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    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
    Tytuł:
    Zbigniew Kudrzycki, Granica polsko-rosyjska przylegająca do Morza Bałtyckiego 1945–1958, Toruń 2013, Wydawnictwo DRUK-TOR, ss. 284.
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1365040.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Instytut Północny im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie
    Opis:
    Omówienie publikacji: Zbigniew Kudrzycki, Granica polsko-rosyjska przylegająca do Morza Bałtyckiego 1945–1958, Toruń 2013, Wydawnictwo DRUK-TOR, ss. 284.
    Źródło:
    Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie; 2014, 283, 1; 153-156
    0023-3196
    2719-8979
    Pojawia się w:
    Komunikaty Mazursko-Warmińskie
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Sprawa katyńska w podręcznikach polskich i rosyjskich na przełomie XX i XXI wieku
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568502.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Katyn massacre
    communism
    The Republic of Poland
    Russian Federation
    катынский расстрел
    коммунизм
    Республика Польша
    Российская Федерация
    Opis:
    Katyn crime, also known as the Katyn massacre, was one of those historical facts that were kept secret for a very long time. From 1943 when it was revealed to 1990 the soviet Union denied their responsibility for the massacre. Eventually, publishing the original documents on the order of Borys Jecyn and handing tchem down to Poland on 14 October 1992 definitely confirmed the perpetrators of the crime. In the historic consciousness of both Polish and Russian societies there are still many questions and doubts about “the background of the picture” of Katyn crime. Therefore I found it very sensible to analyze the problem of Katyn crime in various history course books in Poland and Russia. After the collapse of the communist political system both countries Poland and Russia introduced new history course books in all types of schools. The new course books not only mention the problem of Katyn crime but also say who was responsible for it. However, the Russians try to neutralize the crime by so called anti-Katyn, emphasizing the death of several thousands of Soviet soldiers imprisoned in Poland in the war of 1920 and after it.
    Катынский расстрел, из-за осуществления его по поручению руководства советского государства и введения секретности действий, а также сознательного затирания его совершения в более позднем периоде, был одним из дольше всего скрываемых исторических фактов. С момента его выявления в 1943 году и вплоть до 1990 года руководство СССР отрицало свою ответственность за катынский расстрел. Практически лишь обнаружение оригинальных советских документов по поручению Бориса Ельцина и их передача Польше 14 октября 1992 года подтвердили окончательно ранее установленные факты. В сфере исторического сознания польского и российского общества по-прежнему однако продолжается борьба за определение «фона картины» катынского расстрела. Поэтому имело смысл вновь проанализировать вопрос катынского расстрела, который появлялся в школьных учебниках по истории в Польше и России. Равно в Польше, как и в России после падения коммунизма и введения но- вых учебников, обязательных во всех типах и видах школ, была размещена информация о катынском расстреле, с указанием совершения его советской стороной. Проблема состоит однако в том, что россияне с целью нейтрализировать катынский расстрел ввели в историографию так называемую «анти-катынь», то есть экспонирование смерти нескольких десятков тысяч большевистских военнопленных в польском плену в ходе и после войны 1920 года.
    Źródło:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2016, 2(11); 171-187
    2084-3291
    Pojawia się w:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Sowieckie nawyki i stereotypy historyczne we współczesnej Rosji
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/11542590.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2009-06-30
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    FROM 1917 TO 1991, that is for 75 years, soviet society was constantly subjected to communistic indoctrination. People were indoctrinated in schools, youth organizations and in media. There were different ways of influencing people’s lives: administrative insults, persecution for religious convictions, atheizing of public life, eliminating political opponents. Surprisingly, after many years and quite serious political and democratic changes homo sovieticus, brought up in those times, still exists. There were surveys and researches carried out that proved it. One of them is Barometer of New Europe (2005) focusing on the subject of longing for the old political system amongst the citizens of the former Soviet Union. It shows that only 13% of the respondents are satisfied with the democratic system whereas 36% of them yearn for communism. The adult citizens of modern Russia were brought up in communistic schools and communistic system and these two factors shaped their historical awareness and culture. It may also explain some of the actions against Poland taken by various Russian environments. A good example of such an action may be the article by Michaił Pozdniajew published in Nowyje Izwiestia on 15 Aug 2005, where the author, pointing to some Polish history course books, presents their contents concerning the relations between Poland and the Soviet Union in a humiliating way. What is more, all the so-called facts cited by the author concerning the subject of the Polish course books are made up. He actually does not cite any of the books he points to in his article. It is a typical soviet attitude both to history and reality. Henryk Składanowski, the author of this article, proves that Michaił Pozdajew did not analyze any of the course books present in Polish educational system, including all types of schools, but based all his opinions on the stereotypes still existing in modern Russia. However, not all Russians have these soviet habits and behave according to the abovementioned stereotypes. There are also Russian non-governmental organizations like Memoriał from Moscow which, through different actions, is trying to eliminate mutual Polish – Russian stereotypes.
    Źródło:
    Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2009, 21; 244-253
    1505-2192
    Pojawia się w:
    Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Problem katyński w podręcznikach polskich i sowieckich w XX wieku
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568706.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Katyn massacre
    communism
    The People’s Republic of Poland
    The Soviet Union
    катынский расстрел
    коммунизм
    Польская Народная Республика,
    Советский Союз
    Opis:
    Katyn crime, also known as the Katyn massacre, committed on the orders of the authority of the Soviet country, then treated as classified information, finally totally denied, was one of those historical facts that were kept secret for a very long time. From 1943 when it was revealed to 1990 the soviet Union denied their responsibility for the massacre. It changed on 13 April 1990 when the government agency TASS released the official statement confirming the soviet commission of the crime. Therefore I found it very sensible to analyze the problem of Katyn crime in various history course books in Poland and Russia, formerly The Soviet Union. In the communist times in Poland the authors of history course books generally omitted the problem although surprisingly it appeared in so called Stalin times and in the eighties when Poland was governed by general Wojciech Jaruzelski. It looked similar in the Soviet Union. The situation changed at the end of Michail Gorbaczow pierestojka and glasnost period when the students of the 11th grade were informed in their history course books about the death of Polish officers in Katyn in 1940.
    Катынский расстрел, из-за осуществления его по поручению руководства советского государства и введения секретности действий, а также созна тельного затирания его совершения в более позднем периоде, был одним из дольше всего скрываемых исторических фактов. С момента его выявления в 1943 году и вплоть до 1990 года руководство СССР отрицало свою ответственность за катынский расстрел. Перелом наступил 13 апреля 1990 года, когда государственное Агентство ТАСС выдало официальное заявление, подтверждающее совершение этого преступления советской стороной. Поскольку раньше повсеместно отрицалось совершение этого преступления советской стороной – так в Советском Союзе, как и в Польской Народной Республике. Поэтому имело смысл вновь проанализировать вопрос катынского расстрела, который появлялся в школьных учебниках по истории в Польской Народной Республике и Советском Союзе. В периоде ПНР тема катынского расстрела обычно умалчивалась в учебниках по истории, однако появлялась в них в наименее ожидаемых моментах, то есть во времена сталинизма и в период правления ген. Войцеха Ярузелського в 80-е гг. XX века, но по разным поводам и причинам. Похожим образом выглядела ситуация в Советском Союзе, где лишь в последнем периоде перестройки и гласности Михаила Горбачева в 1989–1990 гг. Были введены радикальные изменения в школьных учебниках по истории для 11-го класса средней школы, информируя, что раскрытые данные подтверждают смерть польских офицеров в Катыни действительно в 1940 году, то есть ее совершили россияне.
    Źródło:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2016, 1(10); 153-171
    2084-3291
    Pojawia się w:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Więzienia CIA w Polsce i manipulacje wokół nich
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2011135.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    prisons
    CIA
    Polska
    Al-Kaida
    European Court of Human Rights
    The European Convention on Human Rights
    Opis:
    The analysis of the materials show that the CIA prisons, where the members of Al-Kaida were kept and interrogated, were founded in Poland in 2002 when the country was governed by SLD. The PiS politicians who were in the following government knew about the fact but did not want to reveal it to the public. The party of PO which has been governing the country since 2007 has not solved the problem yet. European Court Of Human Rights held in its verdict of 24 July 2014 that there had been the CIA prisons in our country. According to that verdict Poland violated the European Convention on Human Rights and its ban on torture. Poland has not solved the problem, prolonging the investigation 15 times. It is extended until 11 April 2015. On 23 October 2014 our country appealed to European Court of Human Rights to hear the case again.
    Źródło:
    Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2015, 20; 49-86
    1643-6911
    Pojawia się w:
    Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Walka o utrzymanie narodowego (demokratycznego) ideału wychowawczego w polskiej oświacie w latach 1944-1947
    The Struggle for Maintaining the National (Democratic) Educational Ideal in Polish Schools in 1944-1947
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953895.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2004
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Szkolnictwo
    Tajna Organizacja Nauczycielska
    Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego
    Polska Partia Robotnicza
    Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
    Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej
    Ministerstwo Oświaty
    Związek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego
    education
    Clandestine Teachers' Organization (TON)
    Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN)
    Polish Workers' Party (PPR)
    Polish Peasants' Party (PSL)
    Provisional Government of National Unity (TRJN)
    Ministry of Education
    Polish Teachers' Association (ZNP)
    Opis:
    After the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN) had been established, Communist education activists came to Poland from the Soviet Union. The group was led by Dr Stanisław Skrzeszewski who was appointed Head of the Education Department in Lublin. In order to draw teachers to work in the Polish school that was being rebuilt, they had to completely change the views of education they had propagated before. These were tactical actions supposed to neutralize the teacher circle's unfavorable or hostile attitudes. This resulted from the fact that the education structure of the London Government Delegation and the Clandestine Teachers' Organization (TON), working on the liberated lands, were under the influence of the Peasants' Party (SL), and they did not join the new authorities' organizational work, as they did not trust the Polish Workers' Party or the National People's Council. This is why in the “Appeal to the Polish Teachers” issued on 1 August 1944 by the Education Department in Lublin it was, among others, stated, that “The teacher has a complete freedom of democratic political views, speech and actions, according to his views”. The people managing the Education Department, knowing the moods prevailing in the society, did not want to introduce radical changes at the initial stage, and the curriculum, including history, was the same as the one before the war. This is proven, among others, by the “Directions for organizing public primary schools in the school year 1944/45”. Such actions resulted from the social-political situation obtaining in Poland at that time. The new authorities did not want to indispose the Polish society and the teachers towards themselves, as the Communist education activists coming from the USSR were already looked at with suspicion. They were also afraid for their own future fate, as the PKWN, and then the Provisional Government were not recognized by the two remaining superpowers of the anti-Hitler coalition, that is, the United States and Great Britain. This had a great influence on the compromise solutions decided on in the field of education. In the new Provisional Government of National Unity (TRJN) appointed on 28 June 1945, on the basis of the agreement between the three superpowers concluded in Jalta, a Polish Peasants' Party (PSL) activist, the president of the Polish Teachers' Association (ZNP), Czesław Wycech became Minister of Education. When Czesław Wycech took over the function of the minister, the Communists, partly debarred from the posts of authority, still tried to influence the crucial decisions, keeping some of the most important positions. Żanna Kormanowa, an education activist who came from the Soviet Union, is a good example here. She had the key function of the Head of the School Reform and Curricula Department. Despite fears of losing it the Communists were able to keep the position. Formally not controlling the Ministry of Education, they in fact had a lot of influence on the curricula that were being prepared. Many PPR activists knew that establishing the TRJN was a necessary compromise. However, they could not understand why the party had given up just this ministry, as their educational work done so far was assessed as very good by the party leaders. They thought that reconstructing the contents of school education in history and forming a new, communist educational ideal, were an indispensable condition in the planned ideological attack. In this way a situation arose, in which the changes in education were being introduced by teachers connected with PSL, who did not agree with the former Ministry of Education's conception of reform. They did not accept the education ideal postulated by PPR, either. On the contrary, the main educational aims, which the Ministry of Education headed by the PLS pursued, were: “the principles of democracy understood as respect for human rights for freedom, for full development, for participation in material and cultural achievements according to one's work and abilities, as aspiration for dividing hardships and burdens that an individual has to bear for the common good”. These aims proved that the PSL wanted to build a fully democratic state, which was contrary to the principle of “the dictatorship of the proletariat” proclaimed by the PPR. However, in the situation that obtained at that time the Communists had to tolerate the views presented by the Ministry of Education. Until the forged elections of 1947 the Ministry tried to resist the PPR's influences and aimed at democratic changes in Poland, which was reflected, among others, in the curricula that were then issued. Having seized all the power in 1947 the Communists started putting into effect the ideals of education based on Marxist-Leninist ideology, alien to Polish people. Deserted in its struggle for democracy the PSL, supported practically by the Church alone, subjected to repressions and exposed to actions aiming at its dissent, was not able to defend the democratic and national education. The education ideas proclaimed by the PSL after the war were returned to practically only after the rise of the “Solidarity” trade union in 1980, and started being put into effecty after the breakthrough of 1989, when Poland regained full independence.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2004, 52, 2; 57-70
    0035-7707
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    20 Years after The Lustration of Lech Wałęsa
    Autorzy:
    Składanowski, Henryk Marek
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933234.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-03-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Lech Wałesa
    Czesław Kiszczak
    president
    lustration
    transformation
    Opis:
    This study aims to determine whether the decision of the V Lustration Department of the Court of Appeal in Warsaw issued in 2000, that Lech Wałęsa was not a secret collaborate of the former Security Service of the Polish People’s Republic (PPR), was a correct one. Marek Aftyka’s “briefing memo” and Proceedings of Regional Court in Gdańsk I Civil Department in 2010 in a case brought by Lech Wałęsa against Krzysztof Wyszkowski were researched in this article. It is stated that individual decisions of judges in 2000 were wrong in this case, which was confirmed on February 16, 2016 by finding the personal and working files of the secret collaborate codename “Bolek”. Analysis of the sources demonstrated that Wałęsa he did not consider the cooperation with the prosecution and security institutions, as well as with the state of real socialism as something wrong. At the same time, former Polish president, as a well-trained agent, will never admit to the cooperation.
    Źródło:
    Reality of Politics; 2020, 11; 45-66
    2082-3959
    Pojawia się w:
    Reality of Politics
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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