Temat: Crime statistics - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Statystyczny obraz przestępczości prowadzenia pojazdów mechanicznych w stanie nietrzeźwości lub pod wpływem środka odurzającego
Autorzy:: Marczewski, Marek
Ostaszewski, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788430.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-07-19
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępstwo prowadzenia pojazdów mechanicznych w stanie nietrzeźwości lub pod wpływem środka odurzającego
wypadki drogowe
kontrole trzeźwości
statystyki przestępczości
Crime statistics
crime of driving motor vehicles under the influence of drugs or alcohol
road accidents
driver's sobriety control
Opis:: W niniejszym opracowaniu podjęto próbę szczegółowego, statystycznego opisu przestępczości prowadzenia pojazdów mechanicznych w stanie nietrzeźwości lub pod wpływem środka odurzającego przy wykorzystaniu dostępnych danych o liczbie przestępstw i skazań z art. 178a §1 k.k. oraz liczbie wypadków drogowych i kontroli trzeźwości kierujących. Liczba przestępstw z rozpatrywanego artykułu istotnie spadła od roku 2005 do 2016, podobnie zresztą jak ogólna liczba przestępstw w Polsce. Co oczywiste, mniejsza liczba wykrywanych rokrocznie przestępstw z analizowanego artykułu prowadzi do analogicznych spadków liczby osób osądzanych i skazywanych za to przestępstwo. Ale co ciekawe rośnie liczba warunkowych umorzeń postępowań sądowych z tego artykułu. Zmienia się także struktura orzekanych kar – istotnie spadł udział kary pozbawienia wolności z warunkowych zawieszeniem jej wykonania, a wzrósł udział grzywien i ograniczenia wolności. Wyniki szczegółowych analiz wymiarów poszczególnych orzekanych kar sugerują nieznaczne złagodzenie polityki karania za to przestępstwo. Wzrosła jednak istotnie liczba orzekanych środków karnych przypadających na jednego skazanego, w tym głównie świadczenia pieniężnego. Udział wypadków drogowych spowodowanych przez nietrzeźwych kierujących w ogólnej liczbie wypadków jest stosunkowo niski (ok. 6%) i systematycznie spadał w analizowanym okresie. Fakt ten, łącznie z systematycznie spadającą liczbą przestępstw prowadzenia pojazdu mechanicznego pod wpływem alkoholu lub środka odurzającego (przy ponad dwudziestoczterokrotnym wzroście liczby przeprowadzanych przez policję kontroli trzeźwości kierowców w tym samym czasie), wskazuje na korzystną i bardzo istotną zmianę społeczną w zakresie jazdy samochodem pod wpływem alkoholu. Study provide statistical description of the crime of driving motor vehicles under the influence of drugs or alcohol, number of road accidents and driver's sobriety control. The number of such crimes significantly decreased from 2005 to 2016, as well as the overall number of crimes in Poland. Obviously, the smaller number of crimes detected leads to analogous decreases in the number of people judged and sentenced for this crime. But what's interesting is change in structure of sentenced penalties – the share of the penalty of imprisonment decreased significantly, and the share of fines and community service increased. The number of penal measures imposed per one convict, mainly including cash benefits, increased significantly. The share of road accidents caused by intoxicated drivers in the total number of accidents is relatively low (about 6%) and systematically decreased in the analyzed period. This fact, together with the systematically decreasing number of analyzed crimes and increasing number of police nchecks of drivers' sobriety at the same time, indicates a favorable change in social attitudes towards driving under the influence of alcohol.
Study provide statistical description of the crime of driving motor vehicles under the influence of drugs or alcohol, number of road accidents and driver's sobriety control. The number of such crimes significantly decreased from 2005 to 2016, as well as the overall number of crimes in Poland. Obviously, the smaller number of crimes detected leads to analogous decreases in the number of people judged and sentenced for this crime. But what's interesting is change in structure of sentenced penalties – the share of the penalty of imprisonment decreased significantly, and the share of fines and community service increased. The number of penal measures imposed per one convict, mainly including cash benefits, increased significantly. The share of road accidents caused by intoxicated drivers in the total number of accidents is relatively low (about 6%) and systematically decreased in the analyzed period. This fact, together with the systematically decreasing number of analyzed crimes and increasing number of police checks of drivers' sobriety at the same time, indicates a favorable change in social attitudes towards driving under the influence of alcohol.
Źródło:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2017, 24; 38-56
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Skazani recydywiści w Polsce w okresie transformacji w świetle danych statystycznych
Recidivists Convicted in Poland in the Transition Period, in the Light of Statistical Data
Autorzy:: Szymanowski, Teodor
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698795.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: recydywiści
recydywa przestępcza
recydywa penitencjarna
przestępstwa
statystyki więzienne
statystyki sądowe
recidivists
multiple relapse into crime
offences
court convictions statistics
prison statistics
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 739-761
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Rozmiary i uwarunkowania zachowań dewiacyjnych młodzieży wiejskiej
Extent and Causes of Deviant Behaviour in the Rural Youth
Autorzy:: Siemaszko, Andrzej
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699232.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1986
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: zachowanie
młodzież
przestępczość
aresztowanie
klasa społeczna
geneza przestępczości
zbiorowość
niesubordynacja
nieuczciwość
statystyka
socjologia
behaviour
youth deviations
delinquency
arrests
social class
genesis of crime
community
insubordination
dishonesty
statistics
sociology
ommunity
Opis:: In the years 1978-1979, a study of the extent and causes of deviant behaviour in older schoolchildren was carried out in Warsaw which included three thousand persons. boys and girls. Since there was a lack of comprehensive studies of the extent and causes of social maladjustment of the rural, youth in Poland' it was decided that this study should be repeated in typically agricultural regions. The study, carried out in late l981, was aimed at the following: to construct a Polish version of the self-report delinquency scale, to estimate the extent of deviant behaviour in the analyzed populations, and to determine the variables particularly closely related to deviant behaviour. The stratified random sample consisted of 2,144 persons (1,7O2 boys and 429 girls). They were students of 86 different grades of various secondary schools, and were aged 14- 19. The study was carried out by an anonymous questionnaire which contained 124 questions; among them. there were 42 questions - about the various types of deviant behaviour, while the remaining ones concerned the separate groups of independent variables. The data on the following groups of independent variables were collected:1. the attitudes towards the family, the past and present and future family situation, and the character of interactions within the family; 2. deviance in the environment; 3. the attitudes towards friends, the character of interactions with friends and the intensity of bonds with the reference groups; 4. the attitudes towards school and the learning progress; 5. attitudes towards the legal norms; 6. the appraisal of life prospects and of the chances for fulfilment of aims and aspirations by means of legitimate methods; 7. the system of values, outlook on life and attitude towards moral norms; 8. engagement in social, cultural and sports activities and the like. A distinct group were the so-called alcohol variables, analyzed separately and the socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the questionnaire contained a ninc-question lye scale. The dependent variable was an index of 42 questions about various types of deviant behaviour. The possible answers to all the questions were indentical: "never", "once or twice", "several times", "a dozen or more times" and "more often". The sum of the respondents' affirmative answers to the questions about deviant behaviour formed the so-called variety scale. The frequency scale resulted from summing up all types of answers to each of the questions. Since the correlation between the scales of variety and frequency exceeded r :0.90, the variety scale was used in the analysis. This was due to its simplicity and a greater easiness of statistical interpretation. Three groups of deviant behaviour were distinguished for the purposes of the analysis. The first of them were manifestations of behaviour given a working term of insubordination. Though not forbidden by the law, such behaviour is improper in consideration of age or represents a challenge to the authority of the parents" guardians. teachers etc. For instance. the following types of behaviour were included here: staying away from home all night without the parents' consent. running away from home, or smoking before the age of 14. The second group were acts of "dishonesty" also not penalized as a rule– e.g. failure to give a lost thing back to its owner, or steadling rides. The third and most important group were acts that bore the character of transgressions or offences. Among others, this category included brawls. beatings and other offences against person. robbery thefts. breaking and entering, receiving stolen property, and other offences against property. The examined young persons committed the following acts, most frequently: smoking before the age of 14. stealing rides. failure to give the change left from shopping back-to the parents (over 80f of affirmative answers), failure to give the change back to a shopkeeper, failure to give back a found object (over 70% of affirmatie answers). misdemeanour at school. beating. participation in a brawl (over 50% of affirmative answers). Most seldom they admited taking drugs, picking public telephones and slipping out of a pub without paying the bill (less than 10%, of the examined persons). Generally, about 35% of the examined boys (i.e. 583 persons) admitted having committed at least once a half of the, 42 acts included in the questionnaire. over 20% of boys had a high, and 7.7% a Very high level of deviance. In the Warsaw study. a very high level of deviance was found in 6.1%, of boys. Therefore, the percentage of boys with a high level of deviance is similar in both studies and nearing other Polish estimates of the extent of social maladjustment of the school youth. In the present study, hypotheses were verified which were derived from some of the most popular theories of deviance: i.a., Sutherland's theory of differential associations, Hirschi's control theory, Merton's aims – means theory, (and the related conceptions of Cloward and Ohlin), Sykes and Matza's theory of neutralization. Also certain hypotheses were verified indirectly that were derived from the Gluecks' multifactor conception and the labeling theory: The major findings were as follows: Family situation Four items of the questionnaire made together the scale of ties with the family. These were the following questions: "Do your parents try to understand your problems?'', "Do your parents trust you?, ,,Do you generally like to discuss your plans with your parents?", "Do you trust your parents?". The scale of family ties revealed a rather high negative correlation with the deviance scale (r = -0.34 for boys and. R = -0.28 for girls). It appeared that the lesser the sense of ties with the parents. the higher the tendency to deviant behaviour. Two questions concerned the general apprasal of the atmosphere at home and the degree of the respondents' identification with their families. A strong interdependence was found between the way of defining the atmosphere- at home and the level of deviance. .The respondents who scored highest on the deviance scale, defined their atmosphere at home as bad several times more frequently, and much more seldom as good or very good, as compared with the others. As regards the question whether the respondents would like their own future families to be similar to their parental homes, the distribution of answers was alike. Among the respondents who would not like it at all or rather would not like it, there were nearly three times more of those who scored highest on the deviance scale. The global index of the attitude towards the family (constructed with the answers to all questions concerning the ties and identification with the family) revealed a negative and rather high correlation with the deviance scale, both in the case of boys (r = -0.30) and of girls (r = -0.26). Thus it appeared that deviant behaviour is inversely related to family ties and identification. Those of the examined persons who revealed a nelative attitude towards their families scored significantly higher on the scale of deviance as compared with those whose appraisal of their homes was favourable. Deviance of the environment and attitudes towards friends There were four questions that concerned deviance in the environment, one of which ("Has any member of your closest family ever been convicted by the court?'') concerned the perceived intensity of deviance in the family. Both the boys and the girls whose family member had a criminal record had the highest level of deviance. This finding is of a great theoretical as well as practical value since it demonstrates the groundlessness of the frequently accepted assumption that the family is always the source of pro-social patterns of behaviour. Three questions concerned deviance of the environment, their construction aimed at reflecting various aspects of the problem both as regards the subjective and the objective point of view: the different intensity of deviance and range of environment. The questions were: "Did you ever happened to have problems at school, boarding-school or at home because of your friends?'', "Did any of your acquaintances have a case in a juveni1e court or court of general criminal jurisdiction?", "Are there many young persons in your environment who have troubles with the police?". The distribution of answers to these questions markedly differentiated the examined populations in respect to deviance. In the groups distinguished according to their level of deviance significant differences could be found as far as the deviance of the environment is concerned. The respondents whose level of deviance was the highest appeared to move significantly more often with decidedly negative circles. A scale of deviance in the environment was constructed of the above questions. Of all the scales included in the study, this one showed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour, both in the case of boys (r = 0.56) and of girls (r = 0.36). Instead, the distribution of answers to the questions about emotional ties with the reference groups, the degree of identification with these groups and the emotional stability failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of the degree of deviance; this finding was a surprise. Attitudes towards the law There were three items in the questionnaire that concerned the attitude towards the law: "The law should be observed"; "Most of the acts people term offences actually cause no harm at all to anybody''' and "In order to get a position in life, lawless behaviour is indispensable"; the latter two were at the same time an operationalization of the Sykes and Matza's techniques of neutralization. Opinions denying or aggreeing with the statement concerning the harmlessness of offences were the 1east important in the differentiation of the examined populations in respect to the level of deviance. This variable was also least correlated with the general scale of altitudes towards the law. On the other hand, the remaining two variables of this groups did differentiate the respondents well in respect of the level of deviant behaviour. The most discriminating was the question in what situations the law should be observed. The respondents who were\of opinion that "law should always be observed irrespective of the situation'' appeared to reveal the lowest level of deviance. Instead, among the resolute legal nonconformists (,,you can break the law whenever you are certain that you will escape punishment"), those prevailed who scored highest on the deviance scale. The scale of attitudes towards the law was moderately but significantly correlated with the deviance scale, though the relationship of the presently discussed scale with that of deviance was less marked than it was the case with the scales of deviance of environmental and of the attitudes towards the family. The perceived life-chances and material situation Two of the questions concerned the perceived life prospects that can be fulfilled by legitimate means: "what is your estimation of your life prospects as compared with those of the others?", and "Will you be able to get a good job after school?". The differences in the distributions of answers to the above questions in respect of the level of deviance were not great; however. they were significant. The "worst" respondents somewhatimore often had pessimistic, and the "best" ones - optimistic views. However, the constructed index of legitimate opportunities (which consisted of the above two questions failed to reveal a significant relation to deviant behaviour. This means that the sense of blocked opportunities for promotion and success (operationalized as above) is not related to deviant behaviour. The more so as the question about the respondents' estimation of their family material standing - though it differentiated the answers in respect of the level of deviance - also revealed a very small correlation with the scale of deviance (about 0.10). Perception of life prospects and opportunities was also analyzed from a somewhat different point of view. Namely, the respondents were asked whether in their opinion connections were necessary to get a god job. and whether it was possible to succeed in life through good honest work. These questions composed the variable "illegitimate opportunities". Constructed so as to make it complementary in relation to the variable "legitimate opportunities". An attempt was also made to ascertain to what degree this variable was correlated with the attitude towards the law. The questions about the chances of fulfilment of success goals through illegitimate means differentiated the examined populations in respect of the level of deviance. The "worst" respondents stated significantly more frequently that honest work did not lead to success in life. and that connections were necessary to get a good job. It was interesting to find that the variable "illegitimate opportunities'' was moderately correlated both with the attitude towards the law and with the "legitimate opportunities''. It was a moderately good predictor of deviant behaviour since it was correlated with the deviance scale at about 0.20 for boys as well as for girls. Values, moral principles and outlook on life Values treasured most frequently (love, friendship. happy home - over 75% (of all choices) failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of their deviance. Of the remaining ten values, deep religious faith was chosen most frequently by the "best'' respondents, and acquiring individuality as well as learning to "be oneself' - by the ,,worst'' ones. The question about the stability of moral principles (three "types" of morality were distinguished: strict, situational and nihilistic) completely failed to differentiate the group of respondents Separated according to their Scores on the scale of deviance. There were among the moral nihilist as many of the "worst" as of the "best" respondents. The possible answers concerning the attitude towards religion ranged from: "I 'm a decided adherent of secular views" to: "I'm deeply religious". Generally speaking. This question provided but a poor differentiation in respect of the level of deviance. Since nearly 90% of the examined persons were at least "not-Church-going believers". Those of the examined persons who were deeply religious were an exception. In this group, the level of deviance of this group was decidedly the lowest. Involvement in conventional activities Of the three questions about activities consistent with the norms (active participation in youth organizations, hobbies, participation in organized leisure activities), none appeared to differentiate the examined group in respect of the level of deviance. Instead, the questions about school achievements ("Are you a good, bad or average student?") and about learning motivation ("What is for you the importance of being a good student?") were strongly related to deviance. The "worst" respondents much more often declared themselves to be bad students and admitted not caring about learning. At the same time, the variable of motivation was a much better predictor of deviance (r= -0.27) than the actual learning achievements (r= -0.11). Of the considered models of deviance, the most strongly confirmed was the theory of differential associations. This may be concluded from the following premises. Firstly, the variable of "devince of the environment'' and its separate elements revealed the highest correlation with the deviance scale. The test of significance of the differences of the value of correlation coefficients justifies the rejection of the null hypothesis as to their random character. Both the question about deviance among the closest friends, and those about deviance in a broader surroundings. revealed a much stronger correlation with deviant behaviour than the remaining variables. Also the question about deviance in the family appeared relate to deviant behaviour. In the light of the results obtained, not only a deviant peer group, but also a deviance in the family seem to be conducive to deviance. The adherents of the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations would find it difficult to argue that it was the deviance in the examined persons that led to deviance in their families. Also the way in which the variable ,, deviance of the environment" is correlated with other variables speaks against the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations since this variable a also revealed rather high correlation with deviant attitudes, the attitude towards learning at school and towards the family. Moreover, the relationship between the variable "deviance of environment" and ,,deviant behavior” was found to increase with age which is consistent with the known of importance of peer groups in the life of youths and their growing effect. On the other hand the result in question is difficult to interpret in the terms of alternative hypotheses: the "criminal tendencies" or ,.deviant impulses’’ should after all be constant and do not change with time. Still another finding should be mentioned here. In spite of the fact that girls generally have stronger ties with their parents as compared with boys, the correlation of the attitudes towards the family with deviant behaviour was found to be smaller in the group of girls than in the group of boys. Instead, against expectations, the deviance of the environment also revealed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour in the group of girls. Hirschi's control theory was much less confirmed by the findings of the present study. Of the four elements of bonds only the attachment to the, parents were rather strongly supported. On the other hand, hypotheses derived from the remaining elements of Hirschi.s conception were not confirmed at all (e.g. no confirmation at all was found of Hirsci’s argument that high degree of involvement in conventional types of activity is negatively related to deviance) or confirmed but to a small extent (e.g. the relationship between the school achievements and deviance). Besides the attitudes towards the family, only the attitude towards learning at school proved to be consistent with Hirschi's theory. On the other hand, in spite o| the principal hypothesis of the control theory the most isolated respondents failed to reveal a significantly higher level of deviance. Thus the conception of a solitary deviant promoted by Hirschi appears not tanable in the light of the obtained results. To sump up, if one had to decide basing on the findings of the present study which of the discussed theories was confirmed to a greater degree, it could be concluded that the theory of differential associations was confirmed to greater extent than Hirschi's control theory. On the other had, the results of the study do not seem to speak for Merton’s aims-means theory or the conception of differential opportunities of Cloward and Ohlin. Also some of the statements of the labelling approach failed to find confirmation.
In the years 1978-1979, a study of the extent and causes of deviant behaviour in older schoolchildren was carried out in Warsaw which included three thousand persons. boys and girls. Since there was a lack of comprehensive studies of the extent and causes of social maladjustment of the rural, youth in Poland' it was decided that this study should be repeated in typically agricultural regions. The study, carried out in late l981, was aimed at the following: to construct a Polish version of the self-report delinquency scale, to estimate the extent of deviant behaviour in the analyzed populations, and to determine the variables particularly closely related to deviant behaviour. The stratified random sample consisted of 2,144 persons (1,7O2 boys and 429 girls). They were students of 86 different grades of various secondary schools, and were aged 14- 19. The study was carried out by an anonymous questionnaire which contained 124 questions; among them. there were 42 questions - about the various types of deviant behaviour, while the remaining ones concerned the separate groups of independent variables. The data on the following groups of independent variables were collected:1. the attitudes towards the family, the past and present and future family situation, and the character of interactions within the family; 2. deviance in the environment; 3. the attitudes towards friends, the character of interactions with friends and the intensity of bonds with the reference groups; 4. the attitudes towards school and the learning progress; 5. attitudes towards the legal norms; 6. the appraisal of life prospects and of the chances for fulfilment of aims and aspirations by means of legitimate methods; 7. the system of values, outlook on life and attitude towards moral norms; 8. engagement in social, cultural and sports activities and the like. A distinct group were the so-called alcohol variables, analyzed separately and the socio-demographic variables. Moreover, the questionnaire contained a ninc-question lye scale. The dependent variable was an index of 42 questions about various types of deviant behaviour. The possible answers to all the questions were indentical: "never", "once or twice", "several times", "a dozen or more times" and "more often". The sum of the respondents' affirmative answers to the questions about deviant behaviour formed the so-called variety scale. The frequency scale resulted from summing up all types of answers to each of the questions. Since the correlation between the scales of variety and frequency exceeded r :0.90, the variety scale was used in the analysis. This was due to its simplicity and a greater easiness of statistical interpretation. Three groups of deviant behaviour were distinguished for the purposes of the analysis. The first of them were manifestations of behaviour given a working term of insubordination. Though not forbidden by the law, such behaviour is improper in consideration of age or represents a challenge to the authority of the parents" guardians. teachers etc. For instance. the following types of behaviour were included here: staying away from home all night without the parents' consent. running away from home, or smoking before the age of 14. The second group were acts of "dishonesty" also not penalized as a rule– e.g. failure to give a lost thing back to its owner, or steadling rides. The third and most important group were acts that bore the character of transgressions or offences. Among others, this category included brawls. beatings and other offences against person. robbery thefts. breaking and entering, receiving stolen property, and other offences against property. The examined young persons committed the following acts, most frequently: smoking before the age of 14. stealing rides. failure to give the change left from shopping back-to the parents (over 80f of affirmative answers), failure to give the change back to a shopkeeper, failure to give back a found object (over 70% of affirmatie answers). misdemeanour at school. beating. participation in a brawl (over 50% of affirmative answers). Most seldom they admited taking drugs, picking public telephones and slipping out of a pub without paying the bill (less than 10%, of the examined persons). Generally, about 35% of the examined boys (i.e. 583 persons) admitted having committed at least once a half of the, 42 acts included in the questionnaire. over 20% of boys had a high, and 7.7% a Very high level of deviance. In the Warsaw study. a very high level of deviance was found in 6.1%, of boys. Therefore, the percentage of boys with a high level of deviance is similar in both studies and nearing other Polish estimates of the extent of social maladjustment of the school youth. In the present study, hypotheses were verified which were derived from some of the most popular theories of deviance: i.a., Sutherland's theory of differential associations, Hirschi's control theory, Merton's aims – means theory, (and the related conceptions of Cloward and Ohlin), Sykes and Matza's theory of neutralization. Also certain hypotheses were verified indirectly that were derived from the Gluecks' multifactor conception and the labeling theory: The major findings were as follows: Family situation Four items of the questionnaire made together the scale of ties with the family. These were the following questions: "Do your parents try to understand your problems?'', "Do your parents trust you?, ,,Do you generally like to discuss your plans with your parents?", "Do you trust your parents?". The scale of family ties revealed a rather high negative correlation with the deviance scale (r = -0.34 for boys and. R = -0.28 for girls). It appeared that the lesser the sense of ties with the parents. the higher the tendency to deviant behaviour. Two questions concerned the general apprasal of the atmosphere at home and the degree of the respondents' identification with their families. A strong interdependence was found between the way of defining the atmosphere- at home and the level of deviance. .The respondents who scored highest on the deviance scale, defined their atmosphere at home as bad several times more frequently, and much more seldom as good or very good, as compared with the others. As regards the question whether the respondents would like their own future families to be similar to their parental homes, the distribution of answers was alike. Among the respondents who would not like it at all or rather would not like it, there were nearly three times more of those who scored highest on the deviance scale. The global index of the attitude towards the family (constructed with the answers to all questions concerning the ties and identification with the family) revealed a negative and rather high correlation with the deviance scale, both in the case of boys (r = -0.30) and of girls (r = -0.26). Thus it appeared that deviant behaviour is inversely related to family ties and identification. Those of the examined persons who revealed a nelative attitude towards their families scored significantly higher on the scale of deviance as compared with those whose appraisal of their homes was favourable. Deviance of the environment and attitudes towards friends There were four questions that concerned deviance in the environment, one of which ("Has any member of your closest family ever been convicted by the court?'') concerned the perceived intensity of deviance in the family. Both the boys and the girls whose family member had a criminal record had the highest level of deviance. This finding is of a great theoretical as well as practical value since it demonstrates the groundlessness of the frequently accepted assumption that the family is always the source of pro-social patterns of behaviour. Three questions concerned deviance of the environment, their construction aimed at reflecting various aspects of the problem both as regards the subjective and the objective point of view: the different intensity of deviance and range of environment. The questions were: "Did you ever happened to have problems at school, boarding-school or at home because of your friends?'', "Did any of your acquaintances have a case in a juveni1e court or court of general criminal jurisdiction?", "Are there many young persons in your environment who have troubles with the police?". The distribution of answers to these questions markedly differentiated the examined populations in respect to deviance. In the groups distinguished according to their level of deviance significant differences could be found as far as the deviance of the environment is concerned. The respondents whose level of deviance was the highest appeared to move significantly more often with decidedly negative circles. A scale of deviance in the environment was constructed of the above questions. Of all the scales included in the study, this one showed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour, both in the case of boys (r = 0.56) and of girls (r = 0.36). Instead, the distribution of answers to the questions about emotional ties with the reference groups, the degree of identification with these groups and the emotional stability failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of the degree of deviance; this finding was a surprise. Attitudes towards the law There were three items in the questionnaire that concerned the attitude towards the law: "The law should be observed"; "Most of the acts people term offences actually cause no harm at all to anybody''' and "In order to get a position in life, lawless behaviour is indispensable"; the latter two were at the same time an operationalization of the Sykes and Matza's techniques of neutralization. Opinions denying or aggreeing with the statement concerning the harmlessness of offences were the 1east important in the differentiation of the examined populations in respect to the level of deviance. This variable was also least correlated with the general scale of altitudes towards the law. On the other hand, the remaining two variables of this groups did differentiate the respondents well in respect of the level of deviant behaviour. The most discriminating was the question in what situations the law should be observed. The respondents who were\of opinion that "law should always be observed irrespective of the situation'' appeared to reveal the lowest level of deviance. Instead, among the resolute legal nonconformists (,,you can break the law whenever you are certain that you will escape punishment"), those prevailed who scored highest on the deviance scale. The scale of attitudes towards the law was moderately but significantly correlated with the deviance scale, though the relationship of the presently discussed scale with that of deviance was less marked than it was the case with the scales of deviance of environmental and of the attitudes towards the family. The perceived life-chances and material situation Two of the questions concerned the perceived life prospects that can be fulfilled by legitimate means: "what is your estimation of your life prospects as compared with those of the others?", and "Will you be able to get a good job after school?". The differences in the distributions of answers to the above questions in respect of the level of deviance were not great; however. they were significant. The "worst" respondents somewhatimore often had pessimistic, and the "best" ones - optimistic views. However, the constructed index of legitimate opportunities (which consisted of the above two questions failed to reveal a significant relation to deviant behaviour. This means that the sense of blocked opportunities for promotion and success (operationalized as above) is not related to deviant behaviour. The more so as the question about the respondents' estimation of their family material standing - though it differentiated the answers in respect of the level of deviance - also revealed a very small correlation with the scale of deviance (about 0.10). Perception of life prospects and opportunities was also analyzed from a somewhat different point of view. Namely, the respondents were asked whether in their opinion connections were necessary to get a god job. and whether it was possible to succeed in life through good honest work. These questions composed the variable "illegitimate opportunities". Constructed so as to make it complementary in relation to the variable "legitimate opportunities". An attempt was also made to ascertain to what degree this variable was correlated with the attitude towards the law. The questions about the chances of fulfilment of success goals through illegitimate means differentiated the examined populations in respect of the level of deviance. The "worst" respondents stated significantly more frequently that honest work did not lead to success in life. and that connections were necessary to get a good job. It was interesting to find that the variable "illegitimate opportunities'' was moderately correlated both with the attitude towards the law and with the "legitimate opportunities''. It was a moderately good predictor of deviant behaviour since it was correlated with the deviance scale at about 0.20 for boys as well as for girls. Values, moral principles and outlook on life. Values treasured most frequently (love, friendship. happy home - over 75% (of all choices) failed to differentiate the examined populations in respect of their deviance. Of the remaining ten values, deep religious faith was chosen most frequently by the "best'' respondents, and acquiring individuality as well as learning to "be oneself' - by the ,,worst'' ones. The question about the stability of moral principles (three "types" of morality were distinguished: strict, situational and nihilistic) completely failed to differentiate the group of respondents Separated according to their Scores on the scale of deviance. There were among the moral nihilist as many of the "worst" as of the "best" respondents. The possible answers concerning the attitude towards religion ranged from: "I 'm a decided adherent of secular views" to: "I'm deeply religious". Generally speaking. This question provided but a poor differentiation in respect of the level of deviance. Since nearly 90% of the examined persons were at least "not-Church-going believers". Those of the examined persons who were deeply religious were an exception. In this group, the level of deviance of this group was decidedly the lowest. Involvement in conventional activities Of the three questions about activities consistent with the norms (active participation in youth organizations, hobbies, participation in organized leisure activities), none appeared to differentiate the examined group in respect of the level of deviance. Instead, the questions about school achievements ("Are you a good, bad or average student?") and about learning motivation ("What is for you the importance of being a good student?") were strongly related to deviance. The "worst" respondents much more often declared themselves to be bad students and admitted not caring about learning. At the same time, the variable of motivation was a much better predictor of deviance (r= -0.27) than the actual learning achievements (r= -0.11). Of the considered models of deviance, the most strongly confirmed was the theory of differential associations. This may be concluded from the following premises. Firstly, the variable of "devince of the environment'' and its separate elements revealed the highest correlation with the deviance scale. The test of significance of the differences of the value of correlation coefficients justifies the rejection of the null hypothesis as to their random character. Both the question about deviance among the closest friends, and those about deviance in a broader surroundings. revealed a much stronger correlation with deviant behaviour than the remaining variables. Also the question about deviance in the family appeared relate to deviant behaviour. In the light of the results obtained, not only a deviant peer group, but also a deviance in the family seem to be conducive to deviance. The adherents of the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations would find it difficult to argue that it was the deviance in the examined persons that led to deviance in their families. Also the way in which the variable ,, deviance of the environment" is correlated with other variables speaks against the opinion that deviance precedes deviant associations since this variable a also revealed rather high correlation with deviant attitudes, the attitude towards learning at school and towards the family. Moreover, the relationship between the variable "deviance of environment" and ,,deviant behavior” was found to increase with age which is consistent with the known of importance of peer groups in the life of youths and their growing effect. On the other hand the result in question is difficult to interpret in the terms of alternative hypotheses: the "criminal tendencies" or ,.deviant impulses’’ should after all be constant and do not change with time. Still another finding should be mentioned here. In spite of the fact that girls generally have stronger ties with their parents as compared with boys, the correlation of the attitudes towards the family with deviant behaviour was found to be smaller in the group of girls than in the group of boys. Instead, against expectations, the deviance of the environment also revealed the highest correlation with deviant behaviour in the group of girls. Hirschi's control theory was much less confirmed by the findings of the present study. Of the four elements of bonds only the attachment to the, parents were rather strongly supported. On the other hand, hypotheses derived from the remaining elements of Hirschi.s conception were not confirmed at all (e.g. no confirmation at all was found of Hirsci’s argument that high degree of involvement in conventional types of activity is negatively related to deviance) or confirmed but to a small extent (e.g. the relationship between the school achievements and deviance). Besides the attitudes towards the family, only the attitude towards learning at school proved to be consistent with Hirschi's theory. On the other hand, in spite o| the principal hypothesis of the control theory the most isolated respondents failed to reveal a significantly higher level of deviance. Thus the conception of a solitary deviant promoted by Hirschi appears not tanable in the light of the obtained results. To sump up, if one had to decide basing on the findings of the present study which of the discussed theories was confirmed to a greater degree, it could be concluded that the theory of differential associations was confirmed to greater extent than Hirschi's control theory. On the other had, the results of the study do not seem to speak for Merton’s aims-means theory or the conception of differential opportunities of Cloward and Ohlin. Also some of the statements of the labelling approach failed to find confirmation.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 7-108
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1970-1974 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie
Offences cleared up in 1970-1974 and the persons suspected of them. Data based on police statistics
Autorzy:: Mościskier, Andrzej
Syzduł, Edward
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699298.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1976
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość
materiały statystyczne
statystyki policyjne
crime
statistic materials
police statistics
Opis:: The publication compiles data from police records on the offences cleared up in Poland in 1970-1974 and the persons suspected of them. In view of the legislation changes that have taken place in Poland in the meantime, a comparison of the data presented now with those of 1965- 1969 and published in volume five of the Archives of Criminology is very difficult. In Poland since 1970 a new Penal Code has been in force and since 1972 a Contravention Code. On the basis of the latter some petty offences (to which a theft of a property worth less than 500 zlotys was included) were recognized as petty misdemeanours.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1976, VII; 287-328
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępczość jako zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa publicznego
Crime as a public security threat
Autorzy:: Kossakowska, Daria
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2049825.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-07-30
Wydawca:: Niepaństwowa Wyższa Szkoła Pedagogiczna w Białymstoku
Tematy:: przestępczość
bezpieczeństwo
statystyka kryminalna
crime
security
crime statistics
Opis:: Bezpieczeństwo publiczne jest też postrzegane jako bezpieczeństwo społeczeństwa, wszystkich obywateli państwa i dotyczy ochrony życia, zdrowia ludzi i mienia. Wśród zagrożeń powodowanych przez działalność człowieka znaczne niebezpieczeństwo naruszeń w obrębie bezpieczeństwa publicznego niesie przestępczość. Przedstawione dane statystyczne pokazują stronę ilościową zjawiska przestępczości oraz wykrywania przestępstw. Zmiany w rozmiarach przestępczości zwracają uwagę na złożony charakter problematyki i pracy służb odpowiedzialnych za wykrywanie przestępstw.
Public safety is understood as the safety of society and all citizens of a country, and refers to the protection of every human life, health and property. Among the threats caused by human activity, crime poses a significant risk of violations of public safety. The statistical data presented in the article show the quantitative changes in crime and crime detection. Crime rates bring attention to the complex nature of the problem and the challenges of the work of services responsible for detecting crimes.
Źródło:: Zagadnienia społeczne; 2021, 1, 15; 51-64
2353-7426
Pojawia się w:: Zagadnienia społeczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Problemy związane ze statystycznym opisem przestępczości w oparciu o dane statystyk policyjnych
Problems of Statistical Description of Crime Based on Police Statistics
Autorzy:: Błachut, Janina
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698935.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2000
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: opis przestępczości
statystyka kryminalna
statystyka policyjna
description of crime
crime statistics
police statistics
Opis:: Crime, like any other social phenomenon, requires a statistical description. That description has been changing together with changes of the criminological paradigms. Today, data from three different sources are use to measure crime: official statistics, self-report surveys, and victimization surveys. The data are difficult to compare (in respect of their type, extent, and manner in which they are acquired); however, they are complementary and permit a multi-dimensional description of the phenomenon. The oldest and still the basic source of figures on crime are the crime statistics. What has changed, however, is the approach to such data. Today, they are evaluated in three different perspectives: realistic, institutional, and radical. The present study signals the problems that arise when trying to provide a statistical description of crime of the 1990s basing on police statistics interpreted (to a varying extent) in all three perspectives. My point of departure is the assumption that just like the other statistics of crime, the police statistics is a social construct. It is a product of social, political and organizational processes. Explanation of the process of statistics-making help towards a qualitative evaluation of the data contained in the statistics. The data from police statistics may be treated as indices of both the functioning of the institutions for social control, and of detected crime that results from such control. Important in the social process of statistics-making is both the occurrence of specific events or behaviors and the social reaction to them. Possessing political power, the state creates the system of laws together with organizational structures that supervise the observance of those laws. The functioning of the formalized legal control may be analyzed from the viewpoint of decisions taken by the legislator in the process of law-making as well as those taken by institutions specially appointed to exercise such control. Fundamental in the process of making of police statistics is the role of decisions taken by the police in the course of prosecution. The police (as well as other prosecution agencies) is authorized by state authorities to detect, qualify, register and count events that are found to be offences and the perpetrators of those acts. It is authorized to gather, process and publish data. The legislative process, that is the legislator's decisions concerning law-making, may be appraised in various perspectives. Important in the context of interpretation of data from police statistics is their evaluation in the perspective of criminalization/de-criminalization and penalization/de-penalization acts, construction of substantive penal law and criminal procedure institution, as well as regulation of the structure and competencies of agencies dealing with public safety and order, the police included. Also monitored should be legislative "steps" in the area of misdemeanors law and penal law concerning offences against the Treasury. In the process of both formalized and informal social control, offences are "disclosed''; evcnts and behaviors idcntified with prohibited acts are distinguished from among the bulk of events and behaviors. To "disclose'' an offence, one needs knowledge as to what is and what is not a prohibited act; the opportunity to recognize that offence; and the awareness of recognizing it. In our system, the institutions appointed thus to "disclose'' offences include the Police, the prosecutor's office, the Office of State Protection, Military Police, Frontier Guards, fiscal inspection agencies, the Customs Inspection, State Sanitary Inspection, State Trade Inspection, as well as other agencies specified in individual laws. As can be supposed, most offences are disclosed by the victims, natural persons, and members of victimized institutions. Disclosure of an offence is not tantamount to its reporting. Self-report surveys confirm the existence of disclosed but unreported offences. As follows from such surveys, people in different countries show different tendencies to report facts of victimization to the police, and those tendencies depend on the type of offence involved. In Poland, it is the citizens' social duty to report offences; that duty becomes legal in exceptional situations and with respect to a specific group of offences only. Not all reported offences are registered. Registration follows strictly specified rules related to the system of information gathering and processing that is currently binding upon the prosecution agencies. Registration of offences proceeds through a prosecution agency's decision to institute preparatory proceedings. Most often, the proceedings are instituted on the citizens' initiative. Once instituted, preparatory proceedings aims at establishing whether a prohibited act has in fact been committed and whether that act constitutes an offence. The event with respect to which qualification of the act as an offence has been confirmed by completed preparatory proceedings is treated as an established offence in police statistics. Preparatory proceedings also aims at detecting the offender, that is at identifying the person who has in fact committed a given act. At the preparatory stage, this person is treated as the suspect. In most cases, identification of the suspect by the prosecution agencies bases on indication made by the person who reported the offence. The process of detection of offenders varies depending on the type of offence, indication or lack of indication of the suspect at the moment of reporting the offence, and the province in which the preparatory proceedings was conducted. The legislator authorized the Police not only to detect, qualify and register offences, to detect offenders, and to take a variety of decisions concerning acts and persons in preparatory proceedings (at the stage of its institution, course, and completion), but also to gather appropriate data about those acts and persons and then to count, process and publish such data. The term "police statistics'' usually means a collection, gathered and published by the Police, of figures pertaining to crime. Such figures make it possible to describe the quantitative aspect of the phenomenon, but may be quite misleading if used in a wrong manner. Data from police statistics may be used mechanically, so to say, simply quoted with no attempt at explanation. They may be manipulated, that is used in a biased way towards specific aims. As we know, figures can be used to prove any hypothesis whatever, provided that they are selected, put in order, confronted and counted. They can also be interpreted; this, however, is where difficulties start to arise. It appears that it is by no means a simple task to provide a statistical description of crime basing on police statistics. The picture of crime that emerges from that statistics is usually described in a language typical of interpretation of such data in the realistic perspective. We speak of the extent of crime, its dynamics, and trends as if we believed that the data gathered by the Police permitted characterization of "real crime". Despite this language of the realistic perspective, the actual analysis bases on all three perspectives, that is also on the institutional and the radical one. This means that using police stirtistics, we at the same time analyze the process of their making. Awareness of the process in which the data emerge determines the manner of describing and interpretation of the phenomenon of crime.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 123-140
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Państwo polskie w walce z przestępczością transgraniczną
The polish state in the fight against cross-border crime
Autorzy:: Cywoniuk, Gabriela
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2049820.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-07-30
Wydawca:: Niepaństwowa Wyższa Szkoła Pedagogiczna w Białymstoku
Tematy:: przestępczość transgraniczna
Straż Graniczna
przemyt towarów
przemyt ludzi
fałszerstwo dokumentów
nielegalna migracja
statystyka
border crime
Border Guard
smuggling of goods
human smuggling
forgery of documents
illegal migration
statistics
Opis:: Problemem, z którym ciągle spotykają się służby graniczne są przestępstwa transgraniczne. Otwarte granice w Unii Europejskiej oraz możliwość wyboru środka transportu wzmaga nieustające zainteresowanie łatwym zarobkiem. Zwalczanie przestępczości transgranicznej jest prowadzone od stuleci. Na terenie Polski przestępstwa transgraniczne są dokonywane najczęściej przez cudzoziemców, w tym przez obywateli państw trzecich. Badania statystyczne pokazały, że poziom przestępczości transgranicznej w latach 2016-2020 obniżył się. Wydaje się, że wpływ na zmniejszenie się tej przestępczości w 2020 roku miała pandemia COVID-19 i zakazy wprowadzone przez państwa, co w znacznym stopniu zahamowało ruch graniczny.
Cross-border crimes are a problem that border authorities are constantly confronted with. Open borders in the European Union and the possibility to choose the means of transport increase the continuing interest in easy money. Fighting cross-border crime has been going on for centuries. In Poland, cross-border crimes are most often committed by foreigners, including third-country nationals. Statistical studies showed that the level of cross-border crime decreased in the years 2016-2020. It seems that the decline in this crime in 2020 was influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic and bans imposed by states, which significantly inhibited cross-border traffic.
Źródło:: Zagadnienia społeczne; 2021, 1, 15; 199-234
2353-7426
Pojawia się w:: Zagadnienia społeczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Od liczby przestępstw niewykrytych do innych statystyk kryminalnych: obserwacje opolskiej policji z wykorzystaniem modeli bayesowskich
Autorzy:: Drozdowski, Rafał
Dewsbury, Stephen
Tukiendorf, Andrzej
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2083109.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-12-30
Wydawca:: Uczelnia Łazarskiego. Oficyna Wydawnicza
Tematy:: przestępstwa niewykryte
modelowanie bayesowskie
geografia przestępczo-ści
statystyki kryminalistyczne
undetected crimes
Bayesian modeling
crime mapping
forensic statistics
Opis:: Niewykrywalność przestępstw jest dużym problemem w utrzymaniu porządku publicznego, a analizując doniesienia naukowe na ten temat wydaje się, że go można nawet uznać za „wstydliwy”. Z tego powodu w niniejszej pracy podjęliśmy się oceny niniejszego zjawiska kryminalistycznego, dostosowując nowoczesne metody geostatystyczne. W opracowaniu wykorzystaliśmy wszystkie zgłoszone do Komendy Wojewódzkiej Policji w Opolu przestęp-stwa popełnione w województwie w okresie pięciu lat 2015–2019 i zbudowaliśmy modele przestrzenno-czasowe wskaźników niewykrytej przestępczości. Ich roczne pięcioletnie stopy wzrostu oparte są na populacji referencyjnej przy użyciu hierarchicznego modelowania bay-esowskiego. Kombinacje tych poziomów porównaliśmy z prawdopodobieństwem liczby wykrytych i niewykrytych przestępstw. Analiza statystyczna została rozszerzona o powierzch-nię kwadratową i surowe wskaźniki zgłoszonych statystyk przestępczości względem popu-lacji referencyjnej. Stwierdziliśmy, że stopień wykrywalności przestępstw jest bezpośrednio związany z liczebnością populacji referencyjnej, co może również sugerować zasadność prze-prowadzenia szczegółowej analizy w zakresie dostosowania odpowiedniej obsady personelu policji w jednostkach administracyjnych. Wyraźny był również wpływ powierzchni jednostek administracyjnych na liczbę niewykrytych przestępstw. Ponadto ogólne wskaźniki zgłaszanej przestępczości oraz wahania w czasie w obrębie samych jednostek terytorialnych implikowały istotniejsze zmiany statystyk kryminalistycznych, niż różnice pomiędzy nimi i zostały ustalone jedynie na podstawie liczby przestępstw niewykrytych. Zastosowanie metod bayesowskich (pomimo statystycznego zaawansowania, jednakże prostej aplikacji komputerowej) pozwala na analizę danych geostatystycznych (niezależnie od rodzaju) i nowe możliwości wniosko-wania naukowego. Przy obecnej technice oprogramowania, wszystkie prezentowane wyniki statystyczne są dość łatwe do osiągnięcia, niemniej wymagają współpracy zainteresowanych profesjonalnych organów policyjnych i statystycznych oraz komplementarnych analiz nauko-wych. Na koniec warto podkreślić, że metody bayesowskie pozwalają na otwarcie zupełnie nowych horyzontów poznawczych w badaniach kryminalistycznych.
The non-detectability of crimes is a big problem for maintaining public order, and by reviewing scientific reports on this subject it seems that this problem can even be considered ‘shameful’. For this reason, we undertook in this study an assessment of this forensic phenomenon adapting modern geostatistical methods. This study uses all reported incidences of crimes to the Opole Provincial Police Headquarters committed in the Opole region over a five year period 2015–2019. Spatio-temporal patterns of undetected crime rates were built. Their annual five-year growth rates are based on the reference population using hierarchical Bayesian modeling. The combinations of these levels were compared with the odds of detected to undetected crime numbers. The statistical analysis was extended with square area and crude rates of the reported crime statistics per reference population. We found that the degree of crime detection is directly related to the reference population size which may also suggest the validity of a detailed analysis in terms of adjusting the appropriate staffing of police personnel in administrative units. Furthermore, the influence of the area of administrative territories on the number of undetected crimes was also evident. Additionally, overall reported crime rates and the fluctuations in time within territorial units themselves implicated more important changes in criminal statistics than the differences between them and were established using unsolved crime statistics only. The use of Bayesian methods (despite the fact that they are statistically advanced, is simple in a computer application) allows for the unfolding of geostatistical data (regardless of the type) and new possibilities of scientific inference. All these statistical results are quite easy to achieve with the current programming technique, nevertheless they require the cooperation of interested professional forensic and statistical bodies and further scientific explanations. Finally, it is worth emphasizing that Bayesian methods allow brand-new cognitive horizons to be opened in forensic research.
Źródło:: Ius Novum; 2021, 15, 4; 136-146
1897-5577
Pojawia się w:: Ius Novum
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: O przestępczości cudzoziemców i przestępczości wobec cudzoziemców w Polsce na podstawie statystyki policyjnej
Immigrants crime and victimization in Poland based on police statistics
Autorzy:: Włodarczyk-Madejska, Justyna
Kopeć, Maria
Goździk, Gabriela
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2030517.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-12-31
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: cudzoziemcy
imigracja
przestępczość cudzoziemców
wiktymizacja cudzoziemców
etiologia przestępczości
statystyka policyjna
foreigners
immigration
immigrants and crime
victimization of immigrants
etiology of crime
police statistics
Opis:: Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia problematykę przestępczości cudzoziemców w Polsce oraz zjawisko ich wiktymizacji w oparciu o statystyki policyjne. Podjęto w opracowaniu próbę omówienia etiologii pokrzywdzenia cudzoziemców przestępstwem oraz ukazano trudności i osiągnięcia związane z badaniem tego zjawiska. Przedstawiono także możliwe przyczyny zaangażowania imigrantów w działalność przestępczą. W kluczowej części opracowania ukazano, w oparciu o statystyki policyjne, dane liczbowe dotyczące skali przestępczości imigrantów w Polsce, struktury tego zjawiska oraz samych sprawców. Następnie omówione zostały dane na temat skali pokrzywdzenia imigrantów przestępstwem w Polsce oraz dotyczące osób pokrzywdzonych.
This article presents the issue of crimes committed by immigrants in Poland and the issue of their victimization based on police statistics. Authors describe the etiology of victimization of immigrants and show the problems and the achievements related to the study of this phenomenon. The article presents the possible causes for committing crimes by immigrants. In the main part, based on police statistics, authors present the size and structure of crimes committed by immigrants and analyze who are the offenders. They also show the size of crime victimization on the immigrants in Poland and data about victims.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2021, XLIII/2; 267-314
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Modele ekonomiczne w analizie zjawiska przestępczości
Economic Models in the Analysis Of Crime
Autorzy:: Kądziołka, Kinga
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/589231.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Katowicach
Tematy:: Ekonomia behawioralna
Przestępczość
Statystyka przestępczości
Teoria oczekiwanej użyteczności
Teoria perspektywy
Behavioral economics
Crime
Crime statistics
Expected utility theory
Prospec theory
Opis:: W artykule przedstawione zostały założenia ekonomicznej teorii przestępczości G. Beckera, zgodnie z którą mechanizm podejmowania decyzji o popełnieniu czynów niezgodnych z prawem jest oparty na racjonalnej kalkulacji korzyści i kosztów płynących z podjęcia takich działań. Przedstawiono formalny model procesu decyzyjnego potencjalnych sprawców przestępstw oparty na teorii oczekiwanej użyteczności i badano wpływ wybranych czynników na rozmiar przestępczości stwierdzonej w Polsce w kontekście założeń ekonomicznej teorii przestępczości. Zwrócono również uwagę na problem racjonalności potencjalnych sprawców przestępstw, brak dostępu do pełnej informacji oraz sposób oceny korzyści i kosztów z podejmowanych działań przestępczych. Zaprezentowano ponadto zastosowanie modeli ekonomii behawioralnej w analizie zjawiska przestępczości i pewne płynące z nich wnioski.
Article presents formal models of decision making problem based on expected utility theory and prospect theory. Models are applied to the criminal decision making problem. Article also introduces to econometric modeling of crime rate in Poland. There is empirically verified relationship between socio-economic factors and property crime rate in the regions of Poland using panel data.
Źródło:: Studia Ekonomiczne; 2014, 206; 46-60
2083-8611
Pojawia się w:: Studia Ekonomiczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Metody i zakres gromadzenia danych do statystyki policyjnej w II Rzeczypospolitej (1919–1934)
Methods and scope of the data collection to police statistics in the second Polish Republic (1919–1934)
Autorzy:: Kozdrowski, Stanisław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/507220.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-05-21
Wydawca:: Akademia Pomorska w Słupsku
Tematy:: Policja Państwowa
policja kryminalna
przestępczość
statystyka policyjna
arkusz statystyczny
National Police
criminal police
crime
police statistics
the statistical sheet
Opis:: W Polsce międzywojennej główny ciężar walki z przestępczością spoczywał na barkach policji kryminalnej, która stanowiła jeden z pionów służbowych w strukturze Policji Państwowej, wyspecjalizowany do wykrywania i zwalczania przestępstw. Własną statystykę kryminalną w PP zaczęto tworzyć już w 1919 r., a następnie rozwijać w kolejnych koncepcjach. Autor niniejszego artykułu podjął próbę dokonania ogólnej charakterystyki systemów statystyki policyjnej, które funkcjonowały w latach: 1919–1934. Opisuje genezę tworzenia statystyki policyjnej dotyczącej przestępczości, strukturę i dynamikę ujawnionych przestępstw (i wykroczeń) w badanym okresie oraz metody gromadzenia danych statystycznych i zasady działania rozwiniętego systemu z 1922 r., w którym rejestrowano przestępstwa i inne zdarzenia przez 13 lat.
Despite the many flaws in the organization and activities of the national police, this does not change the fact that interwar Poland managed to organize an efficient police apparatus, which gave the public a sense of security and effectively combated social crime. The main burden of tasks relating to the detection and prosecution of criminal offences rested on the shoulders of the investigative services, which was established as a specialized division to fight crime. The first attempts to develop and implement police force crime statistics took place in 1919-1920. The basic sets were the daily reports of police officers from different units, initially with six districts (1919). Then statistical lists were improved and data was collected from all districts. A breakthrough in the organization of statistics came in 1922, which departed from "daily reports". Instead a detailed statistical sheet was used that did not change much for 13 years – to 1934, and subsequent changes occurred in 1935.
Źródło:: Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem; 2017, 2; 77-88
2543-7321
Pojawia się w:: Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: Land Use and Facilities and the Spatial Distribution of Urban Property Crime
Formy i funkcje zagospodarowania przestrzeni miejskiej a przestrzenny rozkład przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
Autorzy:: Klakla, Jan Bazyli
Radomska, Ewa
Szafrańska, Michalina
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1033325.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-03-30
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:: mapy przestępczości
analiza przestrzenna przestępczości
statystyka przestrzenna
system informacji geograficznej (GIS)
przestępczość przeciwko mieniu
crime mapping
spatial analysis of crime
spatial statistics
geographic information systems (GIS)
property crime
Opis:: The main research problem of this article is to check whether and how selected land use and facilities influence the spatial distribution of different kinds of urban thefts (and burglary) in Krakow. The analysis uses data on all crimes committed in Krakow in the years 2016–2018. Its results are generally consistent with the results of other similar studies in so far as they indicate a relationship between the increased criminal activity of perpetrators and the availability of potential victims or objects of attack. Both the higher density of crimes in general and theft in general occurred above all in facilities or in the immediate vicinity of facilities which accumulate large communities for various purposes (activity nodes) or in places which produce the high intensity of people flows (communication nodes). One land use and facilities coexist with an increased density of all types of thefts, while others coexist only with some of them. The results, however, seem inconsistent with the rational choice theory assumptions as high crime density rates were observed in the immediate vicinity of public and private monitoring cameras, as well as within 50 meters of police stations.
Głównym problemem badawczym niniejszego artykułu jest sprawdzenie, czy i w jaki sposób wybrane formy i funkcje zagospodarowania przestrzeni miejskiej wpływają na rozmieszczenie kradzieży oraz kradzieży z włamaniem. W analizie wykorzystano dane dotyczące przestępstw zarejestrowanych w latach 2016–2018 w obrębie administracyjnych granic miasta Krakowa. Rezultaty przeprowadzonych badań są zasadniczo zgodne z wynikami podobnych analiz w zakresie, w jakim wskazują one na związek pomiędzy wzmożoną aktywnością przestępczą sprawców a dostępnością potencjalnych ofiar lub obiektów ataku. Większe zagęszczenie zarówno przestępstw ogółem, jak i kradzieży ogółem występowało przede wszystkim w tych obiektach lub bezpośredniej bliskości obiektów, które w różnych celach gromadzą duże zbiorowości (węzły aktywności) lub są miejscem licznych przepływów ludzkich (węzły komunikacji). Co jednak istotne, jedne tego typu funkcje zagospodarowania współwystępują ze zwiększonym zagęszczeniem wszystkich typów kradzieży, inne zaś jedynie niektórych z nich. Wyniki niniejszych badań nie pozostają natomiast w zgodzie z podstawowym założeniem teorii racjonalnego wyboru, wskazując na wysokie zagęszczenie przestępstw w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie kamer monitoringu publicznego i prywatnego, jak również w odległości do 50 metrów od komisariatów policji.
Źródło:: Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2021, 94; 65-95
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:: Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:: Financial Crime in Socialist Poland and Its Causes in the Light of Polish Central Statistical Office (GUS) Statistics
Autorzy:: Błażejczyk-Majka, Lucyna
Macyra, Roman
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1390713.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-02-07
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: financial crime
statistics
GUS
socialist economy
“3 Cs” model
Opis:: It might seem natural to think that the socialist model of the economy, and a reality where collective property prevailed, eliminated the problem of financial crime. But did it really? This paper, which presents the scale of this type of crime as reflected by GUS (Polish Central Statistical Office) statistics, is an attempt at answering this question. At the same time we would like to present the “3 Cs” model (circumstances, character, chance), in which all the “C” factors occurred simultaneously, but on each occasion each of these had a different impact on the particular criminal act.
Źródło:: Studia Historiae Oeconomicae; 2016, 34; 7-32
0081-6485
Pojawia się w:: Studia Historiae Oeconomicae
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Entrenching public relations as inclusive education strategy to generate reliable crime statistics in Nigeria
Autorzy:: Ogbonnaya, Dickson
Mahmoud, Ahmed Tanimu
Odinaka, Ugwukwu Vitalis
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933321.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-03-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: Inclusive education
Public Relations
Crime statistics
Interests
Law enforcement
Nigeria
Opis:: The inclusiveness of education drives sustainable public relations for reliable crime statistics report is determined by power play among critical actors in the sector whose interest are dichotomized into vested and entrenched interests that shaped public opinion on education and crime rate. Access to education can only be inclusive when all stakeholders are involved in its planning, execution and delivery of knowledge in a manner that does not discriminate in access and delivery. However, there is a disconnect between what knowledge is allowed to feed public opinion using public relations by the entrenched and vested interest in the education and law enforcement sectors. While clamor for inclusive education heighten across social class, the cost component of access is not accessible to all. Therefore, the paper argues that deepening equity and inclusiveness in education and law enforcement will neither allow access discrimination nor spurious reportage within the public domain using public relations. It further posits that disparage public opinion on education and law enforcement using public relation mutilate reality and creates false impression that negatively affect planning and development. Edwin Sutherland (1947)`s Differential Association-reinforcement theory of criminal behavior provided the framework while the design was exploratory. Qualitative data was purposively gathered from National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), University of Abuja (UA), and Divisional Police Headquarters Lugbe. The preliminary fi ndings reveal that equity and inclusive education is necessary sustain objective public relation that will not misguide professional and public on crime statistics in Nigeria.
Źródło:: Reality of Politics; 2021, 15; 72-95
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:: Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:: Czy szkoła jest bezpieczna dla uczniów? Skala przestępczości
Is the school safe for students? The scale of crime
Autorzy:: Chodak, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/452324.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
Tematy:: safety
school
students
youth
adolescents
crime
crime statistics
police,
Ministry of national education
teachers protection
bezpieczeństwo
szkoła
studenci
młodzież
przestępczość
statystyka przestępczości
policja
Ministerstwa Edukacji Narodowej nauczyciele
ochrona
Opis:: Safety is the most important value for every human being. Everyone wants to feel safe in your home, in your place of residence, work, school and shopping. Sense of security gives each man a free development and functioning. Safety in school is one of the most important elements affecting the development of bedded and geeky. To answer the posed in the title of the question about whether the school is safe for students? In the remainder of this article I will present statistical data on crime among young people and an analysis of these data. Analysis of the information can be presented by the Ministry of national education.
Bezpieczeństwo jest najważniejszą wartością dla każdego człowieka. Każdy chce czuć się bezpiecznie w swoim domu, w swoim miejscu zamieszkania, w pracy, w szkole i na zakupach. Poczucie bezpieczeństwa daje każdemu człowiekowi możliwość swobodnego rozwoju i funkcjonowania. Bezpieczeństwo w szkole jest jednym z najważniejszych elementów mających wpływ na rozwój osobowy i naukowy ucznia. Aby odpowiedzieć na postawione w tytule pytanie „Czy szkoła jest bezpieczna dla uczniów?”, w dalszej części artykułu przedstawię dane statystyczne dotyczące przestępczości wśród młodzieży oraz analizę tych danych. Analizie zostaną poddane również informacje prezentowane przez Ministerstwo Edukacji Narodowej.
Źródło:: Journal of Modern Science; 2016, 28, 1; 179-194
1734-2031
Pojawia się w:: Journal of Modern Science
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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