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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 68
Tytuł:
Koncepcje reformy Policji w programach wyborczych Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w latach 2005–2015
Autorzy:
Maj, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1968929.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Police
Police reforms
Law and Justice
Opis:
Internal security is one of the key aspects of state functioning. In the current legal system Police is one of the most important institutions responsible for producing security within the state. The definition of security constantly evolves, as well as social structures and threats. Therefore, the rulers should react accordingly to these changes and introduce necessary changes and reforms of institutions that produce security within the society. The article presents an analysis of the ideas of modification aimed at improving Police’s effectiveness proposed in various political programmes of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. To systematize them, they are described in respective areas of organizational, staffand legal changes.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2019, 24; 52-63
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elites vs the people: populism in the political thought of Law and Justice
Autorzy:
Lewandowski, Arkadiusz
Polakowski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647751.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism
elites
the people
Law and Justice
Opis:
The purpose of this paper was to specify what is the share of narrowly understood micro-ideology in the political thought of Law and Justice. Embarking on the analysis of the above-stated problem, we first and foremost fixed particular methodological assumption. As a point of departure for our analysis we adopted the conception of the ideological morphology by Michael Freeden. In line with it, we assumed that ideologies are not fully distinct entities but they interact with one another. They are also partly overlapping and thus they share some contiguous points. In accordance with the concept of populism, as worked out within our framework, we focused our attention on the problematics of elites and the people. As conceived of by Law and Justice, elites did not discharge their duties, alienating themselves from the society and caring mainly about their own socio-economic interest. Furthermore, the critique of elites was mainly related to their non-democratic genesis and artificially created putative “super-expertise”.Eventually, we proved that populism may be regarded as one of the phenomena characterizing the political thought of Law and Justice.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2018, 25, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Purpose of the Tax System that Gives Meaning and Legitimacy to Taxes
Autorzy:
Muñoz López, José Luis
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/36099046.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Constitution
taxes
distribution of wealth
law and justice
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to analyze the ultimate purpose of the tax system that gives meaning and legitimacy to taxation. The citizen thus becomes an integral part of the State, has the ability to elect its representatives through suffrage. The law is a guarantee of equality and justice that provides legal security, facilitating peace and coexistence. This guarantee is manifested through the constitutional system (Alvarado Plana, 2016: 193–195), where the Constitution (Escudero, 2012: 857–858) becomes the legislative framework and the supreme norm of the entire legal system that orders the coexistence of citizens and ensures the proper functioning of the State. The tax system is defined as a revenue collection tool to cover the needs of the State, but there is certainly more than that: to achieve the goal of equality, justice, freedom, peace and well-being of the society, but also to guarantee the sustainability of the system, achieve progress and social peace.  It is also essential to attract investment, create wealth and achieve proper development within the European Union (Sampedro, 2010: 300–309). Methodology. The analysis includes the basic values and principles assumed by Spanish culture, the evolution towards a modern society in which the citizen has rights and duties enshrined in the Constitution that justifies and legitimizes tax system and therefore taxes and a critical vision and an approach to our tax model through its ultimate purpose to contribute to defray public spending. All of these based on the principles and values established in the Spanish Constitution, which enshrines the rights of the citizen and, through them, supports the conception of the State itself. It also provides a modern approach to the future of our society and guarantees the legitimacy of our tax system. The result of the research. The analysis shows that the ultimate goal of the tax system is to contribute to public spending by the State. Therefore, in the contribution and control of spending, we find the guarantee that the State has healthy public accounts (deficit reduction, less public debt, and strict control of spending), so that the State has greater sovereignty and economic decision-making capacity. It allows the country to meet the objectives of the Constitution for any advanced society, such as peace, equality, justice, freedom and well-being of its citizens.
Źródło:
Finanse i Prawo Finansowe; 2022, Numer Specjalny: Challenges for National Tax Policies and International Tax Coordination – Selected Issues from the Polish, Spanish and International Perspectives; 15-33
2391-6478
2353-5601
Pojawia się w:
Finanse i Prawo Finansowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Development of the Polish Party System: a Perspective of the Parliamentary Elections Results
Autorzy:
Jaskiernia, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594729.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polska
elections
political parties
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
Opis:
The author analyses the dynamics of the Polish party system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in the Third Republic of Poland (since 1989). He exposes especially the last element of that evolution – the 2015 parliamentary election. It resulted in the victory of Law and Justice (PiS) party. For the first time in the history of democratic Poland, the victor was able to create a government without having to negotiate with coalition partners. The success of PiS seems to be a result of the combination of several factors. It would be mistaken to portray an emerging situation as a simple rightist win. PiS to some extent represents a social attitude, typical for the socialist (social-democratic) parties, with some part of the program including a populist message, but with the combination of a conservative approach to several issues and nationalistic stand on a perception of patriotic mood. The important meaning has a support of PiS by the Catholic Church, especially at the grass-roots level. The victory of PiS and forming of the majority government have an important meaning for the functioning of the political parties’ system in Poland. For the first time since 1989, there were not balancing of power situation which the coalition governments have brought about. The political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must offer a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, especially dealing with challenging the PiS policy to compromise a democratic system based on the 1997 Constitution, e.g. division of power, position of the Constitutional Tribunal and functioning of the judiciary.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2017, 2 (46); 227-246
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
STABILIZACJA ZA WSZELKĄ CENĘ? NEGOCJACJE KOALICYJNE PO WYBORACH PARLAMENTARNYCH W 2005 ROKU
STABILIZATION AT ANY PRICE? COALITION NEGOTIATIONS AFTER THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN 2005
Autorzy:
Zawiślak, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512770.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Law and Justice
Civic Platform
election
parliament
negotiations
collaboration
Opis:
The article presents the political situation in Poland after the 2005 Polish parliamen-tary elections and describes key points of the political program of Law and Justice, which was titled “Czwarta Rzeczpospolita”. The elections in 2005 were won by Law and Justice, a conservative party, who were led by Jarosław Kaczyński. Civic Platform occupied second place. Both parties wanted to cooperate in creating a majority coalition in the lower House of Parliament but the victory of Law and Justice and the troubled negotiations along with the triumph of Lech Kaczyński in the presidential election brought an end to the collaboration between these parties. The victorious party had to look for a partners to govern among the remaining parties. Eventually, the chiefs of Law and Justice decided to sign a stabilization pact with League of Polish Families and Self Defense Party. The agreement, signed in February 2006, did not bring about an end to the crisis of politics in Poland, therefore political leaders decided to announce an early election in 2007.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 13, 2; 44-57 (12)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populistyczne cechy w konstrukcji kategorii ludu w narracjach Prawa i Sprawiedliwości
Populist features in narratives of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość on the idea of the people
Autorzy:
Polakowski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/24459857.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12
Wydawca:
Instytut Dyskursu i Dialogu
Tematy:
lud
populizm
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
people
populism
Law and Justice
Opis:
Artykuł przedstawia narracje polityczno-społeczne Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w kontekście występowania w nich populistycznie rozumianej kategorii ludu. W tekście główne elementy populistycznej koncepcji ludu najpierw zostają zrekonstruowane i poddane analizie krytycznej, a następnie rozpoznane w obszarze retoryki i koncepcji partyjnych przedstawicieli Prawa i Sprawiedliwości.
The paper presents the political and social narratives of Law and Justice party in the context of the populistically understood concept of people. The paper firstly provides a critical analysis and reconstruction of main elements of the populist concept of the people, that are subsequently recognized in the rhetoric of the Law and Justice representatives and political agenda of this party.
Źródło:
Dyskurs & Dialog; 2023, 12(2); 38-58
2658-2368
2658-2406
Pojawia się w:
Dyskurs & Dialog
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
UWARUNKOWANIA RYWALIZACJI POLITYCZNEJ PLATFORMY OBYWATELSKIEJ RP I PRAWA I SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI
DETERMINANTS OF THE RIVALRY BETWEEN CIVIC PLATFORM AND LAW AND JUSTICE
Autorzy:
Maj, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513547.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Civic Platform
Law and Justice
political competition
Polish political parties
Opis:
The author presented the determinants of rivalry between PO and PiS. The analysis covered the genesis of both parties, existing and new socio-political divisions created by the parties; party memberships; differences in strategy and paradigms, and the differ-ences of party programmes.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 12, 3; 32-44 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odpowiedzialność odszkodowawcza NRF w XXI wieku – Próba opisu
The compensation responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 21st century - An attempt to describe
Autorzy:
Gruszczyński, Krzysztof Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/485749.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
War reparation,
Germany,
WWII,
Poland damages,
Law and Justice Party
Opis:
Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) is considering whether to seek further reparations from German Federal Republic for the massive losses inflicted during WWII. PiS head Kaczynski described the move as a “historical counteroffensive.” World War II (WW II), which began with the German invasion of Poland in 1939, killed nearly 6 million Polish citizens and inflicted huge material losses, including the destruction of cultural treasures, industry and entire cities. Those crimes carry not only a moral price, but a material one as well: In 2004, Warsaw’s then-mayor, Lech Kaczynski, calculated that the Deutsche Bundesrepublik was liable for reparation payments of some $45 billion dollars (38 billion dollars) for the destruction of Warsaw alone. If one were to extrapolate the amount to include the whole of Poland, one would certainly arrive at a figure 10 to 20 times higher. That would be a sum that could only be paid out over decades and across generations. When one considers that German Federal Republic’s (GFR) final reparation payments to France and Belgium for the First World War were not made until 2010, one gets an idea of the dimensions of such a demand. Shortly after the PiS regained power in 2916 its leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, announced that Poland and the GFR had outstanding accounts to settle from the WW II. He went on to say that the issue of war reparations between the neighboring countries had never been resolved. Frank-Walter Steinmeier, GFR’s foreign minister at the time, answered Kaczynski’s claims with a letter stating that Poland had no legal basis for demanding such damages. He reminded Kaczynski of Poland’s relinquishment of reparations in 1953. Poland’s government did indeed waive its right to war reparations from its western neighbor at the time – yet that neighbor was the German Democratic Republic (GDR). A few other interesting points. The GFR has paid billions of dollars over the years in compensation for III Reich crimes, primarily to polish survivors, and acknowledges the country’s responsibility for keeping alive the memory of III Reich atrocities. After WW II, both GFR and GDR were obliged to pay war reparations to the Allied governments, according to the Potsdam Conference. Other Axis nations were obliged to pay war reparations according to the Paris Peace Treaties, 1947 an early plan for a post-war GFR was the Morgenthau plan with terms that would have essentially transformed the GFR to an agrarian society... This position was completely changed by the London Agreement on German External Debts, so called the London Debt Agreement. As a consequence of aggression by the III Reich much of Poland was subjected to enormous destruction of its industry (62% of which was destroyed), its infrastructure (84%) and loss of civilian life (16.7% of its citizens during the war- 10% of them Jews). It is estimated that damages incurred by Poland during WWII total $640 billion in 2004 exchange values. As of 2012, the GFR had paid a total of $89 billion in compensation to victims of the war, in Poland and beyond, and GFR officials continue to meet regularly to revise and expand the guidelines for compensation. All in all, after WW II 17 % of Polish citizens perished, 62 % of industry & 84 % of infrastructure was destroyed. The capital Warsaw was raised to the ground as a result of Warsaw Uprising of 1944. Poland could not benefit from US Marshall Plan as other countries (incl. the GFR) as the Soviets decided for Poland to renounce it. The GFR paying WWI reparations to France in 2010 (92 years after WWI). Polish estimates of the damage the country suffered are in the hundreds of billions of dollars, with a government figure from 1945-47 putting material losses at $850 billion, not including human losses. In 2004, Kaczynski’s late twin brother Lech, as mayor of Warsaw, put the damages to the capital city alone at $45.3 billion. Poland is the biggest net beneficiary of the bloc’s 140 billion-euro ($164 billion) annual budget, having been granted more than 250 billion dollars since entry. The monstrosity of III Reich crimes, not only against Polish Jews but also others, including the 150,000 civilians butchered during the Warsaw Uprising in 1944, will forever remain a disgrace and an unforgettable injustice. It is all the more so given that hardly any of those Germans responsible for the deeds were ever brought to account. In 2004 a special commission estimated that damages incurred by the Polish capital alone during WW II amounted to more than $45 billion (38 billion dollars). The commission was convened by Lech Kaczynski, then Warsaw’s mayor. The topic has routinely strained German-Polish relations since the national-conservative party PiS returned to power in 2016. On 23 August 1953, the Communist People’s Republic of Poland under pressure from the Soviet Union announced it would unilaterally waive its right to war reparations from the German Democratic Republic on 1 January 1954, with the exception of reparations for III Reich oppression and atrocities. The GDR in turn had to accept the Oder-Neisse border, which gave around 1/4 of GDR’s historic territory to Poland and the USSR. Poland’s former communist government, agreed in 1953 to not to make any further claims on GDR. Poland’s former Communist government waived its right to German post-war compensation back in 1953, as part of its commitment to “contribute to solving the GDR question in the spirit of democracy and peace.” However, many argue that the agreement was unlawful since the government at the time was under pressure from the Soviet Union, and following the reunification of the GFR in the 1990s the matter has faced new scrutiny. As to the GFR the federal government has claimed that its duty to compensate Poland was denounced in the 1950s but insists that it continues to stand by its moral and financial duties to the victims of the war. The GFR hadn’t paid reparations to non-Jewish recipients for the damage inflicted in Poland. The agreement signed by Mr. Gierek and Mr. Schmidt in 1975 in Warsaw, stipulated that 1.3 billion DM will be paid to Poles who, during Nazi occupation, had paid into GFR’s social security system without receiving pension. After German reunification, Poland demanded reparations again, as a reaction to claims made by German refugee organizations demanding compensation for property and land repossessed by the new Polish state that they were forcibly deported from as a stipulation of the Potsdam Agreement and the mentioned Oder-Neisse border. In 1992, the Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation was founded by the Polish and GFR governments, and as a result GFR paid Polish sufferers ca. 4.7 billion PLN. There is still an ongoing debate among international law experts if Poland still has the right to demand war reparations, with some arguing that the 1954 declaration wasn’t legal. According to a statement made by the German government in 2017, the reparations issue was resolved in 1953 as Poland declined receiving any payments from the GFR. However, it’s worth remembering that in 2004, the Polish government reaffirmed that decision when, in return, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder promised that the GFR’s government would not support demands for damages lodged by expellees against the Polish government. The decision came about dueto the fact that the GFR had relinquished former eastern territories to Poland as compensation for III Reich war crimes. Poland’s ruling officials are stepping up calls to demand compensation from the GFR for damages caused in WW II, potentially deepening a divide between the European Union’s largest eastern member and the bloc’s biggest economy. Between the collapse of communism in 1989 and 2004 when Poland joined the EU, subsequent governments declared the issue of war reparations from the GFR closed, based on a declaration of the 1953 communist administration in Warsaw and treaties from 1970 and 1990 with the GFR. Presently the Polish parliament’s research office is preparing an analysis of whether Poland can legally make the claim and will have it ready by Aug. 11, 2017 according to Deputy Arkadiusz Mularczyk, a lawmaker with the ruling Law and Justice party who requested the report. One of the reasons that the government is reopening the question may be to demonstrate it isn’t intimidated by the EU’s criticism for democratic backsliding. The bloc has opened an unprecedented probe into Poland over the rule-of-law that’s centered on a government push to strip the judiciary of its independence by giving politicians greater control over the courts. In response to the Poland’s new demand Ulrike Demmer, deputy spokeswoman for the GFR government, said that, while the GFR assumed political, moral and financial responsibility for the WW, the question of restitution was closed. The deputy spokeswoman added, that the GFR has made significant reparations for general war damage, including to Poland, and is still paying significant compensation for III Reich wrongdoing. Further it is stated that the federal government has paid billions over the years in compensation, namely to Polish survivors, for war crimes committed during WW II. The country has also acknowledged its responsibility for keeping alive the memory of atrocities committed by the III Reich. As far as German lawyers and scholars are concerned, the issue was resolved years ago and are not afraid of any possible lawsuit in the International Court of Justice. In 2004, Jochen Frowein, an expert on international law and the former director of the Max Planck Institute in Heidelberg, along with a Polish historian, came to the conclusion that no such demand by Poland had any chance of being upheld in a court of law – and that remains the case today. In his opinion the question has been “legally resolved and definitively settled.” He also points to the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to the GFR, known also as the Two plus Four Agreement. The agreement, signed in 1990, paved the way for German reunification and also made clear that the GFR would not be responsible to pay any further reparations stemming from WW II. Frowein refutes Polish Defense Minister Senor Antoni Macierewicz’s claim that Poland’s 1953 waiver is invalid because communist Poland was not a sovereign state. “Poland’s 1953 renunciation of reparations claims against the GFR remains valid even today. The fact that the constitutional situation in Poland has changed and that it is no longer a communist state does nothing to change the validity of that declaration. Many other treaties that Poland signed at the time have also remained in effect.
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2017, 4(27); 81-115
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Conflict for Values in the Origins and at the Beginning of the Thirteen Years’ War,
Konflikt o wartości w genezie i początku wojny trzynastoletniej
Autorzy:
Kwiatkowski, Stefan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1194027.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
the Teutonic Order
Prussian Confederation
law and justice in cultural sense
Opis:
W przededniu wojny trzynastoletniej stanęły naprzeciwko siebie dwie koncepcje ładu krajowego: zakonna i stanowa. Ścierały się one ze sobą od dłuższego czasu, aż w końcu stały się nie do pogodzenia. Zakon, jeśli chodzi o zasadę, stał na gruncie priorytetu prawa Bożego, z zasady niezmiennego, wiecznego. Jego poddani, skonfederowani w Związku Pruskim, powoływali się na to, co przysługuje poddanemu z racji otrzymanych przywilejów, prawa pozytywnego, pojmowanego jako gwarancja zachowania sprawiedliwości między ludźmi. Podstawą sporu o wartości stało się pojęcie ius i pochodne od niego: iustitia i iustum, zaprowadzające ład w stosunkach między ludźmi, regulujące to, co przysługiwało człowiekowi w relacjach z innymi ludźmi. Zakon, jako duchowny pan kraju, stał na stanowisku, że iustitia opiera się na autorytecie prawa kanonicznego i cesarskiego, następnie władzy krajowej wyposażonej w przyrodzone prerogatywy (znany jest cytat opinii brata zakonnego wobec poddanych: „my jesteśmy waszym prawem”). Krzyżacy i ich poplecznicy twierdzili, że związkowcy występują przeciw słusznym prawom Zakonu i Kościoła, że chociaż na mocy iustitia poddani są zobowiązani do posłuszeństwa i lojalności, to jako ludzie o określonym, wysokim statusie postępują buntowniczo, czyli niegodnie. Związkowcy powoływali się na przywileje należące do prawa krajowego. Na nich opierali poczucie swej godności (ehrbar Leute) i subiektywne rozumienie sprawiedliwości. Postawy tej nie można zrozumieć bez uwzględnienia jej kulturowego kontekstu. Według związkowców na mocy ogólnego wyobrażenia o prawie i sprawiedliwości przywódcy zakonni i prałaci mieli być związani powinnością zachowania sprawiedliwości człowieka względem drugiego człowieka, oddania tego, co mu się należy. Dlatego w argumentacji związkowej pojęcie sprawiedliwości odnosi się do praw ludzi, którzy są poddanymi władzy zakonnej, ale wyposażonymi w prawne gwarancje. Ius i iustitia miały być fundamentem z jednej strony ładu krajowego (zapewnienie dobra powszechnego, w szczególności pokoju i sprawiedliwych sądów), z drugiej zaś – gwarancją czci i honoru poddanych. To założenie w znacznej mierze określało faktyczne stosunki poddanych z władztwem zakonnym już w okresie wcześniejszym. Jednakże w połowie XV w. przedstawiciele Zakonu i Związku Pruskiego zradykalizowali swe pozycje. Krzyżacy dążyli do umocnienia swoich władczych prerogatyw w kraju. W argumentacji związkowców, zasługującej zresztą na uwzględnienie przez historyka jej antropologicznych aspektów, Zakon pogwałcił prawa mieszkańców Prus, a przez swoje zarzuty wobec nich zniesławił ich i zakwestionował publicznie, na szerokim forum ich poczucie godności, honoru i prawowierności.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2016, 81, 4; 5-30
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Children as an Object of the Right-Wing Populist Politics and Discourse in Poland
Autorzy:
Rakusa-Suszczewski, Mikołaj
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1633766.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Populism
Children
Biopolitics
Central Europe
Eastern Europe
Law and Justice
Polska
Opis:
In Central and Eastern Europe populist regimes are attracting attention as are sult of the traumatic legacy of communism, the subsequent overburdening reforms and exhausting systemic transformation, resurgence of ever-lurking nationalism, regional conservatism, parochialism and cultural chauvinism, and/or as an example of the structural shortcomings of young democracies at the borders of civilization. The subject literature also indicates numerous and universal elements of populist governments, present as well in this part of Europe. Without prejudging the aptness and strength of these various concepts and arguments, this article is an attempt to include in these wideranging themes a particular issue that absorbs conservative populists, namely “childhood” and “children”. While the problem of children in politics has already received numerous interpretations, the importance of childhood in the right-wing populist discourse and politics has so far remained an issue discussed only occasionally. We put forward the thesis that children play an important and specific role in the right-wing populist superstructure - they constitute an illusory picture of the nation, an allegory of its renewal, as well as a convenient, though inconsistently used, instrument for achieving political, ideological and propaganda goals. Attitudes towards children can be an important characteristic of populism as such, and should be taken into account in research on the subject. We will illustrate these problems using the example of Poland and the populist Law and Justice (PiS) Party that is in power there now.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2021, 25, 2; 67-91
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
LIDERZY I PARTIE IV RZECZPOSPOLITEJ NA ŁAMACH WYBRANYCH DZIENNIKÓW OPINII W 2005 ROKU. ANALIZA BADAŃ
LEADERS AND POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE IV REPUBLIC OF POLAND IN CHOSEN DAILY OPINION NEWSPAPERS IN 2005. ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH
Autorzy:
Kuca, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513349.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
The IV Republic, Law and Justice party, daily quality newspapers in Poland
Opis:
The main purpose of the article is to present the unique authors researches related to press studies, which concern political leaders and the political groups involved in the socalled project of construction of the IV Republic. Researches covered the period after the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005. The press analysis include the “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Republic”, two all-Polish quality newspapers with the highest sales in this section of the press in 2005. The main purpose of this research is an analysis of the attitudes of chosen titles to politicians and political groups which co-create the authority camp of IV Republic of Poland, from the beginning and during the initial activity in 2005. For examinations the method of content analysis was applied.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 1; 73-85 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Results of 2019 Parliamentary Elections in the Perspective of 2018 Local Government Elections
Autorzy:
Gajewski, Szymon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1977303.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
2018 local government elections
2019 parliamentary elections
Law and Justice
Citizens’ Coalition
Civic Platform
Opis:
The analysis of the results of the elections to regional parliaments of 2018 allows to take a closer look at the current political preferences of the electorate one year before the parliamentary elections. The distribution of support for political parties in individual provinces shows that Law and Justice (PiS) enjoys constant, high and stable support, which will most likely allow this party to extend mandate to rule the country for the next 4 years. The largest opposition party, the Civic Platform (PO), sees the chances of victory in uniting further opposition groups around itself. The common start with Nowoczesna under the name of the Citizens’ Coalition (KO) did not meet the expectations. However, the distribution of support in the local government elections showed that the actions consolidating the opposition are currently the only chance to fight a leveled electoral fight with Law and Justice (PiS).
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2019, 4 (48); 632-641
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
POLSKIE PROJEKTY NA RZECZ WZMOCNIENIA BEZPIECZEŃSTWA ENERGETYCZNEGO W EUROPIE W MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ PRAWA I SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI ORAZ PLATFORMY OBYWATELSKIEJ
POLISH PROJECTS TO ENHANCE ENERGY SECURITY IN EUROPE IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE LAW AND JUSTIC AND THE CIVIC PLATFORM PARTIES
Autorzy:
Paszkowski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513294.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
political thought,
energy security,
European Energy Security Treaty,
Energy Union,
Law and Justice,
Civic Platform
Opis:
The article presents the concepts proposed in 2006 and in 2014 by the Polish political parties to enhance energy security in Europe (the idea of the European Energy Security Treaty and Energy Union) and determines the role of these proposals for the energy security of the member states of the European Union. Formulated by Polish political parties (Law and Justice, Civic Platform), the concepts for energy cooperation between the EU resulted from the comparable importance of energy in modern international relations. Politicians from both political parties were aware of the dependence of many countries of the European Union on energy supplies from the Russian Federation and the nature of the foreign policy pursued by Russia. Consequently, they indicated the need for close political cooperation, both with the importers and exporters of energy resources. In terms of political science analysis of this issue it is important from both the theoretical and practical point of view, as it relates to the determination of the essence of understanding by policy makers of changes taking place in Europe, as well as the distinction between the measures and actions taken to ensure energy security in the EU. The concepts proposed by the two political party’s resulted from the need to pursue an active foreign and energy policy. Nevertheless, clear assessment of the concept of Law and Justice and Civic Platform is difficult to determine.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2017, 15, 2; 65-81 (17)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kilka uwag o polityce historycznej w Polsce
Some Comments on Historical Policy in Poland
Autorzy:
Zieliński, Konrad
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343665.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
politics
memory
historical policy
Law and Justice Party
polityka
pamięć
polityka historyczna
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Opis:
Na temat polityki historycznej Prawa i Sprawiedliwości i Obozu Zjednoczonej Prawicy napisano już sporo. Niektórzy wieszczą jej bankructwo i kompromitację, inni obawiają się skutków jej wdrażania zwłaszcza dla młodszych pokoleń Polaków, i widzą w niej zagrożenie dla polskiej humanistyki i nauk społecznych i ich pozycji międzynarodowej. Ze strony części historyków i politologów, polityków i mediów postrzeganych jako sprzyjające obozowi władzy i prawicowe, płyną głosy poparcia. Ta pierwsza grupa apeluje o pełną niezależność i traktowanie nauki jako sfery wolnej od nacisków i wpływów politycznych, druga politykę historyczną uznaje za jedną z wielu polityk prowadzonych przez państwo, przyrównując ją do polityki gospodarczej, społecznej czy zagranicznej. Niezależnie od ocen, sprawujące władzę w latach 2005–2007 Prawo i Sprawiedliwość urzeczywistniło pojęcie „polityki historycznej” rozumianej jako działanie publiczne zgodne z określonymi celami i instrumentami. Począwszy od 2015 r. związki między polityką i historią są bardzo wyraźne, a politycy coraz skuteczniej narzucają ton narracji i wskazują kierunki badań. Artykuł jest próbą komentarza na temat polityki historycznej/polityki pamięci po 2015 r., autor analizuje w nim wypowiedzi prasowe i komentarze pojawiające się na portalach internetowych i sygnalizuje najważniejsze obszary sporów w tej materii, wskazując na zagrożenia, jakie – w jego ocenie – niesie z sobą polityka państwa w tym zakresie.
Quite a lot has already been written about the historical policy of the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) and the United Right Camp (Obóz Zjednoczonej Prawicy). Some predict its bankruptcy and discredit, others fear the far-reaching consequences of its implementation both for younger generations of Poles and the international standing of the Polish humanities and social sciences. There are voices of support from some historians and political scientists, politicians and the media perceived as sympathetic to the ruling camp and the right-wing. The former calls for full independence and treatment of science as a sphere free of political pressure and influence, while the latter sees historical policy as one of many policies pursued by the state, likening it to economic, social or foreign policy. Regardless of the assessments, the Law and Justice Party in power between 2005 and 2007 gave reality to the concept of 'historical policy' understood as public action in line with specific objectives and instruments. As of 2015, the links between politics and history are very clear, with politicians increasingly effective in imposing the tone of the narrative and pointing the direction of research. This article is an attempt to comment on the historical policy/memory policy after 2015, analyses press statements and comments appearing on Internet and signals the most important areas of disagreement in this matter, also pointing out the risks that, in the author's opinion, state policy in this area entails.  
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2022, 8, 1; 163-187
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Regresywna koncepcja Unii Europejskiej na przykładzie dyskursu prowadzonego przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Regressive concept of the European Union. The case of political discourse conducted by Law and Justice party
Autorzy:
Ruszkowski, Janusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31233287.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Regressivism
Regresive concept
European Union
Law and Justice
Regresywizm
regresywna koncepcja
Unia Europejska
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Opis:
Celem podjętej analizy jest z jednej strony rekonstrukcja rozproszonych cech, założeń i myśli dotyczących zarówno obecnego stanu Unii Europejskiej, jak i jej przyszłego kształtu oraz miejsca Polski w tej organizacji, charakteryzujących dyskurs prowadzony przez PIS, a z drugiej strony próba wsparcia tych cech i założeń konkretnymi określeniami, desygnatami i znacznikami, które nie tylko są składową tego dyskursu, ale także tworzą pewien mniej lub bardziej logiczny zbiór twierdzeń definiujących i określających Unię Europejską oraz proces integracji europejskiej, które były używane przez prominentnych przedstawicieli tej partii politycznej. Wiodącym teoretycznym systemem wyjaśniania jest poststrukturalizm, który w tak postawionym problemie badawczym daje możliwość zastosowania metody analizy dyskursu (discourse analysis) będącej zoperacjonalizowanym systemem oznaczania praktyki politycznej i realnego otoczenia politycznego, gdyż artykulacja konstytuuje przedmiot badań, a nie tylko go oznacza i wyjaśnia.
The aim of the analysis is, on the one hand, to reconstruct the difussed features, assumptions and thoughts concerning both the present state of the European Union and its future shape and place of Poland in this organization, characterizing the discourse conducted by PIS, and on the other hand, an attempt to support these features and assumptions with specific terms, designates and markers that are not only a component of this discourse, but also create a certain more or less logical set of statements defining the European Union and the process of European integration, which were used by prominent representatives of this political party. The leading theoretical paradigm of explanation is poststructuralism, which in such a research problem gives the possibility of using the method of discourse analysis, which is an operationalized system of marking political practice and the real political environment, because articulation constitutes the subject of research, and not only signifies and explains it.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2022, 16; 21-45
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 68

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