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Tytuł:
Vom rechten Handeln in rechtloser Zeit – Ernst Wiecherts Novelle „Der Richter”
Acting rightly in times of lawlessness – Ernst Wiechert’s novella “The judge”
Autorzy:
Büttner, Matthias
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/967459.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Ernst Wiechert
novella
National Socialism
ideological delu
law and justice
moral integrity
guilt
dramatic structure
characterisation
humanism based on Christian ideals
Opis:
The novella "The Judge" by Ernst Wiechert gives testimony to the poet’s critical analysis and examination of the immediate National Socialist past and, at the same time, tries to provide some forward-looking re-orientation in terms of a comprehensive humanism based on Christian ideals. Wiechert’s narrative follows a dramatic structure in accordance with the tragedies of Classical Greek Antiquity. Faced with an existential crisis, the title character has to prove his moral integrity and steadfastness. Deluded by the pervasive Nazi ideology, the judge’s son goes astray by killing a former friend but finally, thanks to his father’s cautious, gentle guidance, finds his way back. At the end of the novella the son even atones for his wrongs while his father, an unfaltering representative and unswerving advocate of law and justice, resigns from his office in the face of the lawlessness he has experienced under the Nazi terror regime. Apart from analysing the plot of Wiechert’s novella, this study also examines the clearly outlined characters as well as the complex theme of guilt, repentance and forgiveness. Finally, the article focuses on the author’s intention of taking part in the social and political discourse of post-war Germany by conveying his message of humanity and moral integrity.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Germanica; 2015, 11; 157-168
2449-6820
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Germanica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od „oszołomów” do „zakonu PC”. Wizerunek medialny Porozumienia Centrum. Próba naszkicowania problemu
From „Fanatics” to „PC Order”. The Media Image of the Center Agreement Party. The Attempt to Draw the Problem
Autorzy:
Chmielecki, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421195.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
Porozumienie Centrum (PC)
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS)
Jarosław Kaczyński
Lech Kaczyński
?Gazeta Wyborcza?
?Polityka?
mediokracja
Center Agreement (party)
Law and Justice (party)
mediocracy
Opis:
The article presents the media image of Center Agreement (CA) party, and its causes and consequences through an analysis ofarticles published in the daily newspaper "Gazeta Wyborcza” and the weekly news magazine “Polityka.” These titles compose a representative case study of the problem due to their position in the Polish media market, and relations with political camps constituting the “core” of Polish transition. The pejorative image of the CA – including the image of founder and longtime president of the party Jarosław Kaczyński – should be considered to be one of the most enduring myths in the Polish media and public life after 1989. The CA’s “black legend” was one of the determinants of the end of party’s activity; it was also moved by the media for the next political initiative made by Jarosław and Lech Kaczynski – the Law and Justice Party. The ideological, political and personal reasons for this attitude are presented with a clear distinction between the cases of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Polityka.” This approach to the problem not only contributes to the study of the independence (or rather the shortage of it) in the Polish media market of leftist and liberal political camps, but also leads to a conclusion of purely political nature. The emotional attitude to the CA – not as a part of reality, but as a political enemy par excellence – presented by the authors of “Gazeta Wyborcza” argues that the division within the former democratic opposition in communist Poland – through the creation of the CA in 1990 – is the most important political conflict in the political history of Poland after 1989. At the same time maintaining a significant political position around J. Kaczynski can be seen as an indication fo the limited effectiveness of media strategies directed towards political actors. The “Demos” is still stronger than the media, and democracy acts as a defence against “mediocracy.”
Artykuł przedstawia wizerunek medialny Porozumienia Centrum oraz jego przyczyny i konsekwencje poprzez analizę poświęconych tej partii artykułów opublikowanych w „Gazecie Wyborczej” i tygodniku „Polityka”. Oba tytuły medialne uznano za reprezentatywne dla badanego problemu studium przypadku z uwagi na ich pozycję na rynku medialnym oraz związki ze środowiskami politycznymi stanowiącymi „rdzeń” polskiej transformacji ustrojowej. Pejoratywny wizerunek PC – w tym twórcy i wieloletniego prezesa tej partii Jarosława Kaczyńskiego – należy uznać za jeden z najtrwalszych mitów w polskim życiu medialnym i publicznym po 1989 roku. „Czarna legenda” PC była jednym z determinantów zakończenia działalności tego ugrupowania, została również przeniesiona przez media na kolejną inicjatywę polityczną Jarosława i Lecha Kaczyńskich – partię Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Przyczyny tego zjawiska – o charakterze ideowym (ideologicznym), politycznym i personalnym – zostały przedstawione z wyraźnym rozróżnieniem na przypadek „Gazety Wyborczej” i tygodnika „Polityka”. Takie ujęcie problemu stanowi nie tylko przyczynek do badań nad niezależnością (lub raczej zależnością) polskiego rynku medialnego od politycznych obozów lewicowego i liberalnego, ale również prowadzi do wniosku natury stricte politycznej. Emocjonalne traktowanie przez autorów „Gazety Wyborczej” Porozumienia Centrum nie jako elementu opisywanej rzeczywistości, lecz jako wroga politycznego par excellence dowodzi, że to podział w obrębie tak zwanej opozycji demokratycznej w PRL – poprzez powstanie PC w 1990 roku – stanowi najważniejszy konflikt polityczny w dziejach III RP. Jednocześnie utrzymanie znaczącej pozycji politycznej przez środowisko J. Kaczyńskiego należy traktować jako brak pełnej skuteczności strategii medialnych kierowanych wobec aktorów politycznych. „Demos” wciąż pozostaje silniejszy niż media, a demokracja odpiera ataki „mediokracji”.  
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2015, 6, 15; 81-95
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dyletantyzm a wiedza prawnicza
Dilettantism and legal knowledge
Autorzy:
Cybichowski, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27318137.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Fundacja im. Aliny i Leszka Allerhandów
Tematy:
dydaktyka prawa
edukacja prawnicza
istota prawa
sprawiedliwość a prawo
Zygmunt Cybichowski
didactics of law
legal education
essence of law
justice and law
Opis:
Pierwsze czasopismo prawnicze wydawane przez studentów prawa, czyli „Prawnik” – organ Towarzystwa Biblioteka Słuchaczów Prawa Uniwersytetu Lwowskiego, które ukazywało się w latach 1911-1914, jest skarbnicą wiedzy o studentach, seminariach, ale też podręcznikach i profesorach. Redaktorzy – wśród których byli późniejsi wybitni uczeni, jak Ludwik Ehrlich – zapraszali do wypowiedzi swoich profesorów z wydziałów prawa we Lwowie i w Krakowie. Jednym z takowych był profesor prawa narodów (czyli prawa publicznego międzynarodowego) Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), który zdobył szlify akademickie w Niemczech i Szwajcarii, gdzie uniwersytecie we Fryburgu Bryzgowijskim w 1911 r. uzyskał habilitację. Rok później został profesorem we Lwowie. W kolejnych latach był jednym z najaktywniejszych i najwybitniejszych znawców i praktyków prawa międzynarodowego. Pod koniec lat trzydziestych XX w. uaktywnił się jako zwolennik faszyzmu na wzór włoski, antykomunista i antysemita. Okoliczności zradykalizowania się uczonego oraz jego oskarżenia o łapówkarstwo i usunięcia z Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego czekają na gruntowne krytyczne źródłowe opracowanie. Pomimo powyższego nie można nie zauważyć, że Cybichowski był jednym z oryginalniejszych uczonych zajmujących się prawem międzynarodowym, który gościł z wykładami na licznych uniwersytetach europejskich, brał udział w wielu kongresach, i którego ślad pozostał nie tylko w jego cennych dziełach, także systematycznych, ale i działalności Haskiej Akademii Prawa Międzynarodowego. Poniższy, króciutki ale jakże treściwy tekst jest świadectwem jego umysłu jako prawnika, uczonego i dydaktyka.
Prawnik, the organ of the Society Library of Law Students at Lwów University, was published in 1911-1914 as the first legal journal published by law students. It constitutes a treasure trove of knowledge about the students, the seminars, as well as their textbooks and professors. The editors—some of whom later became eminent scholars, such as Ludwik Ehrlich—would invite their professors from the law faculties of Lwów (now Lviv) and Kraków to contribute for the periodical. One of those was Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), a professor of the law of nations (i.e. public international law) who had earned his academic qualifications in Germany and Switzerland, where he obtained a post-doctoral degree at the University of Freiburg im Breisgau in 1911. Becoming a pro- fessor in Lwów a year later, he would go on to be one of the most prolific and acclaimed experts and practitioners of international law. The late 1930s saw him become an active supporter of fascism on the Italian model, an anti-communist and anti-Semite. The circumstances of the scholar’s radicalization, the allegations of bribery and his removal from the University of Warsaw await a thorough, critical, source-based study. One cannot fail to note that Cybichowski was one of the more original international legal scholars, delivering lectures at numerous European universities and participating in many congresses; beside a body of valuable works, including systematic ones, he also left his mark on the activities of the Hague Academy of International Law. This text, concise but by no means lacking substance, is a testimony to his intellectual aptitude as a lawyer, scholar and teacher.
Źródło:
Głos Prawa. Przegląd Prawniczy Allerhanda; 2022, 5, 2 (10); 408-411
2657-7984
2657-800X
Pojawia się w:
Głos Prawa. Przegląd Prawniczy Allerhanda
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy zmieni się przestrzeń dla mediacji w sprawach nieletnich?
Will the space for mediation in juvenile offenders cases change?
Autorzy:
Czarnecka-Dzialuk, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27316298.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
nieletni
mediacja
sprawiedliwość naprawcza
ustawa o wspieraniu i resocjalizacji nieletnich
juvenile
mediation
restorative justice
law on rehabilitation and support for juveniles
Opis:
Mediacja między pokrzywdzonym a nieletnim sprawcą jest w Polsce pomimo jej pozytywnych rezultatów bardzo rzadko stosowana. Należy zatem przeanalizować jej perspektywy i bariery. Przestrzeń dla mediacji można określić, uwzględniając jej prawne unormowanie, politykę reagowania na przestępczość nieletnich, akceptowanie mediacji przez stosujących prawo oraz przez społeczeństwo, zaangażowanie społeczników. W artykule przeanalizowano nowe regulacje dotyczące mediacji w ustawie o wspieraniu i resocjalizacji nieletnich, które – wbrew deklaracjom zawartym w jej uzasadnieniu – wydają się nie sprzyjać częstszemu stosowaniu mediacji
Victim-offender mediation in juvenile cases is rarely applied in Poland, in spite of the positive results it brings. Therefore, the prospects of it and barriers to it need to be analysed. Space for mediation can be determined by taking into account its legal framework, the existing policy towards juvenile offending, the acceptance of mediation by magistrates and by society as a whole, and the involvement of NGOs in the process. The article in particular analyses new regulations of mediation in the law on rehabilitation and support for juveniles, that – in contrary to what is contained in the substantiation of the law – seem not to encourage wider use of mediation.
Źródło:
Forum Polityki Kryminalnej; 2022, 2(4); 1-16
2720-1589
Pojawia się w:
Forum Polityki Kryminalnej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Changes while Implementing Law-reforms and Albania as a new EU candidate country
Autorzy:
Danaj, Lorenc
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1035865.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
Bailiff-private
state-services and bailiff law
Justice legislation
changes in administrative service
Opis:
Obviously the study of this paper consists on identifying and why not in addressing the important factors underlying the bailiff office in Albania and changes in the form of organization, under the administrative and implementing reforms in law. The paper also introduces some changes in national law, private or state organizational form. The Bailiff Section in Albania serves two key roles as part of the Judiciary. Both roles help to ensure that justice is fairly administered and carry to its proper conclusion. The Bailiffs and their assistants serve summonses and other important legal documents on parties as required by a Court or Tribunal, or as requested by a person who is a party to litigation, as an instance, a court or tribunal sentence which parties are required to attend. Surely it cannot proceed unless there is proof that the parties concerned have had the summonses attending properly served on them in a specified way by law. The judicial power is one of the most important issues on the legal state. As stated in the Albanian constitution, one basic principle is: equality and control between governments. Our paper research will analyze the justice reforms in Albania; will analyze bailiff organizational management (private or state form).
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2012, 06; 142-153
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Influence of Europeanization Policies on Immigrants’ Participation in Scandinavian Higher Education
Autorzy:
Dinah, Kagan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/943119.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-03-22
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Higher Education
Education and Inequality
Economics of Minorities
Equity
Justice and Inequality
Migration
Europeanization
Immigration Law
Opis:
The aim of the paper is to provide further insights into the mechanisms contributing to the integration of immigrants in higher education. Recent immigration waves into Europe place pressure on European communities; However, mass immigration is only expected to increase. The immigrants’ influence on their host countries depends on their economic performance and how well they adapt. In this regard education serves as a key component towards successful integration. As European higher education transforms the influence of these reforms on the participation rates of immigrants is of relevance. A comparison between the participation rates of immigrants following the Europeanization of the Scandinavian higher education system provides interesting insights to these issues.
Źródło:
Economics and Business Review; 2019, 5 (19), 1; 32-52
2392-1641
Pojawia się w:
Economics and Business Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transparency of the Polish Government Structure in the Network Perspective
Autorzy:
Domagała, Katarzyna
Zieliński, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1832089.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-04-30
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
wybory parlamentarne
kryzys konstytucyjny
Trybunał Konstytucyjny
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
parliamentary election
constitutional crisis
Constitutional Court
Law and Justice
Opis:
Transparentność struktury polskiego rządu w perspektywie sieci Celem artykułu jest analiza kryzysu konstytucyjnego, który miał miejsce w Polsce po wyborach parlamentarnych w 2015 r., w perspektywie sieciowej. Przeprowadzone badania koncentrują się na ukazaniu braku przejrzystości działań rządu Prawa i Sprawiedliwości podczas wskazanego kryzysu. Dzięki użyciu analizy sieci (SNA) jako głównej metody badawczej, w artykule analizie poddane zostały nieformalne relacje pomiędzy głównymi aktorami politycznymi, które w znaczący sposób wpłynęły na działania rządu w tym okresie. W tym celu podjęta została próba rekonstrukcji najważniejszych wydarzeń na polskiej scenie politycznej, odnoszących się do tematu badań, w badanym okresie czasu.
The aim of the paper is to analyze the constitutional crisis, which occurred in Poland at the end of 2015, shortly after the parliamentary election. Our research is focused on showing the low transparency of the Polish government during this political turmoil. We argue that there are many indirect connections and feedbacks between the main political actors which have an effect in the non-transparent structure of a government, which changes during political turmoil and more stable period of time. In this context the network analysis was used as a main research method to emphasize some of the personal connections between the main politicians.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2017, 45, 3; 139-154
0137-4176
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Different models of justice as a basic category of social life
Autorzy:
Drabarek, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/951421.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
harmony
distributive and compensatory justice
liberal and egalitarian justice
intuitive law
harmonia
sprawiedliwość dystrybutywna i kompensacyjna
sprawiedliwość liberalna i egalitarna
prawo intuicyjne
Opis:
The article discusses different models of justice. The author presents the way the understanding of justice developed, from its being treated as the principle of harmony ruling the universe, through justice reduced to distribution of goods and meting out of punishments, to liberal justice which underscores mostly the freedom of the subject (J. Rawls), and egalitarian justice in which the equality of the subject is of foremost importance (K. Nielsen). Justice has also been analysed as one of the aspects of intuitive law (L. Petrażycki). The discussion concludes in defining justice as the reason for action in social life.
Źródło:
Studia Philosophiae Christianae; 2014, 50, 3; 21-40
0585-5470
Pojawia się w:
Studia Philosophiae Christianae
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Recenzja książki Piotra Sawickiego i Jitki Smičekovej pt. Srovnávací frazeologie a paremiografie. Vybrané studie ze slovanských a románských jazyků / Frazeologia i paremiografia porównawcza. Wybrane studia z zakresu języków słowiańskich i romańskich. Ostrava, 2010: Ostravská univerzita v Ostravě. ISBN 978-80-7368-851-6, 198 stron
A Review of a Book by Piotr Sawicki and Jitka Smičekova entitled Srovnávací frazeologie a paremiografie. Vybrané studie ze slovanských a románských jazyků / Frazeologia i paremiografia porównawcza. Wybrane studia z zakresu języków słowiańskich i romańskich. Ostrava, 2010: Ostravská univerzita v Ostravě. ISBN 978-80-7368-851-6, 198 pages
Autorzy:
Drozdowicz, Maksymilian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/504702.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Komisja Nauk Filologicznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Oddział we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
proverbs
Jaromír Nohavica
František Čelakovský
Czech proverbs
Polish proverbs
Spanish proverbs
French proverbs
The Law and Justice Party
Opis:
Comparative Phraseology and Paremiology. Selected Studies on Slavic and Romance Languages, by Piotr Sawicki and Jitka Smičeková, is a collection of texts which have previously appeared in the columns of philological periodicals and post-symposium publications in Poland, Spain and the Czech Republic and have since been modified. They constitute the fruits of unceasing international research which was originally launched in 1996. The book is divided into two sections, grouping material relating to Czech and Polish cultural stereotypes and proverbs and the language of Polish politics together in the first part, with the transcreation of proverbs constituting the second part. This innovative work contains a compilation of proverbs and sayings in Polish, Czech and, occasionally, Slovakian; and in Spanish, with some in French. It is enriched by a discussion of the problems relating to the translation and interpretation of certain linguistic phenomena which bear culturally distinctive features. The discussion takes as its examples the writings of František Čelakovský and Jaromír Nohavica, as well as popular Spanish and French sayings. Addressed to expert paremiologists, linguists and students engaged in Slavic, Romance and Iberian studies alike, as well as to anyone interested in matters linguistic, the book now and again departs from the solemn, scholarly form to pursue a discourse more popularised in nature.
Źródło:
Academic Journal of Modern Philology; 2014, 3; 163-168
2299-7164
2353-3218
Pojawia się w:
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Anna Fotyga – minister Lecha Kaczyńskiego
Autorzy:
Fijołek, Marcin Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647502.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Anna Fotyga, Lech Kaczyński, foreign policy, Law and Justice party
Anna Fatyga, Lech Kaczyński, polityka zagraniczna, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Opis:
Abstract: T aking up the position of the Foreign Minister by Anna Fotyga meant a significant change in the directions, objectives and the nature of Polish activity in the international arena. Fotyga, as one of the President Lech Kaczyński’s most trusted and loyal people, was for him a guarantee of the implementation of foreign policy, in line with the concepts of Law and Justice party. Fotyga’s activity, during holding the ministerial office, focused on the challenges related mainly to the increase in the activity of Poland in the European Union, the elaboration of the new model of the eastern policy, improving energy security and strengthening the subjectivity of the Republic in the international arena. The new foreign policy led by Fotyga and President Kaczyński caused strong opposition from, at that time influential, diplomats, thereby aggravating the fundamental conflict about the shape of the Polish diplomacy.
Objęcie stanowiska ministra spraw zagranicznych przez Annę Fotygę oznaczało ważną zmianę w kierunkach, celach oraz charakterze polskiej aktywności na arenie międzynarodowej. Minister A. Fotyga, jako jedna z najbardziej zaufanych oraz lojalnych osób prezydenta Lecha Kaczyńskiego, stanowiła dla niego gwarancję realizacji polityki zagranicznej, zgodnej z koncepcjami Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Aktywność A. Fotygi w czasie sprawowania przez nią funkcji szefowej dyplomacji koncentrowała się wokół wyzwań związanych głównie ze zwiększeniem aktywności Polski w Unii Europejskiej, wypracowaniem nowego modelu polityki wschodniej, poprawie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego oraz wzmocnienia podmiotowości Rzeczypospolitej na arenie międzynarodowej. Nowa polityka zagraniczna prowadzona przez A. Fotygę oraz prezydenta L. Kaczyńskiego spowodowała silny opór ze strony ówczesnych wpływowych środowisk dyplomatycznych, pogłębiając tym samym fundamentalny konflikt o kształt polskiej dyplomacji.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2017, 24, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
NEGATYWNA TELEWIZYJNA REKLAMA POLITYCZNA W WYBORACH DO PARLAMENTU EUROPEJSKIEGO W POLSCE W 2009 ROKU
NEGATIVE TELEVISION POLITICAL ADVERTISING IN THE 2009 ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN POLAND
Autorzy:
Friedrich, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513727.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
political marketing
negative campaign
political advertising
election 2009
European Parliament
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
Democratic Left Alliance
Opis:
Negative television political advertising has become an instrument commonly found in election campaigns in most democratic countries around the world. This article is intended to show the functioning of this element of political marketing, focusing in par-ticular on its presence on Polish soil. This article indicates the genesis of negative televi-sion political advertising, its nature, significance, and provides an analysis that included sample ads by the campaign staffs of Law and Justice, Civic Platform and Democratic Left Alliance, which were broadcast during the election campaign before the election to the European Parliament in 2009.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 13, 1; 92-103 (12)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Results of 2019 Parliamentary Elections in the Perspective of 2018 Local Government Elections
Autorzy:
Gajewski, Szymon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1977303.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
2018 local government elections
2019 parliamentary elections
Law and Justice
Citizens’ Coalition
Civic Platform
Opis:
The analysis of the results of the elections to regional parliaments of 2018 allows to take a closer look at the current political preferences of the electorate one year before the parliamentary elections. The distribution of support for political parties in individual provinces shows that Law and Justice (PiS) enjoys constant, high and stable support, which will most likely allow this party to extend mandate to rule the country for the next 4 years. The largest opposition party, the Civic Platform (PO), sees the chances of victory in uniting further opposition groups around itself. The common start with Nowoczesna under the name of the Citizens’ Coalition (KO) did not meet the expectations. However, the distribution of support in the local government elections showed that the actions consolidating the opposition are currently the only chance to fight a leveled electoral fight with Law and Justice (PiS).
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2019, 4 (48); 632-641
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odpowiedzialność odszkodowawcza NRF w XXI wieku – Próba opisu
The compensation responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 21st century - An attempt to describe
Autorzy:
Gruszczyński, Krzysztof Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/485749.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
War reparation,
Germany,
WWII,
Poland damages,
Law and Justice Party
Opis:
Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) is considering whether to seek further reparations from German Federal Republic for the massive losses inflicted during WWII. PiS head Kaczynski described the move as a “historical counteroffensive.” World War II (WW II), which began with the German invasion of Poland in 1939, killed nearly 6 million Polish citizens and inflicted huge material losses, including the destruction of cultural treasures, industry and entire cities. Those crimes carry not only a moral price, but a material one as well: In 2004, Warsaw’s then-mayor, Lech Kaczynski, calculated that the Deutsche Bundesrepublik was liable for reparation payments of some $45 billion dollars (38 billion dollars) for the destruction of Warsaw alone. If one were to extrapolate the amount to include the whole of Poland, one would certainly arrive at a figure 10 to 20 times higher. That would be a sum that could only be paid out over decades and across generations. When one considers that German Federal Republic’s (GFR) final reparation payments to France and Belgium for the First World War were not made until 2010, one gets an idea of the dimensions of such a demand. Shortly after the PiS regained power in 2916 its leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, announced that Poland and the GFR had outstanding accounts to settle from the WW II. He went on to say that the issue of war reparations between the neighboring countries had never been resolved. Frank-Walter Steinmeier, GFR’s foreign minister at the time, answered Kaczynski’s claims with a letter stating that Poland had no legal basis for demanding such damages. He reminded Kaczynski of Poland’s relinquishment of reparations in 1953. Poland’s government did indeed waive its right to war reparations from its western neighbor at the time – yet that neighbor was the German Democratic Republic (GDR). A few other interesting points. The GFR has paid billions of dollars over the years in compensation for III Reich crimes, primarily to polish survivors, and acknowledges the country’s responsibility for keeping alive the memory of III Reich atrocities. After WW II, both GFR and GDR were obliged to pay war reparations to the Allied governments, according to the Potsdam Conference. Other Axis nations were obliged to pay war reparations according to the Paris Peace Treaties, 1947 an early plan for a post-war GFR was the Morgenthau plan with terms that would have essentially transformed the GFR to an agrarian society... This position was completely changed by the London Agreement on German External Debts, so called the London Debt Agreement. As a consequence of aggression by the III Reich much of Poland was subjected to enormous destruction of its industry (62% of which was destroyed), its infrastructure (84%) and loss of civilian life (16.7% of its citizens during the war- 10% of them Jews). It is estimated that damages incurred by Poland during WWII total $640 billion in 2004 exchange values. As of 2012, the GFR had paid a total of $89 billion in compensation to victims of the war, in Poland and beyond, and GFR officials continue to meet regularly to revise and expand the guidelines for compensation. All in all, after WW II 17 % of Polish citizens perished, 62 % of industry & 84 % of infrastructure was destroyed. The capital Warsaw was raised to the ground as a result of Warsaw Uprising of 1944. Poland could not benefit from US Marshall Plan as other countries (incl. the GFR) as the Soviets decided for Poland to renounce it. The GFR paying WWI reparations to France in 2010 (92 years after WWI). Polish estimates of the damage the country suffered are in the hundreds of billions of dollars, with a government figure from 1945-47 putting material losses at $850 billion, not including human losses. In 2004, Kaczynski’s late twin brother Lech, as mayor of Warsaw, put the damages to the capital city alone at $45.3 billion. Poland is the biggest net beneficiary of the bloc’s 140 billion-euro ($164 billion) annual budget, having been granted more than 250 billion dollars since entry. The monstrosity of III Reich crimes, not only against Polish Jews but also others, including the 150,000 civilians butchered during the Warsaw Uprising in 1944, will forever remain a disgrace and an unforgettable injustice. It is all the more so given that hardly any of those Germans responsible for the deeds were ever brought to account. In 2004 a special commission estimated that damages incurred by the Polish capital alone during WW II amounted to more than $45 billion (38 billion dollars). The commission was convened by Lech Kaczynski, then Warsaw’s mayor. The topic has routinely strained German-Polish relations since the national-conservative party PiS returned to power in 2016. On 23 August 1953, the Communist People’s Republic of Poland under pressure from the Soviet Union announced it would unilaterally waive its right to war reparations from the German Democratic Republic on 1 January 1954, with the exception of reparations for III Reich oppression and atrocities. The GDR in turn had to accept the Oder-Neisse border, which gave around 1/4 of GDR’s historic territory to Poland and the USSR. Poland’s former communist government, agreed in 1953 to not to make any further claims on GDR. Poland’s former Communist government waived its right to German post-war compensation back in 1953, as part of its commitment to “contribute to solving the GDR question in the spirit of democracy and peace.” However, many argue that the agreement was unlawful since the government at the time was under pressure from the Soviet Union, and following the reunification of the GFR in the 1990s the matter has faced new scrutiny. As to the GFR the federal government has claimed that its duty to compensate Poland was denounced in the 1950s but insists that it continues to stand by its moral and financial duties to the victims of the war. The GFR hadn’t paid reparations to non-Jewish recipients for the damage inflicted in Poland. The agreement signed by Mr. Gierek and Mr. Schmidt in 1975 in Warsaw, stipulated that 1.3 billion DM will be paid to Poles who, during Nazi occupation, had paid into GFR’s social security system without receiving pension. After German reunification, Poland demanded reparations again, as a reaction to claims made by German refugee organizations demanding compensation for property and land repossessed by the new Polish state that they were forcibly deported from as a stipulation of the Potsdam Agreement and the mentioned Oder-Neisse border. In 1992, the Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation was founded by the Polish and GFR governments, and as a result GFR paid Polish sufferers ca. 4.7 billion PLN. There is still an ongoing debate among international law experts if Poland still has the right to demand war reparations, with some arguing that the 1954 declaration wasn’t legal. According to a statement made by the German government in 2017, the reparations issue was resolved in 1953 as Poland declined receiving any payments from the GFR. However, it’s worth remembering that in 2004, the Polish government reaffirmed that decision when, in return, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder promised that the GFR’s government would not support demands for damages lodged by expellees against the Polish government. The decision came about dueto the fact that the GFR had relinquished former eastern territories to Poland as compensation for III Reich war crimes. Poland’s ruling officials are stepping up calls to demand compensation from the GFR for damages caused in WW II, potentially deepening a divide between the European Union’s largest eastern member and the bloc’s biggest economy. Between the collapse of communism in 1989 and 2004 when Poland joined the EU, subsequent governments declared the issue of war reparations from the GFR closed, based on a declaration of the 1953 communist administration in Warsaw and treaties from 1970 and 1990 with the GFR. Presently the Polish parliament’s research office is preparing an analysis of whether Poland can legally make the claim and will have it ready by Aug. 11, 2017 according to Deputy Arkadiusz Mularczyk, a lawmaker with the ruling Law and Justice party who requested the report. One of the reasons that the government is reopening the question may be to demonstrate it isn’t intimidated by the EU’s criticism for democratic backsliding. The bloc has opened an unprecedented probe into Poland over the rule-of-law that’s centered on a government push to strip the judiciary of its independence by giving politicians greater control over the courts. In response to the Poland’s new demand Ulrike Demmer, deputy spokeswoman for the GFR government, said that, while the GFR assumed political, moral and financial responsibility for the WW, the question of restitution was closed. The deputy spokeswoman added, that the GFR has made significant reparations for general war damage, including to Poland, and is still paying significant compensation for III Reich wrongdoing. Further it is stated that the federal government has paid billions over the years in compensation, namely to Polish survivors, for war crimes committed during WW II. The country has also acknowledged its responsibility for keeping alive the memory of atrocities committed by the III Reich. As far as German lawyers and scholars are concerned, the issue was resolved years ago and are not afraid of any possible lawsuit in the International Court of Justice. In 2004, Jochen Frowein, an expert on international law and the former director of the Max Planck Institute in Heidelberg, along with a Polish historian, came to the conclusion that no such demand by Poland had any chance of being upheld in a court of law – and that remains the case today. In his opinion the question has been “legally resolved and definitively settled.” He also points to the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to the GFR, known also as the Two plus Four Agreement. The agreement, signed in 1990, paved the way for German reunification and also made clear that the GFR would not be responsible to pay any further reparations stemming from WW II. Frowein refutes Polish Defense Minister Senor Antoni Macierewicz’s claim that Poland’s 1953 waiver is invalid because communist Poland was not a sovereign state. “Poland’s 1953 renunciation of reparations claims against the GFR remains valid even today. The fact that the constitutional situation in Poland has changed and that it is no longer a communist state does nothing to change the validity of that declaration. Many other treaties that Poland signed at the time have also remained in effect.
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2017, 4(27); 81-115
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Development of the Polish Party System: a Perspective of the Parliamentary Elections Results
Autorzy:
Jaskiernia, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594729.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polska
elections
political parties
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
Opis:
The author analyses the dynamics of the Polish party system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in the Third Republic of Poland (since 1989). He exposes especially the last element of that evolution – the 2015 parliamentary election. It resulted in the victory of Law and Justice (PiS) party. For the first time in the history of democratic Poland, the victor was able to create a government without having to negotiate with coalition partners. The success of PiS seems to be a result of the combination of several factors. It would be mistaken to portray an emerging situation as a simple rightist win. PiS to some extent represents a social attitude, typical for the socialist (social-democratic) parties, with some part of the program including a populist message, but with the combination of a conservative approach to several issues and nationalistic stand on a perception of patriotic mood. The important meaning has a support of PiS by the Catholic Church, especially at the grass-roots level. The victory of PiS and forming of the majority government have an important meaning for the functioning of the political parties’ system in Poland. For the first time since 1989, there were not balancing of power situation which the coalition governments have brought about. The political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must offer a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, especially dealing with challenging the PiS policy to compromise a democratic system based on the 1997 Constitution, e.g. division of power, position of the Constitutional Tribunal and functioning of the judiciary.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2017, 2 (46); 227-246
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Few Remarks About Challenges in Application of Restorative Justice: A Case Study of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Autorzy:
Kazic, Ena
Ćorović, Rialda
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2106699.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-05-30
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Criminal Law
Restorative Justice
Bosnia and Herzegovina
justice system
juveniles
Opis:
Restorative justice is without any doubt one of the most important steps in the development of criminal law, which at the same time increased the level of humanity in the approach towards perpetrators and victims and managed to achieve the principle goals of criminal law. A few decades have passed since its idea and approach was borrowed from the traditional communities that among themselves applied it for centuries and it was transformed into the new approach of justice offering many benefits to the community where it is established. Formally, it has been more than 20 years since Bosnia and Herzegovina embraced restorative justice within its criminal law. This paper aims to discuss how much de facto it has been applied in this country and to present results of interviews with representatives from legal theory and practice where they refer to restorative justice and its major challenges for application and propose mechanisms for overcoming existing difficulties. In this article, the authors use normative, descriptive scientific methods and statistics and interviews as tools for the collection of data.
Źródło:
Review of European and Comparative Law; 2022, 49, 2; 153-172
2545-384X
Pojawia się w:
Review of European and Comparative Law
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 68

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