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    Tytuł:
    『昭和天皇実録』はどのような記録か—編修の概要とその内容について—
    Shōwa Tennō Jitsuroku (The Chronicle of Emperor Shōwa): The Editorial Experience and Contents of the Chronicle
    Autorzy:
    Kajita, Akihito
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810775.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Stowarzyszenie Badań Japonistycznych
    Tematy:
    Emperor Shōwa
    chronicle
    Imperial Household Agency
    Opis:
    On August 21st, 2014, after 24 years of editorial work, the completed Shōwa tennō jitsuroku (The Chronicle of Emperor Shōwa) was presented to the Emperor and the Empress. Shortly after, the chronicle was prepared for publication and its consecutive volumes are now successively being introduced to readers in print. The material is extensive; spread over 60 volumes of traditional Japanese books – the form it was presented in to the Emperor and the Empress – or, for printing purposes, over 18 volumes of 900 pages each. The volume is 1.5 times bigger than the Meiji tennōki (The Record of Emperor Meiji). In the annals, the events of the life of Emperor Shōwa, with accompanying information, are recorded in chronological order form the Emperor’s birth on April 29th, 1901, to his death on January 7th, 1989. It is most likely the most detailed record of the life of a monarch, and a common man at the same time, ever written. There was no modern history specialist working at the Imperial Household Agency when the decision was made to publish Shōwa tennō jitsuroku, so I was hired in that capacity. I took part in the editorial work until its completion, now I am involved with publication of the annals. It has been the greatest pleasure and honor for me to be part of this endeavor. In the article I want to share my personal experiences and present certain paragraphs from Shōwa tennō jitsuroku to show the character of the chronicle, how it was edited, what exactly is depicted in its records, and how to use it as a source. It is my wish for foreign researchers, starting with those in Poland, to use the Shōwa tennō jitsuroku in their research on Japan.
    Źródło:
    Analecta Nipponica; 2017, 7; 25-36
    2084-2147
    Pojawia się w:
    Analecta Nipponica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    デモクラシーと「国体」は両立するか—戦後日本のデモクラシーと天皇制
    Are Democracy and the National Character (Kokutai) Compatible? Postwar Japanese Democracy and the Imperial System
    Autorzy:
    Hara, Takeshi
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810777.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Stowarzyszenie Badań Japonistycznych
    Tematy:
    democracy
    national character (kokutai)
    Emperor Shōwa
    Prince Takamatsu
    Prince Chichibu
    Empress Teimei
    Opis:
    Soviet Communism or American Democracy will plunge people into darkness. Emperor Shōwa’s mother (Lady Sadako, Empress Teimei) recited the above waka poem in 1944. It was her belief that both American Democracy and Soviet Communism were in discord with the Japanese national character (kokutai). As the Allies offensive progressed, the Empress, who had been convinced that victory was immanent, gave in to doubt, and the fear of defeat began to creep into her heart. The Chronicle of Emperor Shōwa shows the Emperor as a devoted advocate of “American Democracy”. According to him, the Meiji Constitution did not require any essential changes. On the 7th of February, 1946, he asked Matsumoto Jōji, the head of the committee for the research on the Constitution, to consider a stylistic change that involved combining two Articles that contained overlapping elements. Article 1 (The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal.) and Article 4 (The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, and exercises them according to the provisions of the present Constitution.) were to be merged into one, retaining the statement that the line of Emperors is unbroken – therefore preserving the fundamental concept. Meanwhile in the Occupation’s General Headquarters a new constitution was being drafted. The Emperor complemented the efforts towards outlining the new constitution, but simultaneously, immediately following the promulgation, ordered a rite to be conducted at Ise Shrine in a plea on behalf of “the vast protection by the kami for eternal peace and the prosperity of the nation”. As far as the postwar Constitution is concerned, the kokutai – national identity, was preserved. In an interview in 1977, the Emperor stated that democracy did not come to Japan from America. It was already predicted in Emperor Meiji’s “Emperor’s oath in five articles” (Gokajō no goseimon) in which the Emperor announced the creation of the National Assembly. This statement reflects Emperor Shōwa’s attitude towards democracy. The Imperial family was even more significant in this regard. Prince Takamatsu claimed that the project of the new Constitution was hard to accept due to the stress it put on the sovereignty of the nation being too pronounced. Prince Chibu also criticized General Headquarters for, in their eagerness to protect the freedom of speech, they allowed the Communists to join the process. For Prince Chibu this rendered the new Constitution a “direct import from America”, unsuitable for Japanese circumstances. The Empress Mother became involved with promotion of the domestic silk industry. A decisive factor in her decision to enter the field was most likely in order to oppose American competition. The critical attitude towards American Democracy, characteristic of Hirohito’s possible successors, can be seen as one of the reasons why the Occupation forces abandoned the idea of urging Hirohito to abdicate.
    Źródło:
    Analecta Nipponica; 2017, 7; 37-57
    2084-2147
    Pojawia się w:
    Analecta Nipponica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    日本側による戦争責任自主裁判構想
    Japanese Initiatives Concerning Voluntary War-responsibility Trials
    Autorzy:
    Starecka, Katarzyna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810794.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Stowarzyszenie Badań Japonistycznych
    Tematy:
    war responsibility
    voluntary trials
    Emperor Shōwa
    Higashikuni Naruhiko
    Shidehara Kijūrō
    Yoshida Shigeru
    Opis:
    It is common knowledge that the International Military Tribunal for the Far East to Japan was equivalent to the Nuremberg trials to Nazi Germany. However, while Germany is seen to have actively pursued its war criminals, Japan continues to be accused of lacking similar initiative, and failing to fully analyze or take responsibility, morally or politically, for the war. In reality, during the Allies’ conference for the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration, Japanese Military officials proposed conditions allowing for Japan to carry out its own war criminal trials. Then on September 12, 1945 the Japanese government formulated a declaration of “just trials” for war criminals, independently of the Allies’ war tribunal. However it is worth pointing out that there was also unofficial pressure from General MacArthur’s headquarters to do so. In his opinion, a Japanese initiative in such matters was desirable. Based on this declaration, the Japanese military command began trials of class BC war criminals, but in February 1946 they were suspended at the behest of General Headquarters. It’s also important to mention that there was a plan to release an Imperial Rescript aimed at harsh penalties for individuals who defied the Emperor’s will and led Japan into an aggressive war (hangyakuzai). Additionally, leftist organizations were calling for civil tribunals that would try war criminals, starting with the Emperor. According to Yoshida Shigeru (the Foreign Affairs Minister and later Prime Minister), having the Occupation run the trials was in fact the most favorable outcome for Japan because of the unique connection between the nation and the Emperor, for whom judging his subjects would be especially painful (shinobigatai), it also prevented shedding the blood of kinsmen, saved the Emperor, and contributed to a system of national security. Opinions on the Tokyo Tribunal are divided; in present-day Japan discussions regarding the necessity of evaluating and re-evaluating wartime issues and judgments remain ongoing.
    Źródło:
    Analecta Nipponica; 2017, 7; 241-265
    2084-2147
    Pojawia się w:
    Analecta Nipponica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    第二次世界大戦における日本の＜終戦＞をめぐって
    The “End” of WWII from the Japanese Perspective
    Autorzy:
    Jun’ichirō, Shōji
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810778.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Stowarzyszenie Badań Japonistycznych
    Tematy:
    unconditional surrender
    Potsdam Declaration
    “decisive battle for the Home Islands”
    “preservation of the national polity”
    Emperor Showa
    Opis:
    The guidelines for unconditional capitulation, formulated in January 1943 at the Casablanca Conference, ultimately caused a hindrance at the end of the war. Germany continued to fight until the fall of Berlin after which they were ushered towards unconditional surrender. In the case of Japan, the capitulation happened through accepting the Potsdam Declaration, since there was no decisive battle that would take place on Japanese soil. Japanese researchers mostly focus on analyzing the reasons for the significant delay of this political capitulation in the face of obvious military defeat. The article, focused on the difference in circumstances at the end of war in Germany and in Japan, is an attempt at an analysis of the background and factors that shaped the Japanese capitulation. First of all, by the end of the war the aim of the war effort became limited to the preservation of the kokutai (the national identity, national character). As argued by Paul Kecskemeti, a Hungarian political scientist, the defeated side will stop fighting if reassured that the capitulation will not damage the essential values that define the given nation (Strategic Surrender). Japanese leaders all came to the conclusion, that as long as the kokutai would be preserved, it was crucial to end the war. While in Germany the Nazi ideology and dictatorship system supported Hitler’s lack of willingness to lay down arms, and so the fight lasted until the (bitter?) end. Secondly, it is important to remember that Japan and the US kept their “relations based on trust” despite the current state of war. Both countries witnessed the activity of the socalled moderate circles. Already in the early stages of the conflict, groups of US and Great Britain sympathizers were looking for paths towards the restoration of peace. On the part of the US, Joseph Grew played a major role in this regard (a Japanese historian, Iokibe Makoto, calls his involvement “a lucky break”). Such efforts helped to speed up the end of war, beckoned by the common conviction that the agreement in the case of kokutai was achieved. Thirdly, there were military factors. In the times prior to the US troop invasions of the Japanese islands, both countries were aware of each other’s military potential. The slogan “100 millions will die together” was quite popular at the time. Hence it was not only the atomic bomb attacks or the Soviet invasion that resulted in the end of war. The US, following the hardships of Iwojima and Okinawa, cautious about military costs provided an armed conflict would happen on the main Japanese islands, were revisiting the idea of pressuring Japan towards unconditional capitulation. Both the terrain (an island country), as well as a still numerous and determined army, made the Japanese case harder than that with Germany. As the American historian John Ferris points out, the Japanese army caused the US great losses in the Pacific, but the fight with Japanese forces facilitated a few political goals. In turn, the Japanese defeat was a victory of a sort. The Japanese leaders were unable to reach an agreement in the case of accepting the Potsdam Declaration, so the end of the war was announced due to the twofold “decision of the divine Emperor” (seidan). If the fight continued on the main islands, the war would have generated more victims on both sides, more destruction, and just as in the case of Germany, Japan would have been placed under the direct supervision of the Allies and the country, most likely, would have been divided. There are reasons for which in Germany the end of war is called “liberation” (from the Nazi) or the fall (demise), while in Japan it is referred to as simply “the end of war” (shūsen) or defeat (haisen).
    Źródło:
    Analecta Nipponica; 2017, 7; 59-76
    2084-2147
    Pojawia się w:
    Analecta Nipponica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    昭和天皇とその時代
    Emperor Shōwa and His Times
    Autorzy:
    Pałasz-Rutkowska, Ewa
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810801.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Stowarzyszenie Badań Japonistycznych
    Tematy:
    Emperor Hirohito
    Shōwa
    Taishō
    Meiji
    Nogi Maresuke
    Tōgō Heihachirō
    “war and peace”
    occupation
    diplomacy
    Shōwa genroku
    Opis:
    Emperor Hirohito (1901–1989) began his reign on December 25th, 1926. It was the beginning of a new era in Japanese history, an era that was named Shōwa (1926–1989; The Illuminated Peace). In all of Japanese history, it was the longest, and yet a very diverse, reign by a single emperor. Japan was undergoing democratization and modernization, then, due to internal crisis opposed to Western influences, led wars. After the wars Japan once again turned towards democratization and development, finally becoming the third largest economic power in the world. The Shōwa period can be divided into three main sub-periods: 1926–1945: democratization, nationalism and war; 1945–1952: occupation; 1952–1989: peace, democratization and economic growth. In a nutshell, the author presents the life and works of Emperor Hirohito along with the main events that took place during his reign.
    Źródło:
    Analecta Nipponica; 2017, 7; 13-23
    2084-2147
    Pojawia się w:
    Analecta Nipponica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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