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Tytuł:
Теоретико-методологічниі аспекти технологій легітимації політичної влади в Україні
Theoretical and Methodology Aspects of the Technologies’ Legitimation of Political Power in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Чубаєвський, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukraine
democratic transformation
political power
technologies of the legitimation
of political power
the electoral process
Opis:
The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 179-191
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Відсутність політичної волі до демократичних перетворень як чинник поглиблення деструктивних процесів
Lack of political will to democratic transformations as a factor in the deepening of destructive processes
Autorzy:
Смірнова, Валентина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489440.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political will,
democratic transformations,
destructive processes,
neopatrimonyalism,
political modernization,
incomplete modernization,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The analysis of controversial and ambiguous political processes that have taken place in recent decades in all regions of the world without exception requires further in-depth study. This is especially true of the determining influence of the lack or insufficient utilization of power-volitional aspects in the conditions of transition from authoritarianism to democracy. Fuse deployment destructive processes of social development and statehood must be working effectively state-administrative apparatus at the system level and the political will at the level of functioning of individual and collective actors political and decision-making. In fact, the political will of the national elite as a generator of reforms in the face of modernization challenges appears as a systemic characteristic and prerequisites for the effectiveness of the state-management system as a whole. The lack of consistency in the interaction management, and state authorities, in turn, leads to the expansion and deepening of destructive processes at national or regional level, which is convincing proof of lack of political will in political and business decision-making. The political development of the post-Soviet countries in the last quarter century, that is, after the collapse of the USSR, proves that one of the examples of deliberate election by the representatives of the national political elite of the destructive vector of state development is the countries of Central Asia, where autocratic regimes of the sultanist type were formed, accompanied by the simultaneous archaization of socio-cultural and economic The life of these countries. Choice destructive vector of development of Central Asia in the form sultanizmu demonstrates the lack of political will of the ruling class of these countries at the beginning of national state when making a decision to break as the colonial and Soviet traditions patrymonializmu, cronyism and nepotism and the transition to democratic practices. The choice of archaism socio-cultural and political life of the national elites in Central Asia was primarily driven by their fear of radical systemic change as a potential threat to personal specifically for these elites, quite correctly be interpreted as a manifestation of the lack of will for democratic change. Thus, due to the absence or lack of political will of the ruling class in countries neopatrymonialnymy political systems there involutional public-policy process - from upgrading often quietly move to kontrmodernizatsiyi, preserving or incomplete socio-political transformation and publicly reject any changes as Those that are not inherent in the national traditions and mentality of the people. The indicated processes are extremely destructive for the national-state development of countries with incomplete modernization, because they provoke unpredictable consequences in the future. And these consequences can be unpredictable delays at the time, but they do gosudarstvennichesky national development in the future unsecured and non-competitive compared with countries where the political will of the ruling class helped bring modernization transformation to its logical conclusion. Accordingly, further research of the proposed problem should focus on the study of the classification characteristics of manifestations of individual and collective political will and its absence in the modern world.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 238-244
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Democratization in Ukraine: conditions and tasks
Autorzy:
Розумний, Максим
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489382.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Democracy
civil society
national development
modernization
democratic values
democratic transit
Opis:
Speaking about democratic choice we are mainly interested in the common features in the motivation of post-colonial, post-totalitarian and post-authoritarian societies, their leaders, elites and people, which determine attractiveness of democracy in the contemporary world. The intention to be democratic today is often connected with the intention to be free, modern, safe, developed state, which is accepted in the circle of developed countries on the conditions of friendly and equal partnership. Based on the experience in building democracy in the “third wave” countries (S. Huntington) and on the other conceptual assumptions of institutionalists, we can come to the conclusion of necessity to review the traditional approaches to the problem of democratic transit. These approaches considered democratic transit, firstly, as the issue of the ideological (or value, in a wider sense) choice, and, secondly, as the issue of destruction of non-democratic social institutions with the aim to build institutions of liberal democracy in their place. Therefore, they referred to the following as to the major directions of building democracy: a) understanding by the active part of the society of the liberal paradigm of public consciousness; b) maximal denationalisation of the public sphere; c) harmonisation of the national institutions and standards with the Western samples. The Western expert community arrived at the conclusion that the so called civil society should become a driving force for democratic changes in the former USSR countries. These approaches considered democratic transit, firstly, as the issue of the ideological (or value, in a wider sense) choice, and, secondly, as the issue of destruction of non-democratic social institutions with the aim to build institutions of liberal democracy in their place. Therefore, they referred to the following as to the major directions of building democracy: a) understanding by the active part of the society of the liberal paradigm of public consciousness; b) maximal denationalisation of the public sphere; c) harmonisation of the national institutions and standards with the Western samples. However, the modern views enable not to define democracy as just an ideological choice or an institutional model, but as social innovation. This definition opens to us a somewhat different outlook of the study on the problems of building democracy and the problems of practical democratic reforms. As we speak about innovation, the most important aspects of its study and design in a specific social organism are as follows: a) motivation; b) preconditions; and c) algorithm of its launch. The issue of a subject of democratic transformations has not lost its topicality, either, though in case of innovation, it would rather mean an initiative core, as well as perceptiveness to novelties and interest towards them by various social groups and political actors. Returning to the issue of motivation, we should detail the interrelation between democratisation and modernisation. The matter is that intention to modernisation, which is quite understandable to world-system periphery countries, is often understood as readiness for democracy. As a matter of fact, motivation with regard to these two strategies for national development only coincides partially. Modernisation is the shortest way to development and, in certain sense, safety. But often modernisation does not account for motivation of freedom and in certain cases, is conducted much more efficiently and quickly when freedom is restricted. To Ukraine, motivation of freedom is traditionally one of the leading public values. As for two other aspects of a democratic choice, safety and development motivations, these characteristics of a democratic order were learned and assessed by the Ukrainian society much later. The democratic social innovation in Ukraine is accompanied by processes of national development and the struggle to redistribute the social product. The main trends of Ukraine democracy building include the targeting on state, nation and civil society development. We can distinguish several key collisions in understanding democracy, which imposed a serious obstacle to building an efficient democracy in Ukraine. The major problem of Ukrainians’ democratic self-determination is related to the correlation between freedom and law. Other issues are the correlation between rights and obligations and the correlation between the will of the majority and the right of the minority. Having defined the democratic development objective in Ukraine as a transition from imitation to essence, we have highlighted the key markers of this transformation. These include negotiation of such widespread phenomena as the sword-law, citizens’ passivity, corruption, uncertainty about powers and areas of responsibility of state bodies, political appropriateness, failure to comply with procedures, informational closeness and politicians’ lies, as well as other features of immature public organization, which continue existing under the lee of democratic institutions.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 258-266
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Еволюційні тенденції у діяльності ліворадикальних організацій Західної Європи (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Німеччина)
Evolutional Tendencies in the Activity of the Left Radical Organizations in Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany)
Autorzy:
Рева, Тетяна
Вільчинська, Ірина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489537.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
left radicalism
far left political parties
Western Europe
anti-capitalism
revolution
«society of justice»
democratic centralism
terrorism
Opis:
The main evolution tendencies of the radical left organizations of the largest counties of Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany) are researched in the article. It consists of the analysis of their origins, development and modern condition. The actuality of the article is the necessity of the political historical analysis of forms and manifestations of the phenomenon. It is also important to study such its features as variety, ideological transformations and dynamic processes. The researching of the new tendencies of left-wing political parties and movements in the well-developed European countries is very useful for Ukraine in the context of the decommunization process. The term «radicalism» ( from Latin, radix – root) is used to characterize the extreme-orientated organizations, parties, movements and groups which show their inclination to the radical reformation of the modern social political institutions to solve different social problems. Left radicalism is the social political phenomenon, based on the aspiration of political active groups of some people for destruction of the existed system of the state authority to put in practice the ideas of the «society of justice» and communist conceptions of ХІХ-ХХ centuries. The main tendencies of the modern leftwing groups are: 1) Revolutionary idea. They support the idea of the transformation and the elimination of the existed social regime by the upheaval; 2) Anti-capitalism. Left radicals rudely criticize the world economic system as the form of the slavery of the end of XX century – the beginning of XXI century. It is characterized by the domination of the great corporations’ interests; 3) Democratic centralism. A man has the right of choice in the different fields of social life. Only one political party or group gets the state power; 4) Strategy of protest. Left radicals take part in single terroristic acts or organisations and various movements of protests. 5) Armed struggle. Using of the violence is one of the main methods to influence the community. For example in the second half of XX century, many powerful extreme-left terroristic groups acted in Western Europe. They are «RAF» (Germany), «Red Brigades» (Italy), «GRAPO» Spain, «Action Directe» (France). The fundamental principles of the left radicalism are the idea of the society of justice and critical analysis of state imperialist policy. Left radicals call for the elimination of the capitalist system and building of the socialism by the revolutionary-armed fight. The most part of the left movements and political parties are anti-American. They fight against the political influence of the USA as the centre of world imperialism and call states for leaving such imperialistic organisation as the NATO. There is the ideological regionalism of the political radicalism in Europe. Its various kinds dominate in the different parts of the country. These ideological orientations depend on many social economic and historical factors. For example, we can see the ideological regionalism in Italy between North (right wing radicalism) and South (left wing radicalism) and in Germany between West (far left) and East (far right). In general, in the modern Europe comparing extreme right and extreme left, we can see the decadence of the far left and the activation of the far right political tendencies. The main reason of extreme right success is the modern migrant crisis in European countries. Left radicals are popular only in the countries with political economic crisis and associated with populism. The researchers of left radicalism distinguish three potential electoral groups of far left political parties and movements: 1) Extreme left subcultures. They are groups or people who have taken part in the various demonstrations and have been a member of the far left political party for a long time; 2) Left centrists. They have neutral political position and prefer vote for “green” parties; 3) Protesters. They are groups of young people who support the populist tactics and join different demonstrations against globalization and the EU. In the second half of the XX century left radicalism was more aggressive then the right one in the biggest countries of Europe. The most powerful terroristic organisations of this period were left wing. They are «Red Brigades», «RAF», «GRAPO» and «ETA». The scientists connect the “revival” of left ideologies in Western Europe after the Second World War with the spreading of anti-fascist ideas in the former fascist and national-socialist countries (Italy, Germany, Spain, Romania, Hungary and Portugal etc.). Today political radicals actively influence the internal and external policy of the European Union. The main vectors of their activity are the fight against the EU enlargement, the limitation of immigration, the revision of the social guarantees for migrants and their families and the state control in all spheres of a society. All these issues were manifested in the attempt to stop the temporary regime of the implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement in September 2014. The activity of the Eurosceptics led to the enlargement of the number ( 99 up to 124) of the representatives of right and left out-system organisations in the European parliament in 2014. The European left parties even established political block, called «European United Left – Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL)».
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 169-178
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Зовнішні дилеми політичної ідентифікації українців
Zewnętrzne dylematy politycznej identyfikacji Ukraińców
Autorzy:
Новакова, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489412.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
transformation
geopolitical orientations
political identification
social consolidation
democratic values
Opis:
The author of the article notes that modern Ukraine is in a state of systemic transformation, the essence of which is to choose between conservative and modernization projects of the formation of Ukrainian statehood. This choice is compounded by the state of the socio-political crisis, military aggression and the weakness of its own geopolitical strategy. The leading factor in overcoming the modern challenges and the formation of a sovereign democratic state is the identification of citizens in public life, their consolidation around a common system of values. The processes of consolidation of Ukrainian society are clearly reflected in the dynamics of geopolitical priorities, as they serve as a unique marker of the citizens’ position in all the most important issues of political development. Together with their cultural and civilization choice, Ukrainians choose between democracy and authoritarianism, legal protection and corruption, equal cooperation in the international arena and the status of «younger brother». It is Ukraine’s role in the geopolitical environment that is crucial for its foreign policy aimed at forming strategic partnerships and effective protection of sovereignty in the international arena. At the same time, the main function of foreign policy is to compensate for internal problems and create favorable conditions for the realization and protection of national interests. The study of empirical indexes on the geopolitical orientation of Ukrainians made it possible to determine the main tendencies and peculiarities of the processes of foreign policy identification in modern Ukraine. It is noted that there is a rather active formation of a civil consensus around the Euro-Atlantic civilization’s choice. This is evidenced by an increase in the support of this choice in the national dimension and a marked convergence of regional positions on this issue. The conclusion is drawn about the formation of a stable tendency to strengthen the European integration orientations of Ukrainians. The continuation of military, political and cultural-information aggression of Russia makes the greatest influence on this tendency. The main motives of the European choice of Ukrainians are the desire for material well-being, legal protection and adherence to democratic values. In most cases, rapprochement with NATO is justified by the aspirations of the country’s security, reliable protection against aggressive actions, first of all, of Russia. In addition, the objective is to modernize the army in accordance with international standards and to increase the international prestige of Ukraine. The idea of Eurasian integration is noticeably losing its popularity, especially in the regions directly confronted with the military aggression of Russia (East and West). The idea of a kind of neutrality, that is, non-alignment with any unions, preserves the considerable support, mainly due to the passage of votes from the camp of opponents of rapprochement with the EU and NATO. The identified trends in the dynamics of the geopolitical priorities of Ukrainians are largely due to external factors and are still hardly supported by the domestic reforms of the country, as negative things such as corruption, low level of trust in power, slow pace of modernization of socio-economic sphere and low welfare of citizens persist. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian political elite should focus on the creation and implementation of effective strategies for integration and identification of citizens at the expense of real modernization of the economy and raising the standard of living.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 95-102
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polskie partie parlamentarne na temat konfliktu na Ukrainie (2013/2014)
Autorzy:
Кирвель, Элеонора
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687072.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
the Ukrainian crisis, Polish parliamentary parties , Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish Peasants’ Party, the Democratic Left Alliance
ukraiński kryzys, polskie partie parlamentarne, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platforma Obywatelska, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
украинский кризис, польские парламентские партии, «Право и справедливость», «Гражданская платформа», Польская крестьянская партия, Союз демократических левых сил
Opis:
The main purpose of this article is to present the position of the Polish parliamentary parties in relation to specific events Ukrainian conflict at the turn of 2013/2014. From the very beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, most politicians of parliamentary parties in Poland watched and commented on the events in Ukraine 2013/2014, on the one hand, it seems – the absolute support of the European aspirations and Defending the freedom, democracy and sovereignty of Ukraine. This does not mean that there was no difference of opinion. First of all, the ideological issues that lie at the basis of party differences, as well as in traditional political struggle between the two major parties.
Głównym celem tego artykułu było przedstawienie stanowiska polskich partii parlamentarnych w stosunku do konkretnych wydarzeń ukraińskiego konfliktu na przełomie 2013/2014. Od samego początku kryzysu na Ukrainie większość polityków polskich partii parlamentarnych odczytywała i komentowała wydarzenia na Ukrainie 2013/2014 w sposób z jednej strony bardzo podobny – absolutne wsparcie do dążeń proeuropejskich oraz w obronie wolności, demokracji oraz suwerenności państwowej. Nie oznacza to, że niebyło pewnych różnic poglądów – chodzi tu przede wszystkim o kwestie światopoglądowe i ideologiczne, które leżą u podstaw różnic partyjnych (SLD, PiS) oraz pewne wątki walki politycznej pomiędzy PO i PIS.
Oсновной целью данной статьи является представление позиций польских парламентских партий в связи с конкретными событиями украинского конфликта на рубеже 2013/2014. С самого начала кризиса в Украине большинство политиков парламентских партий Польши наблюдало и комментировало события в Украине 2013/2014, с одной стороны, очень похоже – абсолютная поддержка европейских устремлений и защитa свободы, демократии и суверенитета Украины. Это не означает, что не было разницы во мнениях. Прежде всего, в идеологических вопросах, которые лежат в основе партийных различий, а также в процессе традиционной политической борьбы между двумя главными партиями.
Źródło:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2015, 1, 1
2450-4866
Pojawia się w:
Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Соціальна міфологія як явище в європейській культурі нового часу
Autorzy:
Дарморіз, Оксана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2158555.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
myth
mythical consciousness
social mythology
myth creation
European culture
nationalist myth
socialist myth
democratic myths
mass media
Opis:
European culture of the modern and contemporary periods is often associated with socalled social mythology, which arose in the 19 century as a specific type of spiritual activity aimed at creation and dissemination of political myths. Social mythology studies mythical consciousness as a form of public consciousness regarding new phenomena of the reality, a reason for change in historical processes and development of national communities. All national histories include descriptions of feats of ancient heroes and kings, who promoted nation's exaltation, strengthening of the national spirit, establishment of national states, etc. Wide propagation of mythology marks the evolution of nationalism and dissemination of socialist trends in the 19-20 centuries. Contemporary ideology tries to use myths, since it understands their specific effect on people. Besides, it is implementation of social myths that makes manipulation of the populace possible. Most frequently employed in contemporary mythology and ideological systems are the Myth of the Hero, Myth of Return to the Origins and Myth of Noble Origins. The 20 century saw these myths to be implemented in Nazism (Hitler's Germany), SocialCommunism (Soviet Union), as well as in democratic ideology. Social myth propagation media are in line with the development level of society and its scientific and technical potential. Society is most influenced by mass media – press, radio, television, web, etc. Mass media also play a part in mythologization of personalities, their transformation into images which later on, if in agreement with the public demand, serves as a model. Mythologization is widely applied in advertising. In the contemporary world, ads are inherent in human life. Advertising has crossed the boundaries of commercial communication and generally market business to embrace all human spheres: everyday life, politics, social, intellectual and cultural activities. Dissemination of information shaped as social myths through the intricate network of mass media is a means of ideological, political, economic and cultural influence on the human mind and behavior. Messages sent embrace the whole gamut of psychological impact ranging from informing and instructing to persuading and suggesting, which facilitates mass manipulation and determines specificity of cultural evolution.
Źródło:
Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2011, 1(1); 103-122
1730-0266
Pojawia się w:
Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Формирование гражданской компетентности школьников на основе педагогики индивидуальности
Formation of civil competence of school students based on pedagogy of individuality
Autorzy:
Буянский, Дмитрий
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/443108.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
ADVSEO
Tematy:
CIVIL COMPETENCE
INDIVIDUAL APPROACH
PROBLEM TEACHING
INTERACTIVE STRATEGY
MIND GAMES
THE DEMOCRATIC WAY OF LIFE AT SCHOOL
Opis:
The author raises one of the most pressing issues of contemporary school education: the education of a competent citizen. The paper presents some scientific views on implementing the competence approach, the individual approach. The interpretation of the concept of civic competence is given. The conditions of its formation, the importance of the individual approach in the competence formation for human socialization are disclosed. The author notes a variety of techniques to achieve the goal.
Źródło:
General and Professional Education; 2011, 4; 13-17
2084-1469
Pojawia się w:
General and Professional Education
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Демократизація і євроінтеграційна стратегія сучасної України: національна специфіка та досвід сусідів
Demokratyzacja i strategia integracji z UE współczesnej Ukrainy: specyfika narodowa i doświadczenia sąsiadów
Autorzy:
Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489476.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
democratic transformation (democratization),
European integration,
civil society,
Ukraine,
Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)
Opis:
The relationship between political strategy of the state (first of all on the basis of studying the experience of democratic transformations) and the foreign policy vector of national development on the example of Ukraine and countries of Central and Eastern Europe is examined. The author seeks to find answers to the question: «What is the ideological guidance for national development of modern Ukraine?»; «Experience of our closest neighbors - Central and Eastern Europe - may be useful in identifying these ideological landmarks for Ukraine?»; «Should such ideological orientations be based on clearly defined ideological and political (doctrinal) bases or be as politically neutral?». The proposed research of the structure of European integration strategy because of the burning social and political realities of Ukraine distinguish the most problematic areas of political, social, economic and cultural space of national society. Based on the experience of the process of democratic transformation and holding of European integration in Poland, Hungary, Romania and other CEE countries are attempting to define «strong» and «weak» sides of these processes for the further consideration of their formulation of national politics and the foreign policy strategy of systemic transformation. The author’s view on the problems and prospects of development of civil society in Ukraine in view of events ( in fact - for the most significant recent history of national tests) is presented by late 2013 - early 2014.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 108-114
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakterystyka pryncypiów i głównych założeń myśli politycznej i prawnej Thomasa Jeffersona
Autorzy:
Zygmunt, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/941681.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Chełmie
Tematy:
Thomas Jefferson
myśl polityczna
demokracja jeffersońska
społeczeństwo amerykańskie
demokracja amerykańska
umowa społeczna
instytucje demokratyczne
credo polityczne
political thought
Jeffersonian democracy
American society
US democracy
social contract
democratic institutions
political credo
Opis:
Autor analizuje kształtowanie i krzepnięcie myśli politycznej Thomasa Jeffersona. Nie będąc twórcą nowej, oryginalnej doktryny polityczno-prawnej, Jefferson był przede wszystkim wybitnym liderem politycznym. Dzięki umiejętnemu odczytywaniu oczekiwań społecznych, miał ożywczy wpływ na rozwój idei demokratycznych w społeczeństwie amerykańskim. Demokracja jeffersońska nie mogła też istnieć ani rozwijać się w przyszłości bez dwóch ważnych składników: powszechnego systemu edukacyjnego oraz niezależnej i samorządnej władzy lokalnej. Jefferson wierzył, że społeczeństwo jest zdolne rządzić się samodzielnie i podejmować właściwe decyzje, dlatego też był optymistą, jeśli idzie o przyszłość instytucji demokratycznych w USA.
This article analyzes the shaping and solidification of Thomas Jefferson's political thought. Without being the creator of a new, original political and legal doctrine, Jefferson was above all an outstanding political leader. Thanks to skillful reading of social expectations, Jefferson had a refreshing effect on the development of democratic ideas in American society. The Jeffersonian democracy could not exist or develop in the future without two important components: a universal educational system and independent and self-governing local authority. Jefferson believed that society was able to govern itself and make the right decisions, which is why he was optimistic about the future of democratic institutions in the US.
Źródło:
Language. Culture. Politics. International Journal; 2019, 1; 131-145
2450-3576
2719-3217
Pojawia się w:
Language. Culture. Politics. International Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The End of Europe? The Potential Consequences of the British “Referendum Lock” and “Sovereignty Clause” for the Future of European Integration
Koniec wspólnej Europy? Potencjalne konsekwencje brytyjskiej „referendum lock” i „sovereignty clause” dla przyszłości integracji europejskiej.
Autorzy:
Zuba, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2167522.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-08-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
European integration
referendum
democratic defi cit
United Kingdom
Opis:
The aim this present article is to describe what are the possible consequences may arise from the British Parliament’s amendment to the European Community Act. This includes the so-called “referendum lock” (is requires a referendum after any change in the EU’s institutional and legal status that would lead to an essential transfer of sovereignty to the EU), as well as the “sovereignty clause” (it confirms that it is solely the Parliament that holds direct legislative power within the territory of the United Kingdom). The passing of this act into law may have farreaching consequences for the future of the European Union. The necessity of conducting a referendum in European issues, in light of Britons’ extensive and continuous reluctance to European integration, may result in Great Britain’s exclusion from future pro-integration activities. This, in turn, could shatter the unity of the European nations and effectively lead to the victory of the “multi-speed” idea of integration.
Celem artykułu jest określenie możliwych konsekwencji opracowywanej przez brytyjski Parlament nowelizacji European Community Act, zawierającego tzw. „referendum lock” (wymóg przeprowadzenia referendum przy każdej zmianie istniejącego stanu instytucjonalno-prawnego European Union (EU), która prowadzi do istotnego transferu suwerenności na rzecz EU) oraz „sovereignty clause” (potwierdzenie, że jedynie Parlament sprawuje na obszarze the United Kingdom bezpośrednią władzę ustawodawczą). Wejście w życie ustawy może pociągnąć za sobą dalekie konsekwencje dla przyszłości UE. Konieczność przeprowadzania referendum w European issues, wobec dalekiej i trwałej niechęci Brytyjczyków wobec integracji europejskiej, może skutkować wyłączeniem Wielkiej Brytanii z przyszłych działań pogłębiających integrację. To z kolei może skutkować rozbiciem jedności państw europejskich i de facto zwycięstwa „multi-speed” idea of integration.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2011, 30; 148-163
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Structure of Organs of Administration of Justice in Poland
Autorzy:
Zieliński, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2147525.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
judiciary
justice
Polska
structure
world war
democratic state
socio-political conditions
Constitutional Tribunal
civil rights protection
public opinion
Supreme Court
change
socialist law
Źródło:
Contemporary Central and East European Law; 1995, 1-4; 59-70
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Contemporary Central and East European Law
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Structure of Organs of Administration of Justice in Poland
Autorzy:
Zieliński, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43358482.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
judiciary
justice
Polska
structure
world war
democratic state
socio-political conditions
Constitutional Tribunal
civil rights protection
public opinion
Supreme Court
change
socialist law
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 1995, 1-4; 59-70
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Cultivating Moral Competence of Chinese Undergraduates with KMDD-Sessions
Autorzy:
Zhang, Jing
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/781239.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Konstanz Method of Dilemma Discussion
Moral Judgment Test
moral and democratic education
Opis:
This study describes the results of interventions with the Konstanz Method of Dilemma Discussion (KMDD) by Georg Lind, with 89 economics undergraduate participants sampled from Guangdong province. The participants’ mean C-score in the Moral Judgment Test increased only a little because of the teacher’s little experience in using KMDD, but otherwise the intervention produced good results: the participants showed great interest in KMDD although this teaching method is very different from the typical Chinese teaching, and they enjoyed the KMDD-sessions and the classroom atmosphere created through it. Students’ feedback will be useful for future application and research on KMDD in China.
Źródło:
Ethics in Progress; 2013, 4, 1; 48-56
2084-9257
Pojawia się w:
Ethics in Progress
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Endo- i egzogeniczne przyczyny marginalizacji Stronnictwa Demokratycznego w latach 90. XX wieku
Endo- and exogenous causes of marginalization of the Democratic Party in the 1990s
Autorzy:
Żebrowski, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1912318.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Democratic Party
the 90s of the 20th century
political marginalization
internal causes
external causes
Stronnictwo Demokratyczne
lata 90. XX wieku
marginalizacja polityczna
przyczyny wewnętrzne
przyczyny zewnętrzne
Opis:
Przedmiotem badań jest Stronnictwo Demokratyczne, które powstało jeszcze w okresie II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Po II wojnie światowej było jednym z elementów polskiego systemu partyjnego. Celem opracowania jest prezentacja wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych czynników, które miały wpływ na marginalizację polityczną SD w latach 90. XX wieku. Zebrano w jedną całość i uzupełniono rozproszone w różnych opracowaniach autora uwagi dotyczące tytułowej problematyki oraz dokonano ponownej interpretacji. Kryzys przywództwa w partii, brak konsekwencji w podejmowanych działaniach, likwidacja zasobów prasowych, konflikty w relacjach kierownictwa SD z instancjami terenowymi, odpływ członków, rozpad komitetów i kół, słaba znajomość zasad demokracji, niezdolność do przygotowania atrakcyjnej oferty programowej, częste zmiany partyjnych liderów – to najważniejsze przyczyny wewnętrzne, które przesądziły o marginalizacji politycznej SD. Istotne były tu też względy zewnętrzne. Przede wszystkim funkcjonowanie w warunkach systemu partii hegemonicznej nie sprzyjało rozwojowi organizacyjnemu, kadrowemu i programowemu, co musiało powodować różne deformacje. Po 1989 roku, w warunkach swobodnego kształtowania się systemu partyjnego, nowe ugrupowania oskarżały SD o współpracę z PZPR i legitymizowanie systemu politycznego PRL; pamiętali też o tym wyborcy. Wszystkie podejmowane w takich warunkach przez tę partię działania polityczne kończyły się porażką i potęgowały wewnętrzny kryzys.
The subject of research is the Democratic Party, which was established during the Second Polish Republic. After World War II, it was one of the elements of the Polish party system. The aim of the study is to present the internal and external factors that influenced the political marginalization of SD in the 1990s. Remarks on the subject of the title, which were scattered in various publications by the author, were collected and re-interpreted. The crisis of the leadership in the party, lack of consistency in the actions taken, liquidation of press resources, conflicts in the relations between the SD leadership and field instances, the outflow of members, disintegration of committees and circles, poor knowledge of democratic principles, inability to prepare an attractive program offer, frequent changes of party leaders – this is the most important internal causes that determined the political marginalization of the SD. External considerations were also important here. First of all, functioning in the conditions of the hegemonic party system was not conducive to organizational, personnel and program development, which had to cause various deformations. After 1989, in the conditions of the free formation of the party system, the new groups accused the SD of cooperation with the Polish United Workers’ Party and legitimizing the political system of the People’s Republic of Poland; voters also remembered it. All political activities undertaken by this party under such conditions ended in failure and exacerbated the internal crisis.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2021, 1; 103-113
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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