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    Wyświetlanie 1-8 z 8
    Tytuł:
    Choral-Lieder... mit Variationes — kompozycje Johanna Ephraima Eggerta na carillon kościoła św. Katarzyny w Gdańsku
    Choral-Lieder... mit Variationes — Johann Ephraim Eggert’s Compositions for Saint Catherine’s Church Carillon in Gdańsk
    Autorzy:
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521867.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2011
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Tematy:
    carillon
    the St Catharine’s Church carillon
    compositions for carillon
    variations for carillon
    Johann Ephraim Eggert
    Opis:
    A manuscript entitled Choral-Lieder zu dem Glocken-Spiel der Altstädtschen Ober-Pfarr-Kirche zu St. Catharinen ausgesetzt mit Variationes, dated 1784 and containing pieces for the Saint Catherine’s church carillon, is kept in the State Archive in Gdansk. The manuscript contains 260 compositions based on a protestant chorale. They are grouped in two sections entitled Lieder zur ganzen Stunde and Lieder zur halben Stunde, i.e. songs for playing at full and half hours. In all, the manuscript contains 130 three-minute compositions to be played at full hours and 128 ninety-second compositions to be played at half hours. The fi rst part of the manuscript also contains two 15-second quarter-hour preludes. The works were written by Johann Ephraim Eggert, a St. Catherine’s church carillonist. The paper discusses the structure of the compositions. Despite what the title suggests, not all compositions are in the form of variations. Of the 130 pieces designated to be played at full hours, 124 are indeed variations, but there are 5 in the form of chorale prelude, and 1 is a simple monophonic chorale. As for the half hour compositions, about 25% are variations and the remaining ones are chorale preludes. The author of the article presents characteristic features of Eggert’s compositions. Discussing variations, she examines the ways of presenting the themes, texture, variation technique resources, and also types of variations. In the chorale preludes, she focuses on the ways of treatment. The author also points to the fact that the forms of Eggert’s compositions and his use of technical resources result from the carillon’s design.
    Źródło:
    Aspekty Muzyki; 2011, 1; 157-179
    2082-6044
    Pojawia się w:
    Aspekty Muzyki
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Gdańsk carillon tablatures
    Autorzy:
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/780129.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2012
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    carillon
    Gdańsk historical carillons
    Gdańsk Main Town Hall carillon
    musical notation
    tablature
    Protestant chorale
    Opis:
    The music collections of Gdańsk State Archive include music written for the automatic carillon of Gdańsk Main Town Hall. These are four tablatures with a unique notation system that appears only in Gdańsk sources. The oldest tablature (consisting of four volumes) was produced in the years 1769-1775; two others (one volume each) were copied in 1775 and 1776; the fourth was compiled in the years 1808-1812. The tablatures contain a total of 653 chorale settings. Their author was Theodor Friedrich Giilich, who programmed the Town Hall carillon from 1764 to 1776. The Main Town Hall carillon played the chorales every hour. Two different chorales could be programmed on the carillon drum simultaneously. A longer chorale signalled the passing of an even-numbered hour and a shorter chorale an odd-numbered hour. The chorales were changed every Saturday. The four-volume tablature contains chorale settings for the whole year, settings of funeral hymns and instructions for changing the chorales on the carillon drum and programming chorales for special occasions (such as the arrival of the king, the death of a prominent figure, such as the monarch, the mayor, a city councillor or a councillor’s wife, and elections to the City Council, as well as the opening and closing of St Dominic’s Fair). One of the single-volume tablatures includes Old Lutheran Church songs, another has Reformed Evangelical Church songs, and the fourth tablature contains chorales arranged for successive weeks of the year. This article presents the Gdańsk carillon tablatures and explains the principles behind their musical notation.
    Źródło:
    Interdisciplinary Studies in Musicology; 2012, 11; 103-122
    1734-2406
    Pojawia się w:
    Interdisciplinary Studies in Musicology
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ustawiacze automatycznego carillonu ratusza Głównego Miasta w Gdańsku — Franciscus de Rivulo i jego następcy
    Setters of the automatic carillon at the Main Town Hall in Gdańsk — Franciscus de Rivulo and his successors
    Autorzy:
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521944.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2012
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Tematy:
    music culture of old Gdańsk
    automatic carillon of the Main Town Hall in Gdańsk
    setters of the Gdańsk Main Town Hall
    automatic carillon
    Franciscus de Rivulo
    Gdańsk
    carillon tablatures
    Opis:
    In 1561 an automatic carillon was installed at the Main Town Hall in Gdańsk. The mechanism was programmed by so-called town hall bell setters, who were employed by the City Council. We know the names of over twenty people who held this post. The fi rst was Franciscus de Rivulo — a composer most probably originally from the Netherlands. Out of all the bell setters that followed, he turned out to be the most signifi cant musician and outstanding composer. Later, the mechanism was programmed by other musicians, chiefl y organists, as well as members of the city orchestra and musicians’ guild. As many as ten of tchem were professional organists: Michael Colrep, Jacob Tetius, Franz Tetius, Andreas Neunaber, Jacob Neunaber, Christian Bühn, Theodor Friedrich Gülich, Rudolph Liebegott Liebendey, Julius Krieschen and Paul Krieschen. Members of the city chapel included Philipp Schönberg, Bartel Biehn and Johann Georg Borowski, while the musicians’ guild was represented by Hans Neunaber and Peter Bewersdorff. In the fi nal decades of the 17th century, the post was for the fi rst time held by a clockmaker, Johann Eichstedt. In the 19th century, the post of bell setter was held by two other members of this profession — Paul Friedrich Knaack and Carl Anton Kaschlinsky. On account of their professional training, these clockmakers were very familiar with the mechanism of the ‘singing device’ and they had no problems with setting music on the carillon drum. The article focuses on those setters whose activities had in some way infl uenced the musical culture of Gdańsk. It also points to the work of as yet not so well-know setters. Nevertheless, research is underway and in near future it promises to shed light on many of these currently unclear matters.
    Źródło:
    Aspekty Muzyki; 2012, 2; 67-79
    2082-6044
    Pojawia się w:
    Aspekty Muzyki
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Gra carillonu ratusza Głównego Miasta w Gdańsku w świetle procesu konfesjonalizacji
    The sounds of the carillon in Gdańsk Main Town Hall in the light confessionalization process
    Autorzy:
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521992.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Tematy:
    confessionalization
    Protestant Reformation in Gdańsk
    Main Town Hall carillon in Gdańsk
    Opis:
    The idea of confessionalization, introduced to history teaching at the end of the 1970s, refers to a phenomenon, characteristic for modern (especially early-modern) times, of mutual creation of pre-modern statehood in Europe based on the cooperation between the autonomous Church and the state. The confessionalization in the social and religious life of Gdańsk was especially influen-tial after the Lutheran church had rooted in the city in mid-16th century. The Gdańsk City Council was quick and efficient in taking control over the local Protestant church to become its actual superior. Its power manifested for instance in issuing the so-called church regulations (Dangizer Kirchenordnung) which ordered the course of services and other religious ceremonies, as well as the decrees specifying the precise standards of behavior for the inhabitants of Gdańsk. Another tool applied by the Council to introduce the social discipline in the spirit of the Protestant moral code was the Main Town Hall carillon. This automatic instrument consisting of a set of fourteen chime bells was ordered by the City Council in the Flemish region of North Brabantia in 1559. Two years later (1561) it was installed inside the cupola of the belfry of the Main Town Hall — the seat of the authorities of the city, to become its unquestionable adornment. The Protestant hymns flowing from the bell tower were used not only to measure time and announce important social and political events taking place in Gdańsk itself and beyond, but also to remind the inhabitants of the instrument’s patron, on the one hand to underline the generosity of the Council, and on the other — as a forceful indication of the actual authority holder in the city on the Motława.
    Źródło:
    Aspekty Muzyki; 2016, 6; 11-23
    2082-6044
    Pojawia się w:
    Aspekty Muzyki
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Piękno ukryte w dzwonach – kilka refleksji o dzwonach najstarszego gdańskiego carillonu
    Autorzy:
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Misiaszek, Antoni
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/chapters/972680.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Tematy:
    kościół św. Katarzyny
    gdański carillon
    dzwony
    piękno ukryte
    Jan Moer
    pieśń protestancka
    Opis:
    Versatile meanings have been attributed to bells and their sounds for many centuries. The rich array of these meanings confirms us in the conviction that bells played and still do, an essential part in human consciousness. They possess the power of shaping it through the conventional content they were equipped with. Among numerous identifications, symbolical meanings of the bell we encounter ideas very close to us: harmony and music. For some, the bell symbolizes mentioned ideas. If we accept this view, then as the consequence, the description of the bell will be legitimite in the categories of the idea of beauty – a beautiful thing – the thing creating beauty. Till 1945, two Gdańsk historical carillons (The Main Town hall carillon and St. Catherine’s Church carillon) were not only subjects, lasting elements of the material culture of the town but also significant components of its phonosphere which created the unique soundscape characteristic for that very place. Assuming, that there was beauty embedded in the Gdańsk carillons, I wonder, what type of beauty they represented and to what extent it was revealed. I consider the issue on the example of The Main Town hall carillon.
    Źródło:
    Muzyka sakralna. Piękno ocalone i ocalające; 54-67
    9788364615184
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Thesaurus Musicae Gedanensis vol. 2, Thobias von Düren
    Autorzy:
    Szlagowska, Danuta
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Jasiński, Tomasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1034065.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Opis:
    In December 1630, Thobias (Tobias) von Düren (Dühren) offered the Gdańsk City Council, alongwith his best wishes for the approaching New Year, three of his compositions: Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein, Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost and Freu dich du liebe Christenheit. He sent them from Königsberg together with a letter in which he expressed the greatest respect for the councillors ‘Noble, Illustrious, Most Honourable, Most Wise, Provident, Great, Most Learned and Most Benevolent Lords,’ requesting their memory and hoping that they will remain his ‘benevolent Lords and Benefactors.’ Appealing for the Council’s kindness and support, the composer recalls his late departed father, Mattiss von Düren, who had selflessly served the city for over thirty years, earning the respect of the authorities. This information, clearly suggesting that Thobias von Düren was originally from Gdańsk, started the search in the city’s archives for traces of the composer’s life in Gdańsk and that of his family. The first lead to be found is a document, dated 18th April 1586, certifying the legal origins of Matts von Dueren. Two of the city’s citizens – Godert Moor and Peter von Dueren – confirm that Matts was born in Gdańsk, and that his parents were the by then deceased Matts von Dueren and Sophia. It is possible that the Matts von Dueren applying for citizenship was actually Mattiss von Düren, the father of Thobias von Düren, whom the latter mentioned in the 1630 letter to the City Council, recalling his many years of service in Gdańsk. Another document that probably refers to Thobias von Düren is found in the St Catherine’s Church book of baptisms. There, on the 22nd Sunday after Trinity, 1591, Thobias, the son of Matz (Matts, Mattiss) von Dühren and Hede was baptised. Yet more evidence concerning Thobias von Düren in Gdańsk is an entry in the 1605 student register for the Gdańsk Academic Gymnasium, which mentions two Düren brothers: Thobias and Matthias. There is reason to believe that the name ‘Mattiss’ (Matthias, Mathias, Matts, Matz) was passed down in the Düren family from one generation to the next. If we accept this assumption, the Matthias in the Academic Gymnasium register could have been Thobias’s older brother. Correlation with the St Catherine’s baptismal register allows us to conclude that Thobias started going to the Gymnasium at the age of 14. We do not know, however, which class he went to, because the student register does not provide such information. The known life histories of other Gdańsk students tells us that they usually left the Gymnasium aged 16–20. Gdańsk archive documents from the end of the 16th century do not include too much information about the Düren family. Additional facts, on the other hand, are found in a work by Dorothea Weichbrodt. In her opinion, the Düren family came to Gdańsk from Flanders. At least some of them were originally from the town of Düren, near the German-French border. Weichbrodt points to Mathias ‘aus Düren’, who was the father of Peter and Hans. In turn, Tobias (Thobias) and Mathias (Matthias) could have been the sons of the Mathias who was buried in St Mary’s Church allotment 117 on 14th January 1617, and grandsons of the Mathias who in 1571 was registered as a merchant dealing in skins. Information imparted by Thobias himself in the letter sent with his compositions dedicated to the City Council only confirms the facts that in 1630 he was in Königsberg and that he was a musician. It is known that the City Council responded on 23rd December 1630, but the content of their letter is unknown. The city cash books for the accounting years 1629/1631 and 1630/1631 do not include any entries of payments made to Düren for the compositions he had sent to the Council. The three compositions Thobias von Düren sent to the City Council in 1630 are the composer’s only extant works. Joseph Müller mentions a six-voice Mass by Düren which is now lost. It was included in a 1645 manuscript collection,16 which also contained Masses by Johannes Eccard, Leonhard Lechner, Jacobus Gallus, Hassler (?), Orlando di Lasso, Rudolph di Lasso, Peter Philips and Johann Weichmann. Moreover, both Gottfried Döring and Robert Eitner claim that in the Stadtarchiv in Danzig there was a manuscript containing six of Düren’s German motets for four vocal parts to the accompaniment of instruments, dated 16th December 1630. Today there is no trace of these compositions. Another date, 18th December 1630, appears on three extant compositions that were dedicated to the Gdańsk City Council, and therefore these compositions cannot be the motets mentioned by Döring and Eitner, all the more so since they are intended for different voices and instruments. The compositions sent by Thobias von Düren to the City Council were thematically associated with the Christmas period. The anonymous and unidentified texts, which could have been written by the composer himself, directly or indirectly refer to the birth of the Baby Jesus. The clearest Christmas references are made in the composition text Freu dich du liebe Christenheit: Freu dich du liebe Christenheit, dank deinem Gott in Ewigkeit. Denn dir zu Trost ist heut geborn, der mit Geduld stillt Gottes Zorn, von einer Jungfrauen auserkorn. In further verses there also appear phrases such as: ‘Baby with appealing heart’ (‘das herzeschöne Kindelein’), ‘Child so delicate and fragile’ (‘Das Kindelein ist zart und fein’), ‘Alluring and gentle Child’ (‘holdseliges Kindelein’), ‘most precious Child’ (‘allerliebstes Kindelein’), which directly refer to the newly born Jesus. In the second composition, Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein, although there is no direct reference to the Nativity of Jesus, the phrases used therein clearly address the Baby Jesus: ‘O dearest little Jesus’ (‘Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein’), ‘O delightful little Brother’ (‘O holdseliges Brüderlein’), ‘Little Jesus, delicate and beautiful’ (‘zartes, schönes Jesulein’), ‘dear sweet lips’ (‘liebes Zuckermündelein’), ‘my dear little Jesus’ (‘mein liebes Jesulein’). Also in the text to the third composition, Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost, there are phrases addressing the Baby Jesus: ‘dear little Jesus’ (‘liebes Jesulein’), ‘dearest little Jesus’ (‘herzliebstes Jesulein’). All the texts are full of the typical Christmas time spirit of joy, thanksgiving and trust in God’s help and care, worshiping and praising Jesus. In Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein is applied a form of dialogue between man and Jesus. To the man pleading for comfort and support Jesus responds with the following words: Fürcht dich gar nicht, sei nur getrost, von Sünden hab ich dich erlöst. Ich bin allein dein Herr und Gott, will dich verlassen in keiner Not. Mein Tod soll sein das Leben dein und wo ich bin, solltu auch sein und aller meiner Herrlichkeit teilhaftig sein in Ewigkeit. The sense of dialogue in the text is reflected in the music. The words uttered by man are sung by the first tenor, whereas the words of Jesus, in accordance with tradition, are sung with a bass voice. The music in all three compositions has many common qualities concerning melody, rhythm, harmony, texture and style. The main differentiating factors are found in the voices and instruments. The least noticeable and also the least detailed description of voices and instruments is found in Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost. This composition is intended for two sopranos and six instruments. The music for the unspecified six instruments is written in the keys of soprano, alto, tenor and bass with bassus generalis accompaniment. The practice of not specifying which instruments are to be played in a given composition and instead leaving the decision to performing musicians was still common in 1630. The composer has a decidedly more modern approach in Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein, where the instrumental parts are to be played by three cornets, three violins, a dulcian (or trombone) and a bass trombone. The instruments, together with bassus generalis, accompany three voices: first tenor, second tenor and bass. The third composition, Freu dich du liebe Christenheit, is intended for two choirs with the same voices (soprano, alto, tenor and bass) with the accompaniment of bassus generalis. In his compositions, Düren applied solutions typical for stile concertato. Two of them (Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein and Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost) may be defined as vocal small-scale concertos with the accompaniment of instruments. The two-choir composition (Freu dich du liebe Christenheit), on the other hand, though only accompanied by the organ, is written according to a rule typical for stile concertato whereby the choral fragments oppose fragments sung by solo voices emerging from the two choirs. The music corresponds to the nature of the poetic texts, whose quality is a not without the charm of simplicity. The melody is mostly syllabic, with melismata of several to a dozen or so notes appearing sporadically, chiefly in the solo parts of the two-choir Freu dich du liebe Christenheit. In all three compositions the ambitus of the melody does not generally exceed a sixth, though in the bass part of Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein the words of Christ reach a compound fourth. A frequently used solution is a recitative treatment of the text based on the repetition of a few notes. The melody often progresses in second interval steps, rarely using skips larger than a fifth, though there is a clear tendency to use fourths, fifths and thirds. The melody is of a flowing, often tuneful nature, which is emphasised by the regular rhythm. The bassus generalis parts most often use fifth, fourth, octave and third interval skips. This was not yet common practice in the early 17th century, so we may consider it to be a modern approach to harmony. More typical for this phase of the Baroque period is Düren’s treatment of texture – homorhythmic choral fragments, and two-voice parts preceded by short initial imitations, passing into a parallel motion of thirds. He frequently uses the compositional techniques of short motifs being exchanged between the solo voices and progressions. With regard to compositional forms, however, Düren’s treatment of multi-sectional structures (used in accordance with the spirit of the age) is different in the case of each of the compositions. The Freu dich du liebe Christenheit has a typical rondo form, derived from Venetian vocal concerto tradition. Here the function of the refrain is fulfilled by the two choirs singing a fourfold repetition of the first two verses of the text. ‘Rejoice, dear Christians, to your God forever thankful be’ (‘Freu dich du liebe Christenheit, dank deinem Gott in Ewigkeit’) is the chief message of the whole text. In between the refrains, three sections are sung by solo voices from the two choirs, initially the soprano from the first choir, next the tenors from both choirs and then the sopranos and the tenors of both choirs. The solo voices are always only accompanied by continuo. The Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein composition for three solo voices (two tenors and a bass) and instruments also shows references to the rondo structure, but it is treated differently than in the case of Freu dich du liebe Christenheit. The refrain is a three times repeated instrumental Sinfonia played by a large ensemble – three cornets, three violins, a dulcian (or trombone) and a bass trombone with the accompaniment of bassus generalis. The vocal sections appearing in between the sinfonias differ from each other in the number of voices, melody and duration. The first (bars 8-18) is relatively short: six verses of the text sung by the first and second tenors with continuo accompaniment. The second vocal section (bars 26-60), decidedly more expanded, encompasses the remainder of the text. It can be divided into three segments. The first (bars 26-30) corresponds to the second five-verse stanza, an invocation to the Baby Jesus, pleading for comfort and help, which is sung by the first tenor. The second (bars 31-40) is the eight-verse response of Jesus, promising help: ‘Fear not, be calm’ (‘Fürcht dich gar nicht, sei nur getrost’), ‘I do not want to leave you in distress’ (‘will dich verlassen in keiner Not’). The third one (bars 41-60), sung by the first and second tenor and symbolising humankind collectively, comprises words of thanks to the Baby Jesus for the promised care: ‘Thank you, my dear little Jesus, replenishing my heart’ (‘Hab Dank, mein liebes Jesulein, der du erquickst das Herze mein’). The last verse of the text, ‘I will always be with you’ (‘soll ewig um und bei dir sein’), confirming Jesus’s constant presence and serving as the culmination of the whole composition, is repeated after the last sinfonia by three voices, accompanied by all the instruments (bars 68-70). Noteworthy is the fact that Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein is based on a tune that predates the composition. It is an anonymous chorale melody to the text Warum betrübst du dich, mein Herz, originating from the mid-16th century. The composer uses the initial sections of the melody (the melic g-b-a-d1-c1-b-a), which is cited in the first tenor (bars 8-9, 41-44) and in the second tenor (bars 10-11, 45-48), and also serves for the construction of diverse melodic line variations sung by individual voices. The Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost composition for two sopranos and six different instruments corresponding to the voices of the singers ‒ the first and second soprano, the alto, the first and second tenor and the bass – also has a multi-sectional structure. Two main sections can be distinguished thanks to the inclusion of an instrumental sinfonia. It is worth noting that this sinfonia is different from the one at the start of the composition. The division of the composition into two sections is justified by the semantics of the text. The first section (bars 14-34), appearing after the initial sinfonia, refers to the leading role of Christ in the life of man: ‘You direct every plan and deed’ (‘Richt du all mein Anschläg und Tat’), ‘Jesus, you as the best advisor’ (‘Jesu, du bist der beste Rat’). After the second sinfonia, the longer section (bars 48-79) refers to the man, full of uncertainty, calling for confirmation in faith, ‘So help me, dear little Jesus, to be able to trust in you’ (‘So hilf nun, liebes Jesulein, dass ich dir mög vertrauen’). Both sections are performed by two sopranos, only accompanied by continuo. Next, after a general pause, a short seven-bar fragment follows (bars 80-86) that is different from the other parts and involves the entire vocal-instrumental ensemble. This is the culmination of the composition and is the musical expression of the last two verses as a collectively sung hymn in praise of Jesus ‘Praise be to you always for your incarnation forever’ (‘Nun dir sei Lob in Ewigkeit für dein Menschwerdung allezeit’). The rhetoric of the music, such an important aspect of style in Düren’s time, primarily concerns expressive compatibility between the music and the text and provides all three compositions an emotional aura. The composer does not actually utilise Renaissance painting with sounds, in particular the ‘imitative’ figures (hypotyposes) of the assimiliatio group. Occasionaly he emphasises with melismata (in Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost) those words that express references to the Nativity of Jesus, ‘[…] today was born’ (‘[…] ist heut geboren’) or ‘Baby’ (‘Kindelein’). For rhetorical effect, the composer accentuates fragments of text that are particularly important on account of content through multiple repetition. In Freu dich du liebe Christenheit, the greatest significance is attached to the first two verses of the text, ‘Rejoice, dear Christians, to your God forever thankful be’ (‘Freu dich du liebe Christenheit, dank deinen Gott in Ewigkeit’). These form the basis for the refrain, which is repeated in the composition four times. In each case the first verse ‘Freu dich du liebe Christenheit’ is repeated five times, whereas the second verse, ‘dank deinen Gott in Ewigkeit’, only twice. On the other hand, the ‘in Ewigkeit’ phrase is repeated three times in the final bars of the composition. The composer therefore clearly emphasises the main message of the text, i.e. the joy of the birth of Christ and eternal gratitude to God. Another text fragment which acquires particular significance through threefold repetition is the verse ‘preserve me from the torments of hell’ (‘hilf mir doch aus der Höllen Pein’), with the phrase ‘aus der Höllen Pein’ later being repeated another two times. With regard to the symbolism of numbers, we may try to interpret the significance of the numbers ‘five’ and ‘two’. Five is often used in reference to the five wounds of Christ on the cross and symbolises His suffering for the salvation of humankind. Two frequently refers to the dual nature of Christ: the human and the Divine. Such an interpretation may be justified especially when we take into account the way in which the verse ‘hilf mir doch aus der Höllen Pein’ is emphasised. The phrase ‘aus der Höllen Pein’ is repeated in total five times, whereas ‘hilf mir doch’ is repeated three times. Therefore to the identified significance of five and two, we may add the number three, which foretells the Divine power making it possible to ‘preserve [humankind] from the torments of hell’. As confirmation of eternal Divine perfection we should also consider the threefold repetition of ‘in Ewigkeit’ in the final bars. In Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein none of the verses are repeated. Here, on the other hand, the rhetorical effect is achieved by having the words of Christ sung with a bass voice and adding other specific musical qualities to the vocal part. It is characterised by a wide ambitus (compound fourth) that does not appear in the other two compositions, as well as conspicuous use of intervals such as the third, fourth, fifth and octave. Combined with the constant rhythmic formula and repetition of motifs, the words of Christ sound like an expression of strength and dependability, which for humankind is an unassailable bulwark of faith. Repetitions of text in Christus meins Herzen Freud und Trost are primarily phrases referring to Jesus: ‘So help me’ (‘So hilf ’), ‘Oh dearest little Jesus’ (‘Ach du herzliebstes Jesulein’), ‘your name’ (‘dein Nam’). The threefold repetitions refer to the ‘perfect’ number three, symbolising the Holy Trinity and Divine perfection. The phrase ‘you have redeemed me’ (‘du hast mich erlöst’), on the other hand, is repeated five times, and again can be interpreted as a reference to the five wounds of Christ suffering on the cross as a price for the redemption of humanity. To sum up, we may conclude that the compositions of Thobias von Düren, originating from 1630 and representing the musica moderna trend, are an important element in the music culture of old Gdańsk. It is one of the only very few extant examples of musica moderna found in early 17th-century sources. Many music manuscripts from that period which had been for centuries kept in Gdańsk libraries were lost as a result of the Second World War. Today Renaissance polychoral music is the predominant type of music still found in Gdańsk documentary sources from the early 17th century. Therefore, Thobias von Düren’s compositions are a rare Gdańsk document confirming the early adoption of typically baroque stile concertato solutions originating from Italy. Düren’s work is consequently yet another example of the cultural influence of Italy on 17th-century Gdańsk music.
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Książka
    Tytuł:
    Thesaurus Musicae Gedanensis vol. 1, Bernardino Borlasca
    Autorzy:
    Szlagowska, Danuta
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Jasiński, Tomasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/972674.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Opis:
    Accentus Musicalis, a manuscript of the works of the Italian composer Bernardino Borlasca, was dedicated to the Gdańsk Senate in 1933. The collection comprises five compositions: two Italian madrigals – Carco d’honori and O quante volte, two concertato motets – Audite fac mihi and Domine, quis habitabit and an instrumental piece called Sinfonia La vaga danzicana, as well as two literary texts, probably also authored by Borlasca. It was written with the composer’s own hand and is one of his three extant autographs, alongside two versions of Fioretti musical leggiadri, dedicated to senators in Regensburg and Frankfurt. The Accentus Musicalis manuscript, which up to the Second World War had been in the City Library in Gdańsk (Danziger Stadtbibliothek), after the war, disappeared from the Gdańsk collection and was considered lost. Over a decade ago, however, it was rediscovered together with a host of other manuscripts of Gdańsk provenience which had also disapeared as a result of the war and post-war politics. These Gdańsk manuscripts include in total some two thousand compositions currently found at the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preuβischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung mit Mendelssohn-Archiv. Bernardino Borlasca’s Accentus Musicalis manuscript clearly indicates the composer’s association with Gdańsk. This is testified not only by his dedication, but also by a document, dated 6th June 1933, which confirms that Borlasca was paid compensation for expenses associated with his trip to Gdańsk and the delivery of the compositions dedicated to the city’s Senate. It is therefore highly probable that Borlasca did appear in Gdańsk in 1633. The Gdańsk sources from 1633 are evidence relevant to the year of Borlasca’s death, which negates information found in some studies stating that he died around the year 1631. The fact that he actually lived longer is also confirmed by archive documents from 1638, in which Borlasca’s name is featured in the payroll of the court of Maximillian I of Bavaria. It follows that at least up to that year he was still alive and was associated with the ensemble of the prince of Munich. The next known reference to Borlasca’s name was in 1646, when the Amsterdam printer Paulus Matthysz published the second anthology of then popular instrumental pieces by Dutch and foreign composers, such as Johann Schop of Hamburg, Louis Constantin of Paris as well as Italian composers such as Tarquinio Merula and Bernardino Borlasca. The 1646 publication, however, cannot be regarded as reference to Borlasca’s life, since the anthology could have been printed and published after his death. Not only has the date of Borlasca’s death not yet been established, but also the date of his birth remains unclear. In literature one can find various, very diverse opinions on the subject. Some authors claim he was born around the year 1560, while others believe the date of birth was between 1580 and 1590. It seems that 1560 would have been too early, because Borlasca’s second opus, Scherzi musicali ecclesiastici, is dated no earlier than 1609, and, as is testified by archive documents from the Bavarian court, the composer was still active in 1638. Information about Borlasca’s life is found in extant archive sources as well as the composer’s notes to manuscripts and printed collections of his works. The first pieces of such information come from his Scherzi musicali ecclesiastici collection, published in Venice in 1609. The title page states Borlasca’s place of origin and noble title (‘nobile di Gavio Genovese’). Borlasca therefore came from Gavio, a small town near Genoa. Borlasca’s ‘noble of Gavio’ title may have been inherited from his father, who was a Genoese with Corsican ancestry. The noble title probably originated from one of his Corsican ancestors for, according to Giazotto, information contained in the political correspondence of the Sforza family (from the years 1464‒1478) points to a Corsican called De Borlasca, who served as a representative in negotiations regarding the acquisition of Corsica. Bernardino Borlasca’s dedication in the Scherzi musicali ecclesiastici collection, written in Venice on 10th June 1609, suggests that at the time he could have been employed at the court of Cardinal Benedetto Giustiniani, a legate of Pope Paul V in Bologna. Using words of the deepest respect, Borlasca calls the cardinal a benefactor and himself the humblest and most devoted servant of his court (‘servitore della Casa’). In the text Borlasca reveals yet one more significant piece of information when he states that Scherzi musicali ecclesiastici is his ‘second child’ (‘seconda mia creatura’), and his first religious work (‘primo parto Spirituale’). Borlasca’s first opus is now lost. One might nevertheless suppose that it was the first volume of the Canzonette collection, whose second volume was published in 1611. The next piece of information on Borlasca comes from 1610 and indicates by then he had a different benefactor, Prince Maximilian I of Bavaria, with whose court he was to be associated for a number of years. In 1611, however, the composer dedicates his Canzonette collection to Cardinal Bonifacio Caetano (‘legato di Romagna’) and enters the signature: ‘Di Venetia li 4. di Settembre 1611’. Full primary source confirmation of Borlasca’s employment in the ensemble of Maximillian I appears no earlier than in the court accounts for 1612. That year he was paid 133 florins for work as Vice-Kapellmeister, commencing from 1st July and to this was added information that the sum was remuneration for one third of a year. The next relevant entry is on 8th October 1612. This confirms that Borlasca had been employed in the same position since 1st September 1612 with a yearly payment of 400 florins. The sum of 400 florins was annually paid to the composer in subsequent years up until the end of 1624. In 1625 Borlasca left Munich, most probably to flee from creditors, as is testified by a drafted response, dated 30th September 1925, to Borlasca’s letter of 13th September 1625, sent from Pflatz-Neuburg. It is possible that the composer had moved there to the court of Wolfgang Wilhelm Wittelsbach, whose wife at the time, Magdalena, was the sister of Maximillian I. Wolfgang Wilhelm must have already been important to Borlasca, because in 1616 he dedicated a collection of his religious compositions, entitled Scala Jacob, to this ‘most serene prince … most merciful lord’ („Serenissimo Principi … Domino meo Clementissimo”). The author of the reply to Borlasca’s letter of 13th September 1625 reports on events that had taken place in Munich after the composer’s departure. He says that Borlasca’s creditors had seized his compositions and other belongings (possibly furniture, plates, etc.) and demanded that these items should be auctioned to partly pay off his debt of around 600 florins. This sum would not include Borlasca’s debts to other people. Extant sources allow us to assume that during his stay in Munich and also in later years Borlasca went on various trips. He most probably travelled to Italy, as is testified by his dedication in the printed edition of Scala Jacob, which he wrote in Venice on 1st October 1616. It is also possible that Borlasca was again in Italy in 1628, when he sent to the Munich court his compositions with an Italian text, for which he was paid 18 florins in gold. e do not know, however, what sort of compositions these were since none of Borlasca’s works from that year survive. There is also a document that confirms the composer was paid money for a trip to Innsbruck in 1612, which is also evidence of his contacts with that Habsburg court. Apart from the family connections between the Habsburg court and that of Maximilian I, here were also musical ones. Often they employed the same musicians or at least ‘loaned them out’ to each other. Archival data shows that for a time in his later years, between 1629 and 1637, Borlasca was hired as an instrumentalist in the ensemble of Emperor Ferdinand II. Borlasca was also in Regensburg, as is testified by the Fioretti collection, which is dedicated to the councillors of that city in 1630. At the time he could have been in the service of Ferdinand II, who in July that year presided over the imperial electors’ diet in Regensburg. For several months the emperor resided there together with his wife, Eleonora Gonzaga, and his oldest son, Ferdinand. Accompanying them was also the emperor’s ensemble, comprising 74 musicians. In 1631 Borlasca visited Frankfurt, as is testified in his personal dedication to the senators of that city included in the Fioretti collection. In turn, Borlasca’s Gdańsk manuscript confirms his visit to that city in 1633. Although no source explains the purpose of his visit to Gdańsk, one cannot rule out that by offering the City Council his compositions he wished to ingratiate them so as to find employment i the famous City Council ensemble. More information on the places Borlasca visited is found in his letter written to Maximilian I from Ulm on 2nd August 1628. In the letter, the musician mentions numerous problems he had encountered in Brussels and Paris. He asks the prince for forgiveness, stating that all the misunderstandings associated with his person have now been resolved (this is most probably reference to the events caused by his departure from Munich in 1625). He hopes to regain the prince’s favour and probably the possibility to return to the Bavarian court. In asking for the prince’s forgiveness, he requests for help in bringing his eleven-year-old son ‘pigliar in Argentina’. Ensuring appropriate living conditions for his child require considerable expenditures, for which money could be acquired by serving the prince. As proof of his devotion and gratitude, Borlasca has his servant deliver to the prince‘a new small piece of light music’ (‘un operetta musical leggiadra’) as well as a five-month greyhound of the sort that king James of England had. musical leggiadra’)33 as well as a five-month greyhound of the sort that king James of England had. We do not know what Maximilian’s reaction to this letter was, nor do we know Borlasca’s subsequent fate (apart from what can be deduced from the composer’s three manuscripts). Nevertheless, Borlasca’s connections with the Bavarian court could not have been entirely severed, because in his 1630 manuscript dedicated to the senators of Regensburg he states he is ‘maestro delle musiche di camera e de concerti’ of prince Maximilian I, and in 1638 he was paid 45 florins from the court coffers. This is also the last documented date referring to the composer in his lifetime. Archive sources as well as extant manuscripts and prints of his works indicate what musical posts Borlasca held. In the cash books of the Bavarian court he was described as a Vice-Kapellmeister. In a letter from the court office secretary of 18th July 1622, and another letter from another of Maximilian I’s officials in 1625 he is called ‘maestro di concerti’. In the Cantica divae Mariae (1615) and Scala Jacob (1616) collections – ‘praefecto musicae camerae’, whereas in the Ardori spirituali collection (1617) – ‘maestro delle musiche di camera e de concerti’. In the 1630 Fioretti manuscript dedicated to the senators of Regensburg the composer describes himself also as ‘maestro delle musiche di camera e de concerti’ at the court of ‘His Majesty the Prince-Elector of Bavaria’ (‘del Ser.mo Elettor Duca di Baviera’). Borlasca was also a teacher of music, as is testified in his letter of 18th July 1622, where he requests extra payment for lessons in composition for the organist Antonio Ulzenza and in singing for Elias Salspurg, whom were in the service of Maximilian I. He notes that he is always ready to offer additional services, apart from those stipulated in his contract of employment. About a hundred of Bernardino Borlasca’s compositions have survived to this day in his own collections. Five of his individual prints were published in his lifetime: four in Venice between 1609 and 1616 (Scherzi musicali ecclesiastici, Canzonette, Cantica divae Mariae, Scala Jacob) and one in Munich in 1617 (Ardori spirituali), whereas three of Borlasca’s autographed manuscripts appeared in the years 1630, 1631 and 1633 (two copies of Fioretti and Accentus Musicalis). Apart from Borlasca’s own collections, several of his compositions have survived in collections comprising the works of various composers. These compositions include: a four-voice motet O sacrum convivium in an anthology published in Ingolstadt in 1626, and eight instrumental fantasies for two discant voices and bass in the aforementioned Paulus Matthysz anthology (Amsterdam, 1646). Most of Borlasca’s extant compositions are religious works – mass, magnificats and motets – predominantly published in collections (over sixty pieces in all). Borlasca’s secular works, on the other hand, are found primarily in his manuscripts (Fioretti, Accentus Musicalis), in one of his prints (Canzonette) and in an anthology of instrumental pieces by various authors (fantasies). Apart from the secular pieces, the manuscripts include two psalm motets (in Accentus Musicalis) and two madrigali spirituali (in Fioretti). Borlasca’s first collection of compositions, Scherzi musicali ecclesiastici (1609), was published before his departure from Italy. This was his second opus and included his first religious work (‘primo parto Spirituale’). As is stated in the title page, ‘appropriate for singing at serious concerts in stile rappresentativo’ (‘appropriate per cantar fra Concerti gravi in stile rappresentativo’). This may therefore be considered an early example of applying stile rappresentativo in religious music. The collection comprises 15 compositions for three vocal parts (two sopranos and a bass) and basso pro organo. Almost all the texts, with the exception of Iter faciente Paulo (the final piece in the collection), are taken from Song of Songs. The next collection of religious music, Cantica divae Mariae (1615) ‘opus quintum’, was written during Borlasca’s stay in Munich. Dedicated to Maximilian I, it was most probably intended for the prince’s excellent ensemble. The collection includes 12 polychoral pieces – seven magnificats and five motets with Marian texts, intended for two and four choirs (SATB) accompanied by basso pro organo. The composer recommends the use of diverse instruments during the performance, but does not specify their parts. The publisher’s comments ‘to benign readers’ (‘a benigni lettori’), however, include Borlasca’s precise instructions on performing the polychoral pieces with instruments. The composer states that the first choir should comprise four main voices with a soprano, castrato or ‘pleasant falsetto’, to be accompanied by string instruments, such as a viola da braccio, viol, harp, lirone or other similar instruments – two of each kind. He stresses that the court ensemble possesses a very wide range of instruments, as well as the ‘very finest’ musicians. The second choir should comprise the same voices as the first but a different instrumental accompaniment. If the first choir has bowed or plucked string instruments, the second should have wind instruments, such as cornetts, trombones, ‘well and gracefully’ in tune with the string instruments. In the case of compositions for four choirs, the third and fourth choirs should be the same as the first two. Borlasca adds that observing these guidelines will allow for the achievement of ‘graceful and pleasant harmony’ (...). In the musical text the composer includes signs indicating how the music is to be performed: ‘V’ means that the part should be sung with one voice, the word ‘Sinfonia’ signifies instrumental fragments, whereas the letter ‘T’ fragments where voices and instruments are sung and played together. Such a disposition of voices shows that Borlasca wrote polychoral music in the concertato style. Noteworthy is Borlasca’s dedication in the printed Cantica divae Mariae. Here the composer refers to Timotheus of Miletus, a ‘famous musician’ (‘praestabilem illum Musicum’), who perfected music by adding an extra string to the lyre (‘quod addita corda tantum una concentum musicum augere attentasset’), though at the time it was considered that in this way he had ‘corrupted’ the spirit of the citizens. Borlasca himself does not hesitate to add his string to Bavarian music because he is convinced that, in contrast to Timotheus of Miletus, it will not introduce anything sacrilegious that would ‘corrupt’ the state but instead offer something pleasant to God that will enhance piety (‘Nihilominus tamen ego Musicae Bavariae chordam unam apponere … offere nullus dubitavi, eo quod scirem chordam hanc meam non perinde ac Timothei illius Milesij profanum aliquid, quod civitatem corrumperet, fed divinum potius, quod ad pietatem excitaret, sonare’). He adds that Maximilian, to whom the compositions are dedicated, will be delighted by harmonies that ‘mortals know and immortals praise’ (‘mortales notunt, Immortales laudant’). The next collection, Scala Jacob (1616) ‘opus sextum’, contains ten compositions with basso pro organo (nine for two choirs and one for four choirs) and is intended for various feasts in the liturgical year. As in the Cantica divae Mariae collection, the composer does not specify the instrumental parts, but in the ‘a benigni lettori’ comments he again indicates what role instruments should play in the two choirs. Noteworthy is the publisher’ s annotation, stating that he had always had the desire to serve posterity by publishing the works of outstanding composers. Among these he clearly includes Borlasca, writing: ‘so it is now when into my hands has come the Scala Jacob of that excellent musician’ (‘cosi hora sendomi capitata alla mani la SCALA JACOB di questo Eccellentissimo Musico’). Published in 1617, the print Ardori spirituali ‘opera settima’ is a collection of 24 motets for two, three or four voices with basso pro organo. This is Borlasca’s only work that is not dedicated to any particular person on earth, but instead to the ‘Empress of Heaven, the Blessed Virgin Mary, Queen of Angels, Mistress of the Earth, Ruler of Heaven, Immaculate, married to God, the daughter and mother of God, most effective defender.’ He adds to his dedication a poem in honour of the Virgin Mary: (...) and signs it ‘a devoted servant, pleading at your feet, Bernardino Borlasca’ (‘devoto, e suplice à piedi tuoi’). The composer includes instructions regarding the singing (‘Avvertimento nel cantare), as well as the playing of instruments (‘Avvertimento al sonare’). Recommended is a variation of tempo in accordance with the text. He generally advises a slow tempo with the necessity of occasional increases. Stressed is the significance of the text and the need to sing it in such a way so that the listener hears all the words. For the person performing the basso pro organo he advises moderation, which should be the attribute of a good musician, and knowledge how to appropriately accompany singers. Borlasca’s guidelines therefore suggest a typical musica moderna style. The only print containing secular music, Canzonette (1611), includes 21 compositions for three voices (two sopranos and a bass) accompanied by instruments. On the title page Borlasca specifies which instruments should accompany the canzonettas, but, as in his other publications, he does not enter their parts. Mentioned are the chitarrone, lyra doppia, cembalo, arpone and chitarriglia alla spagnuola. Moreover, the composer states that the ensemble may be enlarged to include ‘concert instrument as is usually played at the Roman court’ (‘strumento da concero; com’hoggi di si costuma nella Corte di Roma’). The reference to the Roman canzonetta style (‘puramente alla Romana’) may be explained by the fact that the collection is dedicated to Cardinal Bonifacio Caetani, the papal legate in Romagna (‘legato di Romagna’), who was originally from Rome. Borlasca adds a few words to the addressee: ‘Although for your Eminence no other lyre is appropriate than that of Orpheus, please deign to accept these simple bagpipes, because that is all I can offer’ (‘di V.S. Illustrissima non converrabbe altra Lira che quella d’Orfeo; gradisca da me questa poca roza Zampogna, che è tutto quel che posso’). The poetic texts for the canzonettas primarily concern love themes, while only two compositions are of a religious nature. The next collection of secular music are two manuscripts with the same title Fioretti musical leggiardi. Their contents, both in terms of text and music, is almost identical. The earlier manuscript, from 1630, is dedicated to the senators of Regensburg, whereas the second, dated a year later (1631), is addressed to the city authorities of Frankfurt. Both contain 18 vocal compositions, adaptations of Italian poetry, predominantly about love. The exception are two religious poems (spirituali) in which the poet reflects on the weakness of mankind, the suffering and sorrow for one’s own sins as well as the search for guidance to refuge in the heavens. Noteworthy is the fact that as many as eleven of the texts are the same as those used in the Canzonette collection, though the music is different. The Fioretti manuscripts are intended for three voices: two sopranos and a bass as well as an ensemble of instruments. The composer only enters the vocal parts and mentions the accompanying instruments on the title pages. The 1630 manuscript title page mentions the lute, theorbo, chitarriglia, bandore, lirone, arpone and manicordo, whereas the 1631 manuscript mentions the lute, theorbo, chitarriglia and arpicordo. Borlasca suggests the possibility of using other similar instruments and points to the necessity of applying ‘basso continuo per sonar et per cantar’. He notes that his works are addressed to professional musicians, virtuosos employed in academies and princely courts: ‘appropriati concertarsi fra Virtuose Accademie, et Camera de Prencipi’ (in the manuscript dedicated to the senators of Regensburg) and ‘fra Virtuose Accademie’ (in the manuscript for the senators of Frankfurt). The fact that the works were intended for such musicians is confirmed by the composer’s instruction in both manuscripts (...). In the composer’s opinion, the text is exceptionally important: ‘the word is the soul of the harmonious body’ (‘la parola come anima del corpo armonico’). The text decides the nature of the music, so the singer has to understand it thoroughly, ‘internalise it’ (‘s’imprims’) through repeated reading. The composer recommends that the voices should be sung evenly, so that none of them dominate, but that they should ‘gracefully follow each other’. The bass underlying the composition should correspond to both the vocal and the instrumental parts. Borlasca warns against overusing quarters, sixths and dissonances that may disrupt the evenness of sound. He nevertheless does leave the performer considerable freedom, trusting that he is referring to a good, experienced musician who knows the rules of accompaniment. He trusts that by following his instructions the performers will achieve‘a graceful and delightful harmony’ (‘gratiosa, e dilettevole armonia’). In both Fioretti manuscripts the compositions are preceded by texts from the author, written on several separate pages. These include extensive dedications, short laudatory poems addressing cities and their authorities, the above mentioned instructions for the musicians and Prohemio, an introduction to the Fioretti cycle of poetic texts. The Prohemio is, in a sense, the composer’s personal message to those in love. He advises lovers to avoid the ‘Flower that bears the cruel child of Love’, continually tempting with a delight that brings torture and suffering, and instead search for the ‘Mild Flower’, providing loving harmony, which leads us to eternal life (...). The dedication in the 1630 Fioretti manuscript, addressed to the governors, consuls and magistrates of the ancient imperial city of Regensburg, is filled with admiration for the magnificent metropolis that hosts the ‘Grand Imperial Conclave’.50 The composer wishes the officials good fortune in governing the city and appeals to Heaven for peace, prosperity and fame to be bestowed upon Regensburg. This dedication is followed by a panegyric poem lauding the nobility, courage and beauty of Regensburg; the mainstay of the empire, the only city worthy of carrying the Palm of Victory (...). The next panegyric addressed to the Regensburg city authorities praises the Senate, which governed the bastion on the banks of the Danube; the Senate, which is dear to all, embodies all virtues, settles disputes and sweetens bitterness (...). The 1631 manuscript dedicated to the ‘most worthy, noble and learned sirs, Gian Martin Baur of Yoenech, the judge; consuls and senators of the imperial city of Frankfurt from the humblest and most devoted servant Bernardino Borlasca.’ (‘Illustrissimi, generosissimi et Beneruditi Signori Gli Signori Gian Martin Baur a Yoenech, Pretore, Concoli e Senato dell’Imperial città di Francforte di Bernardino Borlasca suo humilissimo et devotissimo Ser.re’). On the basis of this dedication Remo Giazotto believes that Borlasca could have been in the service of Martin Baur, a consul and senator of that city. This, however, is contradicted by Borlasca’s own words, who states in the manuscript that he was in Frankfurt for the first time (‘prima volta ch’io passassi per Francfort’). He admires ‘a city among others in Germany which is famous and royal … endowed with the laurels and crown of the Great Emperor Augustus’ (‘città fra l’altre d’Alemagna celeberrima, e Regale … lauri, e le corone in capo à i Grand Augusti Imperadori’). With words of deep respect, he offers his small, new collection as a token of his devotion, humbly requesting that he be considered their servant. One therefore cannot rule out that this musical gift was part of an effort to find employment in Frankfurt. In the panegyric in honour of the noble, free and strong (‘Franco, e forte’) royal city adorned with the imperial crown and bringing honour to emperors, Borlasca states that the city holds a foremost position among the Frankish famous cities (...). In the next poem Borlasca extols the virtues and dignity of the city based in religion; a city adorned with royal honours (...). The style of the compositions in the Fioretti collection is derived from the Roman canzonetta, which had been developed by Luca Marenzio in Il Terzo Libro delle Villanelle a Tre Voci (1585), combining the qualities of the traditional villanella with Marenzio’s own madrigals, Orazio Vecchi’s canzonettas and contemporary improvisations in performance practice. This style was exceptionally popular throughout Italy, leading to a number of new solutions, including the three-voice texture, involving two high voices and a bass. Borlasca’s compositions therefore belonged to the musica moderna trend, as is evidenced not only by the overriding role of the text, but also the essential use of the basso continuo. Moreover, the composer’s stated necessity of using many instruments allows for the creation of diverse combinations of voices and instruments, which is typical for the concertato style. The Accentus Musicalis manuscript, whose compositions are the subject of this edition, includes, as in the case of the Fioretti collection, not only musical works (two madrigals, two motets and an instrumental sinfonia), but also a dedication to the ‘noble and great’ senators of the Gdańsk City Council and a poetic laudations to the city itself and its governers. The dedication clearly shows that in 1633 Borlasca was in Gdańsk for the very first time (‘per la prima volta, ch’io son stato in Danzica Città cosi famosa’), which contradicts Robert Eitner’s view that Borlasca had visited Gdańsk already at the start of the 17th century. The composer signs his dedication as the ‘modest and devoted servant Bernardino Borlasca’ (‘Humiliss.o et Devotiss.o servo’). Following the dedication, the poem Madrigale Pannegirico is a typical example of laus urbis and therefore in the general realm of laudatory topoi. The madrigal, though conventional, is significant from the Gdańsk perspective. Laudes urbis, so typical of Baroque poetry, is only a tiny fraction of exceptionally rich Gdańsk 17th-century laudatory poetry. In Madrigale Pannegirico Gdańsk is presented as a great, truly royal city, which thanks to its wisdom and might ensures for its residents a feeling of security – one of the most cherished values. In a similar panegyric manner is maintained the Italian text of Canzon Pannegirica, which constitutes the basis for the musical composition Carco d’honori – one of the two madrigals in the collection. This poem is addressed to the Magistratus Gedanensis, to whom the author expresses the highest esteem, respect and admiration. It draws attention to the highly valued moral attributes of the Gdańsk senators, such as compassion, generosity and love for the city and its inhabitants. It emphasises the contradictory attributes of the Senate: compassion and severity, severity and gentleness, which together guarantee wise and firm authority. The Senate bears a crown, the symbol of royal authority, from which shine the jewels of generosity, glory and honour. The text of the second madrigal, O quante volte, ascribed to Guarino Guarini, is the poetic portrayal of amorous yearning. Longing evokes the desire to see the loved maiden, and her imagined eyes invoke ‘sweet death’. Amore’s arrow wounds, love like fire consumes, but at the same time it fills the heart with unfathomable sweetness. The texts of both motets are taken from the Book of Psalms. In Auditam fac mihi the composer uses selected verses from Psalm 142: 9-11 and 14. In these verses there is pleading for mercy, for protection against the enemy and for showing the way that should be followed as well as words of trust in God. In the motet Domine, quis habitabit Borlasca uses the first seven verses in Psalm 14, which indicate the virtues that lead man to salvation. Important from the point of view of style in those times is the relationship between the music and the text. The close relationship between the words and the music is especially noticeable in the two madrigals, which is indeed consistent with the purpose of madrigals as a poesia per musica genre. The composer tries to express the general emotional aura of two very different texts, which results in the two madrigals also being very different musically. In the panegyric madrigal calmness and seriousness are achieved thanks to the prevalence of even rhythms and second steps in a diatonic melody and consonant harmonies. In the second madrigal the composer tries to express the intensity of love by using greater rhythmic, melodic and harmonic variation. The melody, often descending, includes more interval leaps and the highly expressive an ascending minor sixth skip (exclamatio), emphasising the love-sick poet’s pleading for his loved one to appear. Key words in the texts of both madrigals are accentuated with multiple repetitions and melismata. In the Carco d’honori madrigal only the word ‘crown’ is embellished with an almost 30-note melisma, contrasting it with the syllabic treatment of remaining text fragments, whereas the repetitions are associated with the praising of the Senate’s virtues of ‘glory’ and ‘honour’. In the O quante volte madrigal long, over 30-note melismata appear frequently on especially important words in relation to the yearning for the presence of the loved one and the love for her that fills every part of the heart (‘chiamo’, ‘gl’amo’, ‘parte’, ‘hamo’); whereas the most frequently repeated phrase is ‘my heart’ (‘cor mio’). In the motets decisive importance is given to individual words or groups of words associated with the main idea of the text. This is primarily done by means of repetitions and melismata. Thus, for example, in the motet Auditam fac mihi especially important become the phrases ‘doce me’, ‘Deus meus es tu’ and ‘quoniam ego servus tuus sum’, and in this last phrase especially frequently are repeated the words ‘servus tuus’. Through frequently exposing selected fragments of the Psalm the composer evokes their penitential and pleading nature in the musical adaptation of the words: ‘teach me – thou are my God – for I am thy servant. In the Domine, quis habitabit motet particular gravity is attached to the first verse: who will live in the temple of the Lord, who will rest on the holy mountain? This fragment of text is highlighted because it is sung by a single voice, the first soprano. Another emphasised phrase is ‘timentes autem Dominum glorificat’, especially the word ‘Dominum’, embellished with long melismata. The accentuation of this phrase is additionally enhanced by pointed rhythm, sharply contrasted with the sections preceding and following it. The culmination of the work is the homorhythmically treated and several times repeated final verse: ‘He that doth these things shall not be moved for ever!’ (‘qui facit haec, non movebitur in aeternum’). All the compositions in the Accentus Musicalis are in the seconda pratica style, with the presence of basso continuo and a clear interdependence between music and text. The architectonics of the compositions provide an multi-sectional structure based on contrasts between successive sections in terms of metre, tempo, rhythm, melody and texture. The Domine, quis habitabit motet, written for a large ensemble, is divided into sections, differing in the timbre and volume of the sound, thanks the particular arrangement of performers at a given time. Sections where the whole ensemble is playing are contrasted with sections played by a chamber ensemble, often using the trio or solo variant. Widely applied are exchanges of phrases between voices, so characteristic for the concertato technique, as well as parallel series of consonances, chiefly thirds, homorhythmic sections in triple metre based on a narrow ambitus, static melody, contrasted with a more musically diversified sections maintained in duple metre. Manifestation of the Baroque approach is also noticeable in the treatment of the instrumental parts, which are granted a certain degree of freedom. In both motets there are instrumental introductions and short instrumental ritornelli, introducing music which is independent of the vocal parts. In Sinfonia La vaga danzicana, where the instruments are only a means to communicate the composer’s own thoughts, there admittedly do appear some idiomatic phrases for a string instruments part, but the technical possibilities of these instruments is not fully utilised. It is hard to compare Borlasca’s compositional solutions with those applied by the violin virtuoso Carlo Farina, who, as is worth noting, was active in Gdańsk barely three years after Borlasca’s stay there. Certainly Borlasca’s precise instructions regarding the instruments is a sign of his progressive attitude, for this was not yet common practice. Sinfonia La vaga danzicana is a work which may be considered significant in the culture of old Gdańsk as the only extant instrumental composition devoted to the city, the only one intended for string instruments and only one of very few instrumental compositions with basso continuo found in Gdańsk manuscripts of the first half of the 17th century. Although at the start of the 1630s basso continuo was already known in Gdańsk, as is testified, for instance, in the extant works of Marcin Gremboszewski, or some of the compositions found in the organ book of the Church of St Bartholomew from around the year 1620, these are only a tiny fraction of the extant Gdańsk repertoire. Instead, decidedly prevalent is vocal music, especially polychoral music. Therefore, also in this respect Borlasca’s compositions are interesting as part of a small group of works applying the Baroque practice of instrumental accompaniment in the form of basso continuo. Borlasca’s compositions in the Accentus Musicalis manuscript are a valuable treasure of 17th-century Gdańsk music. They constitute yet more evidence of the Gdańsk’s connections with Italy, alongside the numerous other musical manuscripts and prints preserved for centuries in the city’s libraries. They complement the city’s repertoire of seconda pratica pieces from the first half of the 17th-century. What is more, the Accentus Musicalis collection enriches the Gdańsk sources of that time with new musical genres, such as, string chamber music and the Italian madrigal with basso continuo accompaniment. Today it is difficult to say for certain whether this kind of music was exceptional in Gdańsk. It is possible that the lack of such music in the Gdańsk sources resulted from the simple fact that it was secular and therefore not appropriate for church libraries, where the vast majority of today’s extant musical records were held. Moreover, the Accentus Musicalis manuscript is evidence of how attractive Gdańsk was for the recognised musicians of Europe. Perhaps Borlasca was one of those who applied for a prestigious position in Gdańsk City Council Ensemble. Perhaps the musical collection presented as gift to the Gdańsk councillors was intended as a means of winning favour and thus facilitate finding employment in the city. To summarise, one can say that Borlasca’s work is a typical example of the progressive Italian music of the period. The recitative style, the concertato style, polychoral singing with instruments, the trio texture and basso continuo were all associated with the musica moderna genre. In some of his solutions Borlasca may be considered avant-garde. For example, already in 1609 he applied stile rappresentativo in church music (Lodovico da Viadana’s Cento concerti ecclesiastici was published in 1602) and he also placed great emphasis on the fundamental role of the text in how the music should be played. Borlasca’s instructions regarding the performance of his compositions are an excellent source of information on the musical practice of his day, and those included in his 1617 Ardori musicali collection are remarkably similar to the comments in the first book of Girolamo Frescobaldi’s toccatas (1615). Borlasca’s treatment of instrumental parts in his vocal pieces is interesting. It is an example of the close collaboration between composers and performers in the creation of musical works that was typical in the late 16th and early 17th century. The possibility of adding to a written score numerous instruments, which were only named by the composer, allowed for a considerable degree of improvisation, one which required highly qualified musicians of the sort that could be found in princely ensembles. Similarly high qualifications were required to appreciate the masterful interpretation of the composer’s intentions, the ability to express the significance and beauty of the music and words or the sheer virtuosity. Persons with such qualifications of appreciation no doubt were found in the academies and among the audiences of the court concerts for which Borlasca wrote most of his music. The lack of specificity in the musical notation, so typical in Baroque music and appearing in the works of Borlasca, especially with regard to the instrumental parts, poses a difficult challenge to today’s musicians to find improvisational solutions in accordance with the style of that period. On the other hand, this is a very interesting challenge, one which provides the musician a wide range of possibilities in shaping the composition. Bernardino Borlasca’s interesting and varied work, bringing together the innovative achievements of early Italian Baroque music, plays an important role what was in the process of being adopted by other composers from beyond Italy. It was thanks to such works that the rich ideas born in Italy spread to lands beyond the Alps and influenced the later history of European music.
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Książka
    Tytuł:
    Thesaurus Musicae Gedanesis, vol. 4 Johann Valentin Meder
    Autorzy:
    Jasiński, Tomasz
    Popinigis, Danuta
    Woźniak, Jolanta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1075480.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Muzyczna im. Stanisława Moniuszki w Gdańsku
    Opis:
    'The famous kapellmeister of Gdańsk' (berühmter Capellmeister in Danzig) - it was with such a complimentary introduction that Johann Mattheson began his entry about Johann Valentin Meder in his famous compendium Grundlage ei ner Ehren-Pforte, published in 1740. A similarly flattering opinion about the composer was expressed by Ernst Ludwig Gerber in 1790. The fact that Meder was mentioned in these lexicons and that his works were so highly praised bears testimony to the composer's reputation shortly after his death, receiving more accolades than other writers of music of equal or even greater talent. Johann Valentin Meder was bom in 1649. He was from the small town of Wasungen in Thuringia, the fifth and youngest son of Anna and Johann Erhard Meder. Baptised on 3rd May 1649 at the Church of the Holy Trinity, where his father was the cantor. It may be assumed that he grew up surrounded by music. His father undoubtedly must have seen to it that not only Johann but also all the other children acquired an education that included music. It must have been comprehensive and meaningful, since all of the sons decided to become musicians and earn their livings as such. Johann Friedrich Meder (1639-1689), who was ten years older than Johann Valentin, took over after their father as the cantor in Wasungen. Two other brothers, Johann Nicolaus and Martenus, found employment as musicians not far from their place of birth, the form er becoming a can tor in Salzungen, and the latter an organist in Meiningen. Yet another brother, David Bernhard Med er, left Thuringia and moved to Copenhagen, where for years he played the organ at the Church of Our Lady (Vor Frue Kirke) - the most important church in Denmark. Johann Valentin Meder spent his childhood and youth in Wasungen. Before becoming a musician, he also studied at German universities. ln 1669, at the age of twenty, he began to study theology in Leipzig. He continued these studies at the University of Jena, but only for a year. ln Leipzig, he certainly did not shy away from contacts with musicians, as is evidenced by the entries in his diary. Among those he knew was the cantor at the Church of St Thomas, Sebastian Knüpfer. After a short academic education, in 1670, Meder returned to his home territory. He visited his brother in Wasungen and then his brother in Salzungen. It seems that these meetings helped in determining his future, that is, he decided to continue the family tradition and, like his four brothers, become a professional musician. A time began in his life of looking for an appropriate post, a time of travelling from city to city, country to country, in search for the right position. His musical peregrinations started in Eisenach, and then towards the end of 1671 he stopped at Gotha. There he found employment as a singer at the court of the Duke of Saxe-Gotha Ernst I. N ext he visited among other cities, Kassel, Bremen and Hamburg. Finally he stopped in Copenhagen, no doubt to visit his brother David Bernhard. He arrived in April 1674 and remained until June. Unable to find employment there, he moved on with a view to obtaining a post at the royal court in Stockholm. On the way he stopped in Lubeck, where Dietrich Buxtehude had been active since 1668. Meeting the outstanding organist at St Mary's Church (Marienkirche) must have been a great experience for the young musician, all the more so because Buxtehude had agreed to leave a dedication in his album, dated 2th June 1674 with a melody Canon duplex per Augmentationem. The next stop in Meder's travels was Tallinn (Reval). He arrived in the summer of 1674, after a vacancy had been created following the recent death of the cantor at the city's gymnasium. Apart from Meder, applying for this post were Daniel Nebel from Germany and Georg Hube from Narva. The city authorities decided that the prestigious post of the most important cantor in Tallinn should go to Johann Valentin Meder, whose advantage was, in addition to musical talent, experience in studying theology. His duties, apart from those as cantor at the gymnasium, were to conduct musicians during the liturgies of two of the city's main churches of St Olaf and St Nicholas. He stayed in Tallinn for nine years, leaving the city towards the end of 1683. His next destination was Jelgava (Mi tau), where he was briefly employed the court of the Duke of Courland and Semigallia, Frederick Casimir Kettler. Then he travelled to Riga, but was unable to find any permanent employment. The term 'Capellmeister' appearing in the City Council minutes is incorrect, because extant archival materials state that Meder was employed in Riga as a singer and a music teacher. In the summer of 1686, the composer arrived in Gdańsk. His presence in the city is confirmed in the cash register, with an entry of 27th July that year stating that 'for certain clock matters' ('aus gewißen Uhrsachen') he was awarded 45 marks. This was most probably remuneration for preparing Protestant melodies for the Main Town Hall carillon. This is because in Gdańsk, this mechanical instrument was commonly referred to as 'the singing clock' ('
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Książka
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