraw przestępstw), które zakończyły się prawomocnie i w których postępowanie wykonawcze zakończyło się w 2016 r. Na podstawie zebranego materiału wyłania się obraz polityki karnej przeciwko sprawcom kradzieży, którzy stanęli przed polskimi sądami. Artykuł jest rozszerzoną i zmodyfkowaną wersją referatu wygłoszonego na XVIII Konferencji Europejskiego Towarzystwa Kryminologicznego w Sarajewie, która odbyła się w dniach 29 sierpnia 2018 r. - 1 września 2018 r.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2018, 25; 184-190
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka karna w Anglii i Walii (1970–2005)
Penal Policy in England and Wales (1970–2005)
Autorzy:
Adamski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698724.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
polityka karna
Anglia
Walia
wymiar sprawiedliwości
penal policy
England
Wales
administration of justice
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 447-458
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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