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Tytuł:
Afryka Subsaharyjska w polityce zagranicznej PRL
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2230835.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
PRL
Afryka Subsaharyjska
polityka zagraniczna
Communist Poland
Sub-Saharan Africa
foreign policy
Opis:
W artykule autor wskazuje cele i zadania polskiej polityki zagranicznej w stosunku do Afryki Subsaharyjskiej w latach 1944–1989. Polityka ta zaczęła być formułowana po 1956 r., gdy w wyniku dekolonizacji na omawianym obszarze powstały niepodległe państwa. W pierwszym okresie opierała się na założeniach ideologicznych, tj. preferowano państwa, które miały charakter komunizujący bądź lewicowy. Później, w wyniku niestabilności politycznej, licznych zamachów stanu i puczów wojskowych w Czarnej Afryce, można odnotować w omawianej polityce zarówno cele ideologiczne, jak i pragmatyczne, odwołujące się do np. interesów gospodarczych Polski, w tym handlu. Podstawowe cele polityki PRL wobec Afryki Subsaharyjskiej obejmowały następujące zadania: 1) podejmowanie szeroko zakrojonej akcji dyplomatycznej i ideologicznej na rzecz propagowania sił o charakterze antyzachodnim; 2) świadczenie pomocy technicznej w postaci delegowania lekarzy, inżynierów i rzemieślników wykwalifikowanych; 3) przydzielanie stypendiów dla młodzieży afrykańskiej, która miała podejmować naukę na wybranych uczelniach; 4) tworzenie organizacji o orientacji komunistycznej lub lewicowej, których zadaniem byłoby przenikanie dalej do lokalnych i regionalnych związków zawodowych. Natomiast starano się unikać udzielania pomocy bezpośredniej w postaci dotacji lub kredytów. Mimo zmian dokonujących się Polsce, jak również zmieniającej się rzeczywistości międzynarodowej, cele te nie ulegały większym modyfikacjom aż do 1989 r.
In this article, the author identifies the objectives and tasks of Polish foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa between 1944 and 1989. This policy began to be formulated after 1956, when independent states were established in this area as a result of decolonisation. In the first period, this foreign policy was based on ideological foundations, i.e. preference was given to states that were either communist or leftist. Later, as a result of political instability, namely the numerous political and military coups in Black Africa, it is possible to note both ideological and pragmatic objectives in the discussed policy, which referred, for example, to Poland’s economic interests, including trade. The basic objectives of the policyof communist Poland towards sub-Saharan Africa included the following tasks: 1. undertaking extensive diplomatic and ideological action to promote anti-Western forces; 2. providing technical assistance in the form of the secondment of doctors, engineers and skilled craftsmen; 3. awarding scholarships for African youth to study at selected universities; 4. establishing organisations with communist or leftist orientations, with the goal of penetrating local and regional trade unions. At the same time, efforts were made to avoid providing direct aid in the form of grants or loans.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2023, 41, 1; 26-48
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Afrykańskie elity polskie i polonijne w drugiej połowie XX wieku. Studium politologiczne
The African Polish and Polonia Elites in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century. A Politological Study
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1961821.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-07-29
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Polonia
elity polonijne
Afryka
Polonia elites
Africa
Opis:
This article pinpoints Polish and Polonia elites functioning in the Black Land in the second half of the twentieth century. The basic sources for this paper was Agata and Zbigniew Judycki’s study entitled Polonia. Słownik biograficzny [Polonia. A Biographic Dictionary]. In this study, 827 figures were shown who lived at the turn of the twentieth and twenty first centuries, and how played the most important role in the Polish diaspora. We find 37 surnames in the dictionaries of those who lived on the African continent; this number made up 4,47% of the total study. This value was deemed relatively high because the general number of Poles and Polonia on the Black Land was estimated at 0,1%. The African Polish and Polonia personalities at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, who might be treated as the elite, were characterized by high intellectual and professional standards. Almost all of them had graduated from universities, had learned degrees, and obtained further degrees in their professions or academic specializations. Most of the personalities in question were related to the South African region, especially the Republic of South Africa, but there were also persons living and working in North, West, Middle or East Africa. At the head of the Polish and Polonia African elites we find those working in the exact sciences or engineering. Moreover, the clergy and missionaries constituted a relatively numerous group; they were appreciated by the Catholic Church. The smallest group was represented by the representatives of the humanities and the social sciences. In the representative group one finds no artists, musicians, or filmmakers. It has been pinpointed that in the case of the Polish and Polonia settlements one should not apply the criteria that refer to the way elites function in Poland because a diaspora is characterized by specific traits, thus the elite character of the forms of activity should be understood in a broad sense.
Źródło:
Studia Polonijne; 2013, 34; 109-120
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:
Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Chojnicki czerwiec 89. Studium lokalne fali uderzeniowej procesu demokratyzacji
Autorzy:
Wałdoch, Marcin
Chodubski, Andrzej
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/2029543.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-06-30
Wydawca:
Stowarzyszenie Arcana Historii
Opis:
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People’s Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter’s assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington’s theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice “Solidarity” in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and “Solidarity”; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people’s ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders’ emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of “Solidarity” and candidates of Polish United Worker’s Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks’ attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People’s Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from “Solidarity” movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people’s religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Książka
Tytuł:
Emigracja polska i Polonia na Półwyspie Arabskim
Polish Emigration and Polish Diaspora on the Arabian Peninsula
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1956257.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-11-24
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
emigracja
Polonia
Półwysep Arabski
emigration
Polish community
Arabian Peninsula
Opis:
W artykule wskazuje się na pobyt i działalność Polaków w państwach położonych na terenie Półwyspu Arabskiego. Do państw tych zaliczono Arabię Saudyjską, Bahrajn, Jemen (po II wojnie światowej występował tam Jemen Południowy i Jemen Północny), Katar, Oman oraz Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie. Kontakty Polaków z tym regionem świata w przeszłości były niewielkie. Na Półwysep Arabski trafiali zatem nieliczni mieszkańcy z ziem polskich. Sytuacja ta zmieniła się od lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku, kiedy państwa arabskie zaczęły się dynamicznie rozwijać na podstawie uzyskiwanych środków finansowych ze sprzedaży surowców naturalnych – ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego. Dzięki temu przybywały tam kadry naukowo-techniczne oraz specjaliści z różnych dziedzin, ponadto przedstawiciele branży turystycznej i muzycy. Poprzez polsko-arabskie małżeństwa nad Zatoką Perską zamieszkały także Polki, które wyszły za mąż za Arabów. Występujące na przełomie XX i XXI wieku skupiska polskie i polonijne na Półwyspie Arabskim liczyły od kilku do kilkuset przedstawicieli, w zależności od konkretnego podmiotu międzynarodowego. Pojedyncze osoby i rodziny mieszkały w Jemenie i Omanie, 30 osób w Katarze, od 100 do 200 w Bahrajnie i Arabii Saudyjskiej, a 600 w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich. To ostatnie skupisko polonijne należało do najlepiej zorganizowanych w świecie arabskim. W ciągu 30 lat od zmian systemowych podjętych nad Wisłą, społeczności polskie i polonijne na Półwyspie Arabskim rozrosły się od skupisk kilkudziesięcioosobowych (Jemen, Oman) poprzez kilkusetosobowe (Arabia Saudyjska, Bahrajn, Katar) do kilkutysięcznych (Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie). Dalej zatem Abu Zabi, Dubaj i Szardża są miastami, w których najchętniej podejmują zatrudnienie Polacy i przedstawiciele Polonii ze świata zachodniego.
The article discusses the life and activity of Poles in the countries on the Arabian Peninsula. The countries are Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Yemen (South Yemen and North Yemen after WW2), Qatar, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates. Poles had limited contacts with this part of the world in the past. Only few arrived in the peninsula. This situation changed in the 1970s when Arab states began to develop rapidly owing to funds earned from the sale of natural resources: crude oil and natural gas. As a result, they attracted scientific and technical staff as well as experts in various fields, not to mention musicians and representatives of the tourism industry. Polish women who married Arabs were also moving to the Persian Gulf. At the turn of the 20th century, the Polish communities (including earlier Poles immigrants) on the Arabian Peninsula numbered from a few to several hundred people, depending on the country. Polish individuals and families were found in Yemen and Oman, 30 in Qatar, 100 to 200 in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, and 600 in the United Arab Emirates. This last of the listed Polish communities was one of the best organised in the Arab world. For over 30 years since the Polish political and economic transformation, the Polish communities on the Arabian Peninsula have grown from several dozen (Yemen, Oman), through several hundred (Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar) to several thousand people (United Arab Emirates). Abu Dhabi, Dubai, and Sharjah continue to be most popular economic destinations for Poles and members of the Polish diaspora from the Western world.
Źródło:
Studia Polonijne; 2021, 42; 75-97
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:
Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Emigracja polska w Grecji po 1989 roku
Polish Emigration in Greece after 1989
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963148.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-07-27
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
In the 1980s and 1990s a Polish and Polonia community was established. It numbered several thousand people. The largest Polish population in Greece lived in Athens; there were, on the average, ca. 90 per cent emigrants. The social structure of emigrants varied. It included, among others, university graduates, physical workers, and secondary school alumni. It was mainly economic migration, although in Greece there were also political emigrants. They worked primarily in building jobs (men), or as domestic helps (women). Greece was also a transit country for Polish emigrants to overseas emigration: the United States, Canada, Australia, and to the African continent (RPA). Polish communities lived mainly near a Polish church, situated in the centre of Athens. The first Polish priest was a Jesuit, Fr. Stanisław Mól. He arrived in Athens in August 1988. Very soon he made contacts with the representatives of the Greek Catholic and Orthodox Church, the Polish diplomatic corps, especially Polish emigrants and Polonia. In 1989 a two-person Polish pastoral centre came to existence, and in the end of the 1990s three persons. Fr. Stanisław Mól organised a Polish school named after Romek Strzałkowski, the symbol of Poznań June 1956. Similarly like Polish pastoral care or the majority of emigrants, the school also functioned illegally in the light of Greek legislation, although it was tolerated by the local authorities. There was Polonia press issued in Athens: „Kurier Ateński”, „Echo Tygodnia”, „Katolik − Emigrant Polski”. A few Polish organisations worked there: Biuro Pomocy Emigrantom Polskim [The Bureau of Assistance for Polish Emigrants], and Klub Polski [The Polish Club].
Źródło:
Studia Polonijne; 2006, 27; 139-158
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:
Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Formowanie się skupisk polonijnych w Afryce Północnej po II wojnie światowej
The Formation of Polish Settlements in North Africa after the Second World War
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1964100.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-07-27
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The paper points to the forms of migration of Poles to North Africa after the Second World War, and the formation of Polish settlements in this part of the world. Despite the fact that Poles were arriving there since the medieval times, nevertheless the centres of Polish life took shape in the northern part of Africa since the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries these settlements would be established and disappear, and the contemporary Polish communities were established during a recent few dozen years. The Polish settlements in northern part of Africa were due to the emigration from the Polish territories in the inter-war period, then the civil and military exile from Poland from 1939 onwards, the influx of Polish scientific-technical specialists; establishment of rightful diplomatic relations between Poland and North Africa; mixed Polish-Arabian marriages, mainly due to the fact that young Arabs came to Poland to study. The representatives of Polonia in the inter-war period, the time of the war and the post-war period со-established local Polish settlements over the whole second half of the twentieth century. Few representatives are present in North Africa today, although contemporary Polish communities were dominated by Polish-Arabian mixed marriages, who began to settle there from the 1960s on. Despite that the 1650-member community in North Africa consists now only of ten per cent of Polish settlements on the Black Land, and 0.01 per cent in the world.
Źródło:
Studia Polonijne; 2001, 22; 229-254
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:
Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Institutionalization of Media Market in Greek Political System
Instytucjonalizacja rynku medialnego w greckim systemie politycznym
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32304249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Greece
political system
political institutions
media
media system
Grecja
system polityczny
instytucje polityczne
system medialny
Opis:
The article points to the process of the institutionalization of the Greek media market. This process began to take shape after the country’s accession to the European structures, i.e. after 1981. Successively since the late 1980s, it has been shaped based on new initiatives, forms and activities. However, this process is not yet completed due to the changes that have taken place over the last decade. At that time, the members of the National Broadcasting Council, for procedural reasons related to the mode of appointment to this Council, were unable to grant or renew broadcasting licences, which led to a media crisis. In addition, the Greek state was on the brink of solvency due to the condition of its finances. The new government created another media related institution, this time the General Secretariat for Information and Communication, which reported directly to the Prime Minister, and its aim was to control the press, radio and television market. Apart from the leading institutions, supporting bodies are also responsible for the Greek media market. To a large extent, they (such as ministries or central offices like the Telecommunications and Postal Commission) existed much earlier and some media powers were handed over to them to assist the leading institutions in fulfilling their functions. Outside of this area, there was content disseminated on the Internet, which came under the control of a special unit established within the police structures.
W artykule wskazuje się na proces instytucjonalizacji greckiego rynku medialnego. Proces ten zaczął kształtować się po wstąpieniu tego kraju do struktur europejskich, czyli po 1981 r. Sukcesywnie od końca lat 80. XX w. kształtował się on w oparciu o nowe inicjatywy, formy i działania. Jednakże proces ten jeszcze się nie zakończył ze względu na zmiany, do jakich doszło w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu. W tym czasie członkowie Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji, ze względów proceduralnych związanych z trybem powoływania tego gremium, nie byli w stanie rozdzielać ani przedłużać koncesji radiowo-telewizyjnych, co wywołało kryzys medialny. Dodatkowo państwo greckie stanęło na krawędzi wypłacalności ze względu na stan jego finansów. Nowy rząd stworzył kolejną instytucję medialną, tym razem Sekretariat Generalny ds. Informacji i Komunikacji, który podlegał bezpośrednio premierowi i miał kontrolować rynek prasowo-radiowo-telewizyjny. Poza instytucjami wiodącymi za grecki rynek mediów odpowiadają także gremia wspomagające. W dużej mierze istniały one (jak ministerstwa czy urzędy centralne typu komisja telekomunikacji i poczty) znacznie wcześniej i do ich kompetencji oddano niektóre uprawnienia medialne, które pomagać miały instytucjom wiodącym w wypełnianiu swoich funkcji. Poza tym obszarem występowały treści upowszechniane w internecie, które znalazły się pod kontrolą specjalnej jednostki powołanej w ramach struktur policyjnych.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2022, 4; 71-84
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kontakty Polski i Polaków z Afryką Północną w latach 1918-1939
Poles' and Poland's Contacts with North Africa in the Years 1918-1939
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963420.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-07-27
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
In the article development of diplomatic, economic and social-cultural contacts is pointed to between Poland and North Africa in the years 1918-1939. Research shows that the relations with North-West Africa (Maghrib) were different from the relations with North-East Africa. The Polish State that was revived after World War I, in the first years of its existence tried to establish rightful relations with both European countries and ones situated outside Europe. This situation was ensured by the so-called Versailles system in which the then powers participated. Along with establishing the international position of Poland, its leaders started forming a network of alliances with countries whose interests, at least partly, were similar to the Polish ones. France, one of the leading powers in the European continent, was numbered among the allies. With France's mediation also co-operation was developed with its colonial territories, among others, in North Africa. In particular regions of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia honorary consulates were established that were supposed to represent Poland on the territory of North Africa. Economic and cultural exchange was begun with this area and the Polish government tried to arouse interest in Polish commodities in the Maghrib region; also North African raw materials were imported to Poland. In Egypt, in turn, a Legation of the Polish Republic was brought into existence. It was the only agency of this kind in Africa. The decision to establish it was made mainly because of political reasons. Egypt, as one of the four independent African countries, could contribute to making Polish policies towards that continent more active. When this proved impossible, the region remained on the peripheries of Polish foreign policies. In the period between the two World Wars, Polish as well as Polish emigrant centers started to be formed on the North African coast that comprised between a few and 300 people. The most numerous of them were formed in Algeria and Morocco, less numerous ones in Egypt and Tunisia, whereas in Sudan, Libya and Mauritania there were only very few Poles.
Źródło:
Studia Polonijne; 2004, 25; 75-101
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:
Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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