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Wyświetlanie 1-11 z 11
Tytuł:
Zenon z Werony, Mowa I 39 (II, 18)
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/612942.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Zenon z Werony
Arkadiusz
męczeństwo
męczennik
Afryka
tłumaczenie
Zeno of Verona
Arcadius
martyrdom
martyr
Africa
translation
Opis:
Oration On the feast of St. Arcadius (I, 39 [II, 18]) by Zeno of Verona is not only the primary source of information about this African Saint, but also an important argument for the African origin of the Bishop of Verona. It is also important when we look at the development of literature on martyrdom. Translation of this oration into Polish is the first in history.
Mowa Zenona z Werony Na dzień św. Arkadiusza (I, 39 [II, 18]), jest nie tylko podstawowym źródłem informacji o tym afrykańskim Świętym, ale również ważnym argumentem za afrykańskim pochodzeniem Biskupa Werony. Ważna jest także jeśli chodzi o sam rozwój literatury o męczeństwie. Tłumaczenie tej mowy na język polski, jest pierwszym w historii.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2019, 71; 593-610
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Męczennicy Afryki Północnej w Martyrologium Rzymskim
Martyrs of the Roman Africa in the Roman Martyrology
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/614262.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Afryka Północna
męczennicy
Martyrologium Rzymskie
Patrologia
Roman Africa
Roman Martyrology
Martyrs
Patrology
Opis:
As is commonly known, Christianity reached the territories of North Africa relatively early, and its development was so dynamic that it surprises historians. In seeking an explanation of this phenomenon, many point to the line of one of its representatives, Tertullian: “the blood of the martyrs is the seed of Christians”. If that was the case, how many martyrs were there in the African Church? In which period and for what reason were they killed? Answers to these and other questions were searched for in the Roman Martyrology, a book that essentially is liturgical, but also contain some documentary elements. This study has led to a deepening of our knowledge of the martyrs of North Africa as it gave some at least general information about the time of the persecutions, the cities in which they took place, the numbers of the martyrs, their social status, and above all about their attitude in the face of death that in most cases was cruel. This information is precious, not only because martyrdom is a key factor for the understanding of Christian antiquity, but also because it is rarely mentioned in historical publications of our country.
Jak powszechnie wiadomo chrześcijaństwo dotarło na tereny Afryki Północnej relatywnie wcześnie, a jego rozwój był tam tak dynamiczny, że zdumiewa historyków. Szukając wyjaśnienia tego fenomenu afrykańskiego Kościoła wielu wskazuje na słowa jednego z jego przedstawicieli – Tertuliana, że „nasieniem chrześcijan jest krew męczenników”? Jeśli tak, to ilu ich było? W jakim okresie i z jakiego powodu ponosili najczęściej męczeństwo? Na te i inne pytania poszukiwaliśmy odpowiedzi w Martyrologium Rzymskim, księdze wprawdzie liturgicznej, ale zawierającej również    elementy dokumentalne. W wyniku naszych badań udało nam się, jak sądzimy, pogłębić chociaż trochę naszą wiedzę o męczennikach Afryki Północnej, uzyskując przynajmniej ogólną wiedzę o czasie prześladowań, miastach w których miały one miejsce, o liczbie męczenników i ich statusie społecznym, a przede wszystkim o postawie męczenników w obliczu okrutnej najczęściej śmierci. Informacje te mogą być cenne, nie tylko dlatego, że problem męczeństwa jest kluczowy dla zrozumienia starożytności chrześcijańskiej, ale również dlatego, że jest on mało obecny w publikacjach historycznych w naszym kraju.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2019, 72; 49-66
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Poeta poranka i wieczoru. Hymny św. Ambrożego w Liturgii godzin
The poet of dawn and dusk. The hymns of st Ambrose in the liturgy of the hours
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/611950.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Ambroży
hymny
Liturgia godzin
Ambrose
hymns
liturgy of the hours
Opis:
Following the example of the Lord, who frequently sang hymns with his disciples, and encouraged to sing by St Paul, the early Christians praised God in music and song. The first Latin hymns were composed by Hilary of Poitiers. Their metrical complexity and content discouraged their liturgical use by the Church. Thus, St. Ambrose of Milan is considered the first „official” Latin hymnodist. He composed several hymns, still used in the Liturgy of the Hours, which were musicated by himself. These hymns come from the particular circumstances of the Arian controversy and derive, in the main, from the necessity of encouraging „orthodox” Christians in their defence of the Basilica Porziana in Milan. They were designed to guide their prayer at different times of the day. The Author’s text-critical analysis of two of these hymns – Aeterne rerum conditor, sung at dawn (in gallicinium) and Deus, creator omnium, sung at dusk as the lamps were lit (ad horam incensi) – well testifies to the literary and pastoral genius of the Bishop of Milan as he transforms the complex theological reflection of his time into poetry and music, while not only retaining the integrity of the depth of that reflection but also enhancing its aesthetic profile by drawing on a repertoire of images based on the parallelism of cosmic reality and human reality. St Ambrose’s corpus of hymns, together with his prose works, was admired both by his contemporaries and by successive generations. They promoted the flowering of a merciful Christocentricity which, according to the experts, is the most original and attractive feature of his poetry. As is clearly seen in the hymns received into the Divine Office, Ambrose’s singular ability effectively to stimulate the soul to prayer through a powerful and insuperable lyrical inspiration, is capable literally of transforming the daily hours into songs of praise, and explains Petrarch’s habit of rising during the night to sing hymns to the Lord.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2012, 57; 437-451
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kobieta w pismach Jana Kasjana
Woman in the writings of John Cassian
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/612155.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Bóg jako matka
Dziewica Maryja
Ojcowie Pustyni i kobiety
God as mother
the Blessed Virgin Mary
Desert Fathers and women
Opis:
John Paul II remarked, in his famous Letter to Women, that the “sons of the Church” also contributed to undermining the dignity of women over the centuries. Can John Cassian be counted amongst them? It was he who spread the doctrine of the Desert Fathers in the West, and some, such as Anatole France, accuse them of entertaining hatred towards women. By analysing the writings of John Cassian, we discover, however, that, besides the many interesting texts of his, uncommon in Christian literature, in which he talks of God as a mother, and alongside the fervent invitation to Christians to honour the Blessed Virgin Mary, the texts which concern women contain not a trace of discrimination. In his writings, woman is not inferior to man, either by nature or by virtue. On the contrary, there are times when he holds them out as examples to be followed for their great faith and virtue. If, at times, he also presents woman with reference to some vice, he does so only to illustrate the virtue of some other person. Generally speaking, therefore, the vision of woman found in his writings is basically positive, and it finds a place naturally in his ascetical doctrine of mediocritas. It was certainly not he who, by his writings, contributed to undermining the dignity of women.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2016, 66; 155-168
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Initium fidei w ujęciu Jana Kasjana
John Cassian’s concept of initium fidei
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/612483.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
łaska
wolna wola
initium fidei
pelagianizm
semipelagianizm
synergizm
grace
free will
pelagianism
semi-pelagianism
synergism
Opis:
The problem of the „beginning of faith” (initium fidei) was among those which vividly captured the attention of theologians at the beginning of the 5th century, particularly in the wider context of the controversy concerning the relationship between free will and God’s grace in the work of salvation. Generally it is assumed that John Cassian, concerned, on the one hand, to show the Pelagians the necessity of grace and the radical Augustinians, on the other, the need for cooperation with the work of divine grace, failed to avoid errors which would subsequently be referred to as semi-pelagianism. With regard to the „beginning of faith”, his error is supposed to consist in the fact that the salvific initiative could derive from man. This view, however, derives from an over simplification of the thought of the Abbot of St. Victor: not only because most of his comments underline the necessity for grace in order for faith to begin in man (theological argument), but also because even in his rare „semipelagian” affirmations Cassian speaks of scintilla of good will in man, without however calling this the moment of faith strictly understood (philological argument). Above all, however, it is forgotten that for Cassian, who was educated in the spirit of oriental theology, salvation is simultaneously divine and human and lacks any form of „arithmetical” parity between God and man, which would make man an equal partner with God in the work of salvation. For Cassian, everything concerning the primacy of God in salvation is beyond question and human efforts are nothing other than the response expected by the Divine Pedagogue of His pupils as He leads them along the path of salvation, from the initium fidei to its end.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2014, 61; 359-371
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Uporządkujcie we mnie miłość” (Pnp 2, 4, LXX) w egzegezie wybranych autorów wschodu i zachodu
“You set charity in order in me” (Song 2:4, LXX) in the exegesis of selected authors of the east and west
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/612891.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Pieśń nad Pieśniami
porządek miłości (ordo caritatis)
Orygenes
Grzegorz z Nyssy
Teodoret z Cyru
Augustyn
Jan Kasjan
Apponiusz
Song of Songs
the order of charity (ordo caritatis)
Origen
Gregory of Nyssa
Theodoret of Cyrus
Augustine of Hippo
John Cassian
Apponius
Opis:
“You set charity in order in me” (Song 2:4, LXX) is one of the most fundamental biblical texts for the concept of the ordo caritatis. The Author seeks to examine how this text was read in the East and West, analysing the commentary of three Greek authors (Origen, Gregory of Nyssa and Theodoret of Cyrus), and three Latin authors (Augustine of Hippo, John Cassian and Apponius). There commentaries, he notes, agree with one another for the most part, and refer more or less to Origen’s exegesis of this verse. However, some differences can be noted. The Eastern Fathers, for example, hold that, in the order of charity, the criterion of merit is more important than the criterion of blood relationship; that is to say, the greater love is to be shown to those who have been born in Christ (cf. 1Cor 4:15) over those born of the flesh. Only the Eastern Fathers explore what the ordo caritatis means also in relation to one’s enemies. The Western Fathers, for their part, tend to underline the moral aspect of the ordo caritatis, insofar as upholding that order is virtue, while infringing it is sin. In this regard, a casuistic approach can occur in their commentary more frequently than in those of the Eastern Fathers. The novelty of the commentaries of the Western Fathers is also found in their reflection on the ordo caritatis within the Holy Trinity, as well as the manner in which they expand the embrace of this order to other categories of people: friends, fellow citizens, strangers. Some of the Western Fathers (Apponius) apply the ordo caritatis not only to people but also to works of mercy, while others (Augustine) bring out the aesthetic element in the ordo caritatis, noting that the effect of order of any kind, including the order of charity, is beauty.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2017, 67; 477-497
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza złych duchów nad człowiekiem według Jana Kasjana
The power of evil spirits over man according to John Cassian
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/613020.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
szatan
demonologia
złe duchy
władza złych duchów
walka z demonami
opętanie
wady główne i grzechy
Satan
demonology
evil spirits
power of evil spirits
struggle against demons
diabolic possession
capital sin and vices
Opis:
Much of the literary activity of John Cassian, that supreme master of the spiritual life, concentrates on the struggle with the devil, the discernment of his strategies, and the search for effective defense mechanisms against his attacks. The question of the power of evil spirits over man also arises. Generally, Cassian’s teaching on this subject of the power of spirits over man strikes a positive note: when faced with diabolic attacks and temptations, man enjoys not only the possibility of success but even the possibility of advantage: God Himself, the merciful judge (Collationes Patrum VII 20) watches over man’s struggles to overcome diabolic attacks and in that struggle He favours man. Obviously, since we are talking of a continuous struggle, evil spirits can attempt to, and sometimes even do demonize man – but not because of their desire so to do but because of God will (evil spirits may not do with man as they please but only what God permits them to do). The power of evil spirits over man is therefore limited: a) by the concession of God; and b) by man’s will which possesses „both the freedom of acquiescing to temptation and of repulsing it” (Collationes Patrum VII 8). The general tenor of Cassian’s teaching, therefore, is permeated by a positivism and is free of any form of fatalism or obsession on matters of demonology, while at the same time conscious of the evil that demonic spirits can exert on man’s body and spirit (soul). He continues to hold that spiritual evil, or vice, is something much more dangerous and to be avoided at all costs. Quoting St. Paul, Cassian assures us that definitive victory belongs to Christ and to his followers: when Christ „hands over the kingdom to God the Father after he has destroyed all dominion, authority and power” (1Cor 15, 24), at that moment, all those who have been held captive by these „dominions”, „authorities” and „powers” will be freed from all subjugation (Collationes Patrum VIII 14).
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2013, 59; 197-208
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obraz Boga w apoftegmatach ojców pustyni
The image of God in the Apophthegmata of the Desert Fathers
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/613418.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
antropomorfizm
apoftegmaty
obraz Boga
Ojcowie Pustyni
Jan Kasjan
anthropomorphism
apophthegmata
Desert Fathers
divine image
John Cassian
Opis:
It is often said today that the current religious crisis is caused by a false image of God. The question therefore is how is He to be presented, so that with all the limitations of the human intellect and language in the face of the apophatic character of the Divine Majesty, God will be expressed in a way that will be the least “detrimental” to Him (and also to man)? It seems that the Egyptian Desert Fathers may be qualified teachers, even masters in this matter, not only, because the “semblance of God” was an issue that greatly engaged their community which had to deal with the heresy of anthropomorphism, but even more so, because as men of deep faith and prayer, often great mystics, they had an experience of God and so they continue to be for us unrivalled “experts” in this field. Analysing therefore their teaching on the image of God contained in the Apophthegmata of the Desert Fathers, we have arrived at the following conclusions. The Desert Fathers were fully aware how important the image of God is in the process of faith, knowing that a false image may lead not only to personal tragedies, but even to social unrest, and that it always leads to an atrophy of prayer and is an obstacle on the way to perfection. In spite of this, even though the word “God” appears in the Apophthegmata very often, the search for some uniform image of God and even clauses of the type: “God is…” that are extremely rare, would be in vain. What could be the reasons for the “silence” of the Desert Fathers in this matter? In our view, first of all the fundamental reason was their humility and the fact that they did not see themselves as teachers of others, and second, their suspicion as to their own visions that could in fact hide the ruses of Satan. However, the most important reason for the “omission” of the image of God in the Apopthegmata is, in our view, Eastern spirituality which treated every endeavour to define God and to demonstrate His image as an attempt to limit His divine nature. The ineffable and infinite God in the understanding of the Desert Fathers was also a God who is unique and unspeakable, to such an extent that each individual has to arrive alone, in his own heart, as far as this is possible, at His true image. Thus, in the Apophthegmata we do not find univocal statements declaring what is the true image of God, and the only thing that the Desert Fathers have conveyed to us is that approaching God is something of a process, at the beginning of which, yes certainly, some even infantile imagination of God may be admissible (hence a “leniency” towards anthropomorphism), but then it has to be subjected to a progressive purification, in the knowledge that “that which is perfect will come later”. This will come, not so much as a result of hearing about God or the acquisition of knowledge about Him, but through the practice of prayer, pe-nance and almsgiving.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2018, 70; 93-105
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przebóstwienie człowieka w pismach Jana Kasjana
The divinization of man in the writings of John Cassian
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/613859.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
przebóstwienie
obraz i podobieństwo
wolna wola
semipelagianizm
divinization
image and likeness
free will
semi-pelagianism
Opis:
One of the principal ideas in oriental anthropology is that of the divinization of man. The author studies this idea in John Cassian and draws the conclusion that not only was it known to Cassian, but indeed it is the filter through which he views the question of grace. The author arrives at this conclusion, above all, by underlining oriental monasticism as the original context of the theology of divinization. Cassian was trained as a theologian and monk in this very ambience. All of the elements of the concept of divinization are present in the writings of Cassian and the two biblical models for the qšwsij of man – its creation of man in the image and likeness of God (Gen 1: 26-27) and the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor (Mt 17: 1-8; Mc 9: 2-8; Lc 9: 28-36) – are widely commented on by Cassian and form the basis of his theological and ascetical teaching. Cassian’s doctrine on grace, which is deeply penetrated by the concept of divinization, propounds the idea that, after original sin, the likeness of God in man is destroyed, but the image of God in man – reason, free will, and conscience – remains. The grace of God, perceived through the prism of divinization, in Cassian implies not a “resurrection” of the dead nature of man, but a strengthening of his relationship with God, a passage from the condition of “slave” to that of “friend”. This teaching, characterized as it is by a salvific optimism which is typically oriental, according to the author, should no longer be regarded as a form of semipelagianism. Rather, but with due qualification, it should be regarded as a valid and interesting way of speaking on the perennially difficult quaestio of the relationship between grace and free will.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2015, 63; 185-197
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Caritas, dilectio, amor w "Collationes patrum" Jana Kasjana
Caritas, dilectio, amor nelle "Conferenze spirituali" di Giovanni Cassiano
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/947667.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Collationes patrum
Jan Kasjan
John Cassian
Opis:
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, questione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta del Pamore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassia- no in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti delPabate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nel Pambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a denotarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2008, 52, 2; 729-742
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Mąż Maryi – Józef w apokryfach Nowego Testamentu (cz. 2: od narodzin Jezusa w Betlejem do śmierci Józefa)
Autorzy:
Nocoń, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2158044.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-15
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
Tematy:
Apokryfy
św. Józef
Maryja
Jezus
Apocrypha
St. Joseph
Mary
Jesus
Opis:
Z bogatego materiału badawczego dotyczącego męża Maryi – Józefa, autor starał się wydobyć najważniejsze dane dotyczące jego „biografii” (od narodzin Jezusa w Betlejem do śmierci Józefa) i przedstawić jego relacje z Maryją i z Jezusem. Chodziło o to, aby ukazać jaki obraz Józefa funkcjonował w mentalności ludzi tamtych czasów. Odpowiadając na to pytanie, można powiedzieć, że był to obraz wielobarwny: z jednej strony Józef ukazywany jest jako człowiek sprawiedliwy, mądry, ufny i pobożny, z drugiej natomiast, jako ktoś targany wątpliwościami, podejrzliwy i lękliwy. Można przypuszczać, że był to zabieg celowy, aby ukazać go jako zwykłego człowieka, z cnotami i słabościami, po to, aby uwiarygodnić jego świętość i jego przesłanie. Jakie to przesłanie? Takie, że nawet będąc blisko Boga można przeżywać „noce ducha”: rozterki, cierpienia, pokusy, sytuacje po ludzku bez wyjścia. Pokładając jednak – jak św. Józef – całkowitą ufność w Bogu, można mieć niezawodną nadzieję, że Bóg nie opuści swego sługi.
From rich source material concerning Joseph the husband of Mary, the author has endeavoured to gather the most important data of his “biography” (from the birth of Jesus in Bethlehem to Joseph’s death) and to present his relationship to Mary and Jesus. The major concern was discovering the image of Joseph that was present in the mindset of people of that period. The answer to this query is that the image was variegated: on the one hand Joseph is shown as a man who was just, wise, trustful and devout, and on the other hand, as someone who was torn by doubts, suspicions and fears. It may be supposed that this had a purpose. It was to show him as a normal man with virtues and weaknesses and at the same time to authenticate his sanctity and message. What was that message? Such, that even being close to God, one may experience the “dark night of the soul”: dilemmas, sufferings, temptations and situations that humanly speaking are insurmountable. Nevertheless, having complete trust in God, like saint Joseph, one may have boundless hope, that God will not abandon his servant.
Źródło:
Vox Patrum; 2021, 80; 37-68
0860-9411
2719-3586
Pojawia się w:
Vox Patrum
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-11 z 11

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