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Tytuł:
Gruit grus: The Indo-European names of the crane
Autorzy:
Gąsiorowski, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/700132.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
etymology
Indo-European
crane
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to show that the variety and irregularity of the Indo-European ‘crane’ words is apparent rather than actual, and that their derivational history is in fact quite simple. In brief, they can be reduced to only a couple of related PIE lexemes, rather than a whole constellation of “dialectal” forms.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2013, 18, 1; 51-68
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dwa indoeuropejskie rdzenie werbalne oznaczające czynność zbierania
Two Indo-European Verbal Roots Denoting ‘To Pick, Gather, Collect’
Autorzy:
Kaczyńska, Elwira
Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1892208.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
morfologia indoeuropejska
rdzenie indoeuropejskie
determinanty
Indo-European morphology
Indo-European roots
determinatives
Opis:
There are two verbal roots *sleĝ- (not *leĝ-) and *les- denoting ‘to pick, gather, collect’ in the Indo-European languages. The former root is attested in the central group of the Indo-European languages (Albanian, Greek, Indic, Italic), the latter one represents an Anatolian-Baltic-Germanic isogloss of archaic origin. The root *leĝ- (included in most dictionaries and monographs) should be correctly reconstructed as *sleĝ-. The initial cluster is confirmed by the Albanian phoneme l representing an earlier geminate (Alb. l < Proto-Albanian *ll < IE. *sl), as well as by the Old Indic deverbal form, cf. Sanskrit sraj- f. ‘garland, wreath’, originally ‘collection (of flowers)’ = Lat. lex, legis f. ‘law’, orig. ‘collection (of legal rules, principles)’ (< IE. *sleĝs f. ‘gathering, collection’). The internal evidence taken from the Greek data is noteworthy. Firstly, Aeolic ἐπίλλογος (= Attic-Ionic ἐπίλογος) contains the geminate -λλ-, which can be hardly explained, if the word in question derives from IE. *epi-loĝos. This is why we must suggest the Indo-European archetype *epi-sloĝos, as well as the verbal root *sleĝ-. Secondly, the perfect verbal form εἴλοχα seems to derive regularly from the reduplicated archetype *se-sloĝ-h2e, which points exclusively to IE. *sleĝ- and not to the suggested verb *leĝ-. Thirdly, Doric ἀμφιλλέγω ‘to dispute about, to dispute, to question’ (= Attic ἀμφιλέγω) seems to document a derivation from IE. *ambhi-sleĝō. The verbal root *les-, attested in Anatolian (cf. Hittite lešš- ‘to pick, gather’), Baltic (cf. Lithuanian lèsti ‘to pick up’) and Germanic (cf. Gothic lisan ‘to pick, gather’), should be treated as primitive and Proto-Indo-European (Indo-Hittite). The extended root *sleĝ- (orig. *ls-e-ĝ-) represents an innovation, being derived from the root *les- by means of the verbal suffix -ĝ-. The observed metathesis of initial cluster (*sl- < *ls- < *les- ‘to pick, gather, collect’) is acceptable.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2013, 61, 6; 7-27
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The “New Image” of Indo-European and the Nostratic Hypothesis: a possible reconciliation of reconstructions
Autorzy:
Shields, Kenneth
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/700004.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
Indo-European
linguistic history
protolanguage
Opis:
According to what Adrados (1992: 1) calls the “new image” of Indo-European, the proto-language originally lacked the inflectional complexities associated with traditional Brugmannian reconstruction. Such complexities were acquired only at later stages of development, including the immediately predialectal period. On the basis of this perspective, I argue in Shields (2001) that there exists an incompatibility between reconstructions proposed by Nostraticists and by those espousing the “new image” of Indo-European. However, in this brief paper, I present a possible means of reconciling the two theoretical viewpoints.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2011, 16, 1; 129-139
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The embarrassment of riches: ‘Head’ words in the Indo-European family
Autorzy:
Gąsiorowski, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1121045.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Indo-European; 'head' words;
semantics;
Opis:
The notion of HEAD is reflected in the basic lexicon of all known languages; the identification of the head as a distinct and vitally important body part, labelled with a simplex word, seems to be a cross-cultural universal. Thanks to their high frequency of use and their “basic concept” status, words meaning ‘head’ tend to be diachronically stable and therefore important for comparative reconstruction. Their expected retention rate – as estimated on the basis of data from several uncontroversial language families – is on a par with words meaning ‘heart’ or ‘foot’. On the other hand, culture-specific factors may lead to the proliferation of secondary meanings, the rise of stylistically marked near-synonyms, and consequently to locally accelerated lexical evolution. This seems to have happened repeatedly in the Indo-European family, in which not only the oldest reconstructible ‘head’ word, *ḱreh₂- but also secondary, branch-specific terms have often been subject to lexical replacement. This unusual variability of words for head in Indo-European contrasts with the remarkable conservatism of words for several other body-part concepts, such as eye, ear, tooth and heart. In this paper, we shall attempt to identify recurrent patterns of semantic change in the emergence of new synonyms and the polysemic development of inherited ‘head’ words. Insights derived from recent studies of “embodiment” will be used to explain the observed tendencies.
Źródło:
Yearbook of the Poznań Linguistic Meeting; 2017, 3, 1; 101-115
2449-7525
Pojawia się w:
Yearbook of the Poznań Linguistic Meeting
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Der uralte Hirsch- bzw. Rentierkult bei den Jenissejern im Lichte des Wortschatzes
THE ANCIENT YENISEIAN DEER AND REINDEER CULT IN THE LIGHT OF THE VOCABULARY
Autorzy:
Werner, Heinrich
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/700158.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
Yeniseian languages
Indo-European
shaman
etymology
Opis:
The old Yeniseian deer and reindeer cult is not connected in any way to reindeer herding. There are interesting and far-reaching cultural parallels in the Turkic and Indo-European worlds, linked to the words for ‘deer (doe)’ and ‘fawn’. The cervid attributes of the Yeniseian shamans permit us to separate a cervid type of shamans in general. The word for ‘shaman’ itself can be connected to the word for ‘reindeer’, and thus derived eventually from the Yeniseian languages.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2011, 16, 1; 141-150
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Allein auf weiter Flur? Die indogermanische Pronominalflexion im typologischen Vergleich
Autorzy:
Brosch, Cyril
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/634456.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
typology, Indo-European, pronominal inflection, allomorphy
Opis:
The article gives an outline of the inflectional peculiarities of Proto-Indo-European and its daughter languages, comparing it with unrelated languages, which show hardly any parallels to its pronominal inflection. The latter, constituting a functionally unmotivated divergence from the nominal paradigms, is presented as a probably recent development, which on the other side later leads to a levelling of nominal and pronominal endings in many Indo-European languages, although in some of them inflectional differences may persist until the present day. It is argued that the fusional morphosyntax of Indo- European faciliates linguistic changes of that kind.
Źródło:
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis; 2013, 130, 2
2083-4624
Pojawia się w:
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Jr.: Linguistic typology and the Indo-European causative
Autorzy:
Shields, Kenneth
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699908.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
etymology
Indo-European
causative
dative
typology
Opis:
On the basis of formal correspondences and typological data, it is argued in this brief paper that an etymological connection probably exists between the Indo-European dative suffix *-ei and the Indo-European causative element *-ei- via a morpheme which Song (1996) describes as “PURP.” Most significantly, the paper demonstrates how typological data can serve a primary role in reconstruction rather than a merely evaluative one.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2013, 18, 3; 147-152
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Proto-Indo-European root for ‘apple’ and the problem of comparative reconstruction
Autorzy:
Piwowarczyk, Dariusz R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699976.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
etymology, Proto-Indo-European, Wanderwort, loanwords
Opis:
This article investigates the problem of the lexeme for ‘apple’ in the reconstructed Indo-European for which there are two roots possible, namely *meh2-lo and *h2ebol-, both meaning ‘apple’ or a fruit similar to it. The former has been usually taken as a borrowing while the latter as a true PIE root for ‘apple’. However, there are problems with this assumption – the presence of the vowel */a/ and the consonant */b/, both of marginal status, and the attestation of this lexeme mostly in the North-West Indo-European languages. It is shown that the lexeme in question might actually be an ancient Wanderwort.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2014, 19, 3
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sur l’étymologie du latin virgō « vierge »
Autorzy:
GARNIER, Romain
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/700052.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
etymology, Latin, Hittite, Proto-Indo-European
Opis:
The following paper is intended to explain the etymology of Lat. uirgō ‘virgin’, which serves both as adjective and sub- stantive. There is a synchronic opposition in Latin between uirgō and mulier ‘woman’, the last of which clearly alludes to sexuality, in such a locution as mulierem reddere ‘to make someone a woman’. According to the Hittite formula natta=arkant- ‘not-covered, unmounted’, which is used for sheep and cows, this puzzling Latin word could be ac- counted for by a PIE privative compound *h1 í-h1 h-ō n ‘not-covered, unmounted’. This inherited vocable would eventually belong to the PIE root *h1 er h- ‘to mount, cover’ which is likely to have been used by cattle-breeders.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2014, 19, 2
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
(Proto‑)Indo‑European heritage in Slavic folk zoonymy
Dziedzictwo (pra)indoeuropejskie w ludowej zoonimii słowiańskiej
Autorzy:
Bednarczuk, Leszek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2084383.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Indo‑European
Slavic
Polish
heritage
zoonymy
Opis:
The subject of this review is the monograph of Professor Stefan Warchoł on the (pre)history of the Indo‑European peoples in the light of Slavic archaic vocabulary: appellativa and zoonymy (mainly names of cows), which occurs on the whole Slavic territory.
Źródło:
Rocznik Slawistyczny; 2021, 70; 189-192
0080-3588
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Slawistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Gk. λέπω, Lith. lùpti, Ru. lupít’ ‘to peel’
Autorzy:
VILLANUEVA SVENSSON, Miguel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/700002.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
etymology, Greek, Lithuanian, Slavic, Proto-Indo-European
Opis:
The Balto-Slavic root *leup- ‘to peel’ (Lith. lùpti, lùpa, Sl. *lupti) can be derived from the root *lep- ‘id.’ (Gk. λέπω) by assuming an original paradigm pres. *lep-e/o- : aor.-inf. *p-. The aorist-infinitive stem developed as follows: *p- > *ulp- → *lup- (after pres. *lep-) → new full grade *leup-.
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2014, 19, 3
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Slavic *tъrgъ, Old Church Slavonic trъgъ. Their origin and distribution in postclassical times
Autorzy:
Paliga, Sorin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/677760.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
Illyrian language
Thracian language
tъrgъ
Indo European language, Pre Indo European language
‘Mediterranean language’
Sumerian language
Opis:
Slavic *tъrgъ, Old Church Slavonic trъgъ. Their origin and distribution in postclassical timesSlavic *tъrgъ, Old Church Slavonic trъgъ, preserved in the modern Slavic languages  as well, has had an impressive distribution in both vocabulary and place‑names, to note just Bulg. Tărgovište (also an important archaeological site), Rom. Târgoviște, also spelled Tîrgoviște (the political centre of Wallachia for some time, approx. 80 kms north-west from Bucharest) and as far as Finnish Turku (gen. Turun). See also the discussion regarding the Polish place-name Toruń. The origin has been debated, but it cannot be analysed independently from ancient Illyrian town of Tergitio, later Tergeste, the precursors of modern Slovene Trst, Italian Trieste. The ultimate origin has been  looked for even in remote areas like Sumer, e.g. Václav Machek, who quotes Assyro-Babylonian tamgaru ‘trader’, in fact following a suggestion of the orientalist Bedřich Hrozný, the decipherer of Hittite (he published the study in August 1915). The author assumes that the origin of the word must be accepted as ‘Balkanic’ or, in a perhaps better phrasing, as a common Illyrian and Thracian ‘technical term’ referring to trade and commerce. Its spread from south to north is entirely normal, following the spread of economic relations from the Roman, then the Byzantine world northwards at a date difficult to determine, but definitely prior to the Slavic expansion, i.e. before the 6th century C.E. It is unlikely  that we have to do here an Oriental term. If indeed that were so, the term should have spread first to Classical Greek, then should have migrated northwards at an earlier date. It is rather likely that we have  here a ‘Mediterranean’, perhaps even a Pre-Indo-European term, in Machek’s terminology, ‘praevropský původ’ (of Old European origin). Słowiański *tъrgъ, staro-cerkiewno-słowiański trъgъ. Pochodzenie i dystrybucja w epoce nowożytnejSłowiański *tъrgъ, scs. trъgъ to nazwa zachowana także we współczesnych językach słowiańskich. Ma wiele derywatów zarówno wśród nazw apelatywnych, jak i nazw własnych, by wymienić choćby bułg. Tărgovište (także ważne stanowisko archeologiczne), rum. Târgoviște, zapisywane także jako Tîrgoviște (przez pewien czas polityczne centrum Muntenii, ok. 80 km na północny zachód od Bukaresztu) czy fin. Turku (gen. Turun), czy też dyskusje na temat pochodzenia polskiej nazwy Toruń.Pochodzenie targu było wielokrotnie przedmiotem dyskusji, jednak nazwy nie można analizować niezależnie od starożytnej nazwy iliryjskiego miasta Tergitio, późniejsze Tergeste, poprzednik współczesnego słoweńskiego Trst i włoskiego Trieste. Václav Machek rozpatrywał nawet tak archaiczne pochodzenie jak sumeryjskie, przywołując asyryjsko-babilońskie tamgaru ‘handlowiec’, idąc za sugestią orientalisty Bedřicha Hrozného, który odczytał pismo hetyckie (1915). Autor ten  stwierdza, że pochodzenie rozpatrywanego słowa trzeba uznać za bałkańskie lub raczej wspólne iliryjsko-trackie jako termin techniczny związany z handlem. Jego rozpowszechnienie z południa na północ jest całkowicie zrozumiałe, jeśli wziąć pod uwagę północny zasięg stosunków ekonomicznych Imperium Rzymskiego, a później Bizancjum, w czasach trudnych do sprecyzowania, jednak zdecydowanie wcześniejszych od słowiańskiej ekspansji, tj. sprzed VI w. n. e. Pochodzenie orientalne jest mało prawdopodobne. Jeżeli jednak brać je pod uwagę, to należy przyjąć, że wcześniej słowo to pojawiło się w klasycznej grece, a następnie, w dość wczesnym okresie, z niej rozpowszechniło się w kierunku północnym. Bardziej prawdopodobne wydaje się pochodzenie śródziemnomorskie, a być może nawet przedindoeuropejskie, według Macheka praevropský původ.
Źródło:
Slavia Meridionalis; 2015, 15
1233-6173
2392-2400
Pojawia się w:
Slavia Meridionalis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
La racine *u̯eh2 - en Sanskrit : vāma-, vāra-°, vayati
The root *u̯eh2- in Sanskrit: vāma-, vāra-°, vayati
Autorzy:
Jacques, Guillaume
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699980.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
etymology
Sanskrit
Indo-European
typology
left
prostitute
weave
Opis:
This article discusses the remnants of the root *u̯eh2- ‘to turn’ in Sanskrit. First, vāma- ‘left’, an etymon which we analyse from a typological point of view, bringing comparative data from various languages; the etymology of its synonym savyá- is also discussed. Second, the noun vāra-° ‘prostitute’ which, although isolated in Sanskrit, presents an exact Latin cognate. Third, the verb vayati ‘to weave’, whose paradigm and derived noun include some forms that must originate from *u̯eh2-
Źródło:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia; 2013, 18, 2; 69-82
1427-8219
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozum i serce. Pamięć w wybranych językach indoeuropejskich
Mind and heart - memory in selected Indo-European languages
Autorzy:
Wyrwas, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615309.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Opolski
Tematy:
Indo-European languages
etymology
memory
mind
emotions
remembering
Opis:
The article discusses the subject of memory-related pie. etymons in Indo-European languages. In the group of dictionary data which was collected, memory is an ability of the human mind and ability located in the heart. Remembering is one of the functions of the human mind, a cognitive ability that is communicated in the Indo-European language verbs from the mental group based on the pie. etymons: *men- ‘think; mind, spirituals activities,’*(s)mer- ‘mourn, remember with sadness,’ ‘remember, think, take care,’ and *tong- ‘think, feel’. Numerous derivatives of these etymons in particular language groups referred to different features and states of mind: thinking, reflecting, contemplating, consulting, debating, remembering, experiencing sadness, grief, pleasure, kindness, gratitude, etc. Less numerous are the forms referring to remembrance based on the pie. etymon*k̑r̥ d- ‘heart’, which, according to the beliefs of ancient Greeks, is the seat of intelligence and memory, as well as of emotions. In European conceptualisations, there are also references to human characteristics, such as moral and mental strength, courage, mercy, purity of heart, pride, faith and mercy. Indo-European lexemes related to memory in their meanings and etymology show a linguistic image of how our distant ancestors understood the human phenomenon of knowledge storage. The source from which the lexemes were obtained was the etymological dictionaries of Indo-European languages.
Źródło:
Stylistyka; 2019, 28; 65-78
1230-2287
2545-1669
Pojawia się w:
Stylistyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Indo-European middle verbs formed with -r- as a phonetic archaism
Autorzy:
Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2050916.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
archaisms
Indo-European phonology
Indo-Hittite
middle voice
r-endings
Opis:
The paper discusses the primary and secondary endings of the Indo-European middle. It is suggested that, rather than being a local (Italo-Celtic) innovation, the r-endings of the middle voice represent a Proto-Indo-European archaism. Numerous middle forms containing the element -r- are found not only in the Tocharian languages, but also in most of the Anatolian languages attested in the second millennium BC (including Hittite, Palaic, Cuneiform Luvian and Hieroglyphic Luvian). Other IndoEuropean languages (including Greek and Indo-Iranian) display a zero marker, whereas the oldest Hittite texts attest the primitive feature -t-. The Old Hittite middle marker *-ti, it is claimed, was more archaic than its late variants *-ri as well as *-i. The original primary middle endings in non-Anatolian Indo-European should be reconstructed as follows: 1 sg. pres. *-mh2eŘi, 2 sg. *-sh2eŘi, 3 sg. *-toŘi, 1 pl. pres. *-mesdhh2oŘi, 2 pl. *-sdh(u)u̯eŘi, 3 pl. *-ntoŘi for transitive verbs and 1 sg. *-h2e/oŘi, 2 sg. *-th2eŘi, 3 sg. *-oŘi, 1 pl. *-medhh2oŘi, 2 pl. *-dh(u)u̯eŘi, 3 pl. *-roŘi for intransitive verbs. The Indo-European phoneme *Ř seems to be a reflex of a Proto-Indo-European (i.e. Indo-Hittite) dental stop *Ď, probably identical with the Indo-European dental spirant *đ.
Źródło:
Linguistica Silesiana; 2018, 39; 47-61
0208-4228
Pojawia się w:
Linguistica Silesiana
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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