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Wyszukujesz frazę "Agree" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
Tytuł:
Case transmission in Classical Latin control structures: Between syntax and morphology
Autorzy:
Jakielaszek, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2183716.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-01-18
Wydawca:
Poznańskie Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk
Tematy:
minimalist syntax
Latin syntax
Multiple Agree
control
Case
Opis:
Latin nonfinite structures with nonovert subjects exhibit puzzling properties with regard to the case- and ϕ-features of their subjects and their relationship to overt NPs in matrix clauses. While the transmission of case- and ϕ-feature related properties is obligatory when there is a nominative or accusative controller NP, it is only ϕ-feature transmission that remains obligatory when there is a dative controller, case transmission being apparently optional. To avoid an assumption of syntactic optionality, accounts of the phenomenon which rely on syntactic mechanisms propose that the apparent optionality reflects a syntactic difference between two types of nonfinite structures. It is instead proposed that mechanisms of linking of objects via Agree and ϕ-feature and case transmission should be assigned to different components of the grammar, syntax and morphology. The hypothesis allows a unified treatment of the syntactic phenomenon of control in Latin.
Źródło:
Lingua Posnanensis; 2022, 64, 2; 7-33
0079-4740
2083-6090
Pojawia się w:
Lingua Posnanensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Abandoning the EPP-feature in Polish dual copula clauses by redefining the predication relation
Autorzy:
Jurczyk, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1945102.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-30
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
EPP
predication
proposition
dual copula clauses (DCCs)
Agree
Opis:
This paper questions the logic behind the presence and the working of the EPP-feature in Polish dual copula clauses (henceforth, DCCs) with the pronominal copula to, the verbal copula być ‘to be’, and two nominative 3rd person DPs, as represented in Bondaruk (2019). The criticism follows from: (i) – Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) downward Agree operation; (ii) – the view that the predicator encodes the predication relation between the pre-copular subject and the post-copular predicate; (iii) – selective multiple Agree, whereby the satisfaction of the EPP- and uφ-features is divorced. Adopting (i)–(iii), Bondaruk’s scrutiny allows either the pre- or the post-copular DP to occupy SpecTP, thereby accounting for DCCs’ agreement and configurational patterns, but, simultaneously, suffering from theoretical shortcomings it creates. We argue for a simpler satisfaction of the subject requirement which does not rely on the troublesome EPP-feature, but is motivated formally by the relation between T and the higher DP. We derive this requirement by following Zeiljstra’s (2012) upward Agree which only takes place once interpretable features c-command uninterpretable features, and Rothstein’s (2004) approach which is based on a neo-Davidsonian event semantics and which argues that be and its complement form a complex predicate, separated from the pre-copular DP both semantically and syntactically.
Źródło:
Linguistics Beyond and Within; 2021, 7; 33-57
2450-5188
Pojawia się w:
Linguistics Beyond and Within
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ad hoc properties and locations in Maltese
Autorzy:
Dalmi, Gréte
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1040169.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-30
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
ad hoc vs. habitual properties
alternative states
accessible worlds
rich structure small clauses
cyclic Agree
Opis:
This paper aims to show that the four-way BE-system of Maltese can best be accommodated in a theory of non-verbal predication that builds on alternative states, without making any reference to the Davidsonian spatio-temporal event variable. The existing theories of non-verbal predicates put the burden of explaining the difference between the ad hoc vs. habitual interpretations either solely on the non-verbal predicate, by postulating an event variable in their lexical layer (see Kratzer 1995; Adger and Ramchand 2003; Magri 2009; Roy 2013), or solely on the copular or non-copular primary predicate, which contains an aspectual operator or an incorporated abstract preposition, responsible for such interpretive differences (Schmitt 2005, Schmitt and Miller 2007, Gallego and Uriagereka 2009, 2011, Marín 2010, Camacho 2012). The present proposal combines Maienborn’s (2003, 2005a,b, 2011) discourse-semantic theory of copular sentences with Richardson’s (2001, 2007) analysis of non-verbal adjunct predicates in Russian, based on alternative states. Under this combined account, variation between the ad hoc vs. habitual interpretations of non-verbal predicates is derived from the presence or absence of a modal OPalt operator that can bind the temporal variable of non-verbal predicates in accessible worlds, in the sense of Kratzer (1991). In the absence of this operator, the temporal variable is bound by the T0 head in the standard way. The proposal extends to non-verbal predicates in copular sentences as well as to argument and adjunct non-verbal predicates in non-copular sentences.
Źródło:
Linguistics Beyond and Within; 2015, 1; 64-85
2450-5188
Pojawia się w:
Linguistics Beyond and Within
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

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