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Wyświetlanie 1-12 z 12
Tytuł:
O obrazowaniu idei sprawiedliwości w Rzeczypospolitej połowy XVIII wieku – wokół konfliktu o ordynację ostrogską
Depictions of the Idea of Justice in Mid-18th Century Poland: On the Conflict over the Ostrogski Estate
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1787930.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-05-10
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
ceremoniał polityczny
archeologia prawna
ordynacja ostrogska
komisja dubieńska
satyra
grafika polska XVIII wieku
political ceremonial
legal archaeology
the Ostrogski estate
the Dubno Commission
satire
Polish illustrations of the 18th century
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wzajemnych relacji sztuk plastycznych, ceremoniału oraz publicystyki w propagandzie politycznej Rzeczypospolitej czasów Augusta III, na kluczowym dla ówczesnego życia publicznego przykładzie – sporze o ordynację ostrogską. W satyrycznej Scenie tragiczno-komicznej zawarcie tzw. transakcji kolbuszowskiej, sankcjonującej podział ordynacji, przedstawione zostało jako akt bezprawia – parodia sądów Rzeczypospolitej. Z przekazu zawartego w rycinach rozprawy Piotra Hadziewicza, Prawda obiaśniona… wynikało, że jedność i ład w państwie muszą być oparte na przestrzeganiu praw, czego gwarantem jest król. August III utworzył obradującą w Dubnie komisję, mającą ocenić zasadność podziału ordynacji. Jej członkowie, akcentując legalność działań, przyjęli porządek obrad wzorowany na ceremoniale Trybunału Koronnego, instytucji silnie zakorzenionej w ówczesnym polskim systemie prawnym. Główni aktorzy „Nowego w Dubnie Trybunału”, jak określił komisję prymas Adam Komorowski, dbali o jednolity dla opinii publicznej przekaz: zgodnej pracy dla odtworzenia ładu prawnego w Rzeczypospolitej, co doskonale korespondowało z treściami ówczesnej grafiki i satyry.
This article aims to show the interrelation between the visual arts, ceremonials and journalistic opinion pieces in the political propaganda of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic during the reign of King Augustus III, using an example which was of vital importance for the public life of that time – the dispute over the entail of the Ostrogski estate. In the satirical Tragic-Comic Scene, the conclusion of the so-called Kolbuszowa Transaction, sanctioning the division of the estate’s entail, was presented as a parody of the courts then operating in the Republic. The illustrations for Piotr Hadziewicz’s dissertation Prawda obiaśniona… conveyed the message that the unity and order of the state must be based upon the observance of its laws, with the King being the guarantor of the legal order. The king established a special commission, known as the Dubno Commission, which was to assess the legal and factual status related to the division of the Ostrogski estate. The committee members strongly emphasised the legality of their actions. They adopted a ceremonial which was modelled on the ceremonies of the Crown Tribunal, an institution deeply rooted in the Polish legal system of that time. The main actors of the “new Tribunal in Dubno”, as Primate Adam Ignacy Komorowski described the Commission, made sure that a uniform message was sent out to the public: that of the harmonious work by the Commission to restore the legal order in the Republic. This message perfectly corresponded with the content of the illustrations and satire of that period.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2021, 69, 4; 185-198
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O reminiscencjach konfliktu o ordynację ostrogską w sztuce kręgu Jana Klemensa Branickiego
The reminiscences of the conflict over the Ostrogski Ordination in the art of Jan Klemens Branicki’s circle
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1791419.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-08-25
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
ordynacja ostrogska
Jan Klemens Branicki
pałac w Białymstoku
białostocki Rotator
Ostrogski Ordination
Palace in Białystok
Rotator of Białystok
Opis:
Rzeźba z klatki schodowej białostockiego pałacu Jana Klemensa Branickiego, najczęściej określana jako Rotator („Obracający się”) albo Arrotino („Ostrzący nóż”), według nowszych badań mogła przedstawiać jednego z rzymskich bohaterów (Windycjusza, Milichusa, czy też Feniusza Rufusa), który podczas wykonywania swojej pracy podsłuchał spiskowców i tym samym udaremnił ich knowania. Miała to być aluzja do roli hetmana Jana Klemensa Branickiego (fundatora rzeźby) we współczesnych mu wydarzeniach – konfliktu o ordynację ostrogską. Tezę tę potwierdzają rękopiśmienne satyry, powstałe w związku ze sporem o ordynację (Łysa rada kolbuszowska oraz Scena tragiczno-komiczna...), których Branicki jest jednym z głównych bohaterów. W Scenie tragiczno-komicznej podział ordynacji przedstawiony został jako spisek przeciwko Rzeczypospolitej, który odkrył i zbrojnie spacyfikował hetman Branicki. Działania te rozpoczął samodzielnie podczas nieobecności w Rzeczypospolitej króla, stając się najważniejszą osobą w kraju i jego mężem opatrznościowym, a dokończył, współdziałając z powracającym monarchą. Białostocki Rotator może więc być odnoszony do Branickiego, ukochanego syna ojczyzny, lojalnego poddanego oraz wielkiego wodza, który zapobiegł wojnie domowej. W publicystyce związanej ze sporem o ordynację ostrogską Branicki porównywany był także do swego przodka – hetmana Stefana Czarnieckiego, gdyż podobie jak on miał uchronić Rzeczpospolitą od wewnętrznego konfliktu. Stefan Czarniecki to bohater w Białymstoku bardzo popularny, często przedstawiany na zamawianych przez Branickiego rzeźbach i obrazach. W rzeczywistości Branicki nie miał poważniejszych zasług jako hetman i dopiero z perspektywy sporu o ordynację ostrogską i kreowania go wówczas na wielkiego wodza i męża opatrznościowego kultywowanie pamięci o Stefanie Czarnieckim zyskiwało szczególny wymiar.
According to more recent research, the sculpture from the staircase of Jan Klemens Branicki’s palace in Bialystok, most often referred to as Rotator (“Rotating”) or Arrotino (“Knife Grinder”) may have depicted one of the Roman heroes (Vindictius, Milichus or Fenius Rufus) who, while doing his job, overheard the conspirators and thus thwarted their scheming. It was supposed to be an allusion to the role of Hetman Jan Klemens Branicki (the founder of the sculpture) in the contemporary events – the conflict over the Ostrogski Ordination. This thesis is confirmed by handwritten satires, created in connection with the dispute over the ordination (Łysa rada kolbuszowska [The Bald Council of Kolbuszowa] and Scena tragiczno-komiczna na… [A Tragicomical Scene]), of which Branicki is one of the main characters. In Scena tragiczno-komiczna na, the division of the ordination was presented as a conspiracy against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which was discovered and pacified by Hetman Branicki and his army. He started these actions on his own during the king’s absence, becoming the most important person in the country and the man of the moment, and then completed them in cooperation with the returning monarch. Thus, the Rotator from Białystok can be referred to Branicki, the beloved Polish son, a loyal subject and a great military leader who prevented civil war. In the journalistic texts related to the dispute over the Ostrogski Ordination, Branicki was also compared to his ancestor, Hetman Stefan Czarniecki, as similarly to him, he would prevent the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the internal conflict. Stefan Czarniecki is a very popular character in Białystok, often depicted in sculptures and paintings ordered by Branicki. In fact, Branicki did not have any serious merits as a hetman; it was only from the perspective of the dispute over the ordination and his portrayal as a great leader and the man of the moment that the cultivation of the memory of Stefan Czarniecki gained a special importance.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2020, 68, 4; 191-203
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O wizualizacji konfliktu politycznego z połowy XVIII wieku. Sprawa podziału ordynacji ostrogskiej w dekoracjach okazjonalnych
On the visualization of political conflict in the mid-18th century. The division of the Entail of Ostrog in occasional decorations
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2082101.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
18th Century occasional decorations
18th Century political history
state ceremony
political iconography
18th Century Polish culture
visual strategies
Opis:
One of the most important functions of 18th-century occasional decorations was to communicate current political issues. The artistic setting of ceremonies related to political events can of course be analyzed as an independent entity but may also be studied as a fragment of a larger message that encompasses prints, literature and political ceremony. The present article will adopt the latter approach, and analyze the political message of the 1750s on the subject of the division of the Entail of Ostrog, resulting from the so-called “Transaction of Kolbuszowa” in 1753. This event, which had a huge impact on political rela- tions of the time, was also of key importance to the chief players of the period as well as their artistic initiatives (for example J. K. Branicki, who became the Great Crown Hetman after Józef Potocki’s death). The theme of the Entail of Ostrog can be seen in the artistic settings of ceremonies related to the activities of the Senatorial Commission, as well as in those related to two terms of the Crown Tribunal, which in 1754 and 1755 was overshadowed by the consequences of the Kolbuszowa transaction. The above-mentioned bodies acted on behalf of the entire Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; therefore, ideas of political unity and total consensus were emphasized in the decorations. In this way, specific decisions were legitimized. Occasional decorations made reference to the Gigantomachy, understood as an internal conflict, and stressed the importance of overcoming internal enemies for the sake of state unity. Banquets were also of great importance in conveying this message, not only because participation alone was seen as a manifestation of belonging to a certain community, but also because the ideological content of the table decorations presented the political values of the guests and served as a commentary on current political issues.
Źródło:
Rocznik Historii Sztuki; 2020, 45; 139-147
0080-3472
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Historii Sztuki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Ścisk na podatki, a suknia tak długa, że się po ziemi wlecze”, czyli o politycznym aspekcie mody w kazaniach ks. Józef Męcińskiego, wygłoszonych w lubelskim kościele św. Ducha w czasie Sejmu Wielkiego
“Ścisk na podatki, a suknia tak długa, że się po ziemi wlecze”, or the political aspect of fashion in the sermons of rev. Joseph Męciński, delivered in Lublin at St. Spirit’s Church during the Great Seym
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/560485.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie
Tematy:
ksiądz Józef Męciński
okres stanisławowski
homiletyka
Lublin
Sejm Czteroletni
rev. Józef Męciński
Stanislavian period
homiletics
Four Years’ Seym
Opis:
Ksiądz Józef Męciński (1748–1814) to postać mająca od dawna swe miejsce zarówno w opracowaniach dotyczących dziejów polskiej homiletyki, jak i idei społeczno-gospodarczych czasów stanisławowskich. W latach 1786–1793 Męciński przebywał w Lublinie. Poczynając od 1788 roku. wygłosił w kościele św. Ducha serię kazań kierowanych do szlachty, w których nawiązywał do aktualnych wydarzeń – obrad Sejmu Czteroletniego. Jego opinie o modzie wpisują się w ówczesną dyskusję o modzie, obyczaju i roli rzemiosła. Męciński w swoich kazaniach głosił popularne w czasach oświecenia idee merkantylistyczne, zbytek w ubieraniu się porównywał do trądu, postulował, aby szlachta nosiła ubrania szyte jedynie z materiałów wyprodukowanych w Polsce. Podobne opinie już w latach 70. XVIII wieku przeczytać można było na łamach czasopisma „Monitor”, problemem tym zajmowały się też konstytucje sejmowe. Trudno się jednak dziwić, że Męciński w kazaniach zajął się ubiorem, który podczas Sejmu Wielkiego zyskał szczególny, polityczny wymiar. W kilku zdaniach omawianego lubelskiego kazania Józefa Męcińskiego mieści się właściwie esencja dyskusji z czasów stanisławowskich dotyczącej strojów i zbytku (brak jedynie wątku stroju narodowego), część jego poglądów zdaje się jednak oryginalna.
Rev. Joseph Męciński (1748–1814) was a significant figure in both studies of the history of Polish homiletics and socio-economic issues of the Stanislavian period. Between 1786 and 1793 Męciński resided in Lublin. Starting from 1788 when he delivered a series of sermons addressed to the nobility at St. Spirit’s Church, in which he referred to current events – the meeting of the Four Years’ Seym. His opinions about fashion fit well into the contemporary discussion about the above, as well as customs and role of craft. In his sermons Męciński elaborated on mercantilist ideas, popular as they were during the Enlightenment. He would also compare dressing lavishly to leprosy, advocating the nobility to wear clothes produced from fabric made in Poland only. It was possible to trace similar ideas already in 1770s in the “Monitor” newspaper. These problems were being dealt with by Polish parliamentary constitutions as well. Yet it is hardly surprising that Męciński elaborated on the dressing code, which gained significant political dimension during the Great Seym. Short as it seems, Męciński’s Lublin sermon summarizes the essence of Stanislaus period’s discussions about clothes and opulence (the national costume issue was not covered). Some of his views seems to be unchanged.
Źródło:
Folia Historica Cracoviensia; 2016, 22; 129-140
0867-8294
Pojawia się w:
Folia Historica Cracoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Joanna Kowalik, Dobra ziemskie Radzyń. Historia majątku od XVII do XX wieku, Lublin: Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie i Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych 2015, ss. 295
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1878652.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2016, 64, 4; 115-119
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„To złych Ateńczyków Parlament, nasz nie taki”, czyli o starożytnej Grecji w interpretacji trybunalskich kaznodziei
„This is the bad Athenians’ Parliament, ours is not like that”, or about ancient Greece in the interpretation of Tribunal preachers
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1891891.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Trybunał Koronny
barokowe kazanie
jezuicki kaznodzieja
Ateny
Lublin
Crown Tribunal
Baroque sermon
Jesuit preacher
Athens
Opis:
Models taken from ancient Greece were fairly often used in speeches and sermons in Poland in the past; speakers, preachers and theoreticians writing about the Crown Tribunal willingly referred to them. Most often this was done in a positive context, although ancient Athens were also referred to when a negative model was to be shown. This was done by the Jesuits Piotr Dunin and Józef Kleczyński. Despite certain similarities to actual facts (transferring the Tribunal from Lublin to Jarosław because of the raging plague as an extraordinary event), it is hard to treat their sermons as descriptions of actual events, but rather as a peculiar result of the Lublin experience of several generations, gathered together for a didactic purpose, as a sort of anti-model. The image of Athens in Kleczyński's and Dunin's sermons is perfectly well inscribed into the topos of the town as an „evil place”, where all problems were concentrated that were considered the most dangerous for just judgments: corruption, drunkenness, fixing problems in an informal way.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2013, 61, 2; 197-208
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Radzyń Podlaski. Miasto i rezydencja, red. Grażyna Michalska i Dominika Leszczyńska, Radzyń Podlaski 2011, ss. 193
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929428.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2011, 59, 4; 303-306
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Symbolika dzieł sztuki z wyposażenia sali sądowej trybunału koronnego w Lublinie w świetle osiemnastowiecznych kazań
The Symbolic Meaning of the Court Room Equipment. The Case of the Crown Tribunal in Lublin as Shown in a Selection of 18th-Century Sermons
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1934163.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
symbolika
dzieło sztuki
trybunał koronny
symbolic content
work of art
Crown Tribunal
Opis:
The sermons addressed to the deputies during Church festivities and celebrations were part of the customary functioning of the Crown Tribunal. These texts disclose a lot of information that are of paramount value for an art historian. This particularly pertains to 18th-century texts. As borne out by the sermons under analysis, two items of equipment in the Tribunal courtrooms communicated a specific symbolic and legal message: these were the Tribunal cross and the portrait of St. Thomas, the Apostle. The sermons frequently compare the Christ’s ultimate judgments to the rulings of the Polish court. The message behind the symbol of the Tribunal cross was even more intense if it was part of a Marshall’s or a President’s court-of-arms. This was the case in 1723, when Michał Potocki of Pilawa was the Marshall. The most intriguing fusion of events depicted in the New Testament and the Old Polish reality is to be found in a sermon by Wojciech Zabielski, a Jesuit, where he used the figures taking part in the Way of the Cross as models to depict acts and attitudes of his contemporaries. The sermons present St Thomas as a witness to Christ’s resurrection who needed to prove the truth of the redemptive miracle by means of his senses. He symbolized the scrutiny and meticulousness in search of truth and decent judgement. He was set as an example for the judges, who should be ready to lay down their lives for truth and justice.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2010, 58, 4; 147-160
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pałac Potockich w Lublinie w świetle osiemnastowiecznych źródeł
The Potocki Palace in Lublin in the Light of Eighteenth-century Sources
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953439.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
dekoracje
szlachta/arystokracja
pałac
portrety
Potocki
rokoko
królewski
decorations
nobility
palace
portraits
rococo
royal
Opis:
The Potocki palace in Lublin was for the first mentioned in the sources in 1734. It is not, however, on the plan of Chevalier d'Orxen of 1716, hence it was constructed between those years. It was built for Jerzy Potocki, and most probably was ready in 1730, when his sone, Eustachy, studied at the Lublin Jesuit college. There are no hints that the palace built in the times of Jerzy Potocki was something special with regard to its artistic class and scale. The magnate stayed mainly in Serniki, where he lived in a small wooden mansion of little artistic value. It is there where his sons were born. The fact that the Lublin seat was not a representative building, fit for a bigger event, is evidenced when Eustachy Potocki's wedding with Marianna née Kątska (December 1741) was organised in August Czartoryski's neighbouring palace. The construction and modernisation works in the Potocki palace, as evidenced by the sources, were conducted as late as the 1750s, already after Jerzy Potocki's death, when its owner was Eustachy. It follows from Eustachy's correspondence, now in the Main Archives of the Ancient Acts in Warszawa and in the State Archives in Kraków (the branch at Wawel), that some sentences about the Lublin palace can be found. Thus between January and the beginning of April 1755 the side pavilions were covered with a new shingle, mirrors were imported, curtains and upholstery were installed; glass, lead, calcium, and plaster were used for some unidentified works. They were all related to Eustachy's function of the marshal of the Crown Tribunal, which he took in 1754, and needed a seat appropriate to this rank. During the proceedings of the Tribunal in Potocki's palace there were festive receptions and balls: on the occasion of the king's, president's, the marshal's, or hetman Jan Klemens Branicki's nameday; another event was when a Turkish parliament member stayed in the palace, or the Tribunal's limit. Eustachy Potocki's son, Stanisław Kostka, was born in the Lublin palace. There are only circumstantial evidences as to who could design and supervise modernisation works in the palace in the 1750s. They irrefutably point to Jakub Fontana who then worked at the construction of the palace in Radzyń Podlaski. Potocki himself thought that he should be consulted about the smallest steps. We do not know at present the inventory of the Lublin palace from the times of Eustachy Potocki. The only one we have comes from 1783. According to this inventory, the floors in the Lublin palace were made of timber (in the vestibules it was made of bricks). It follows that the whole building was rather poorer, in the spirit of a gentleman's residence. The inventory does not say anything about the upholstery of the rooms on the ground floor. The rooms on the first floor were crimson, red, yellow, and blue. The “big room” was whitened in 1783. It goes without saying that this white colour meant that its new owners had a neo-classical taste, that colour could not come from Eustachy's times. It seems that in 1755 the colour green was most likely. The furniture mentioned in the inventory of 1783 is obviously a remnant of several sets from various interiors. The decisive majority of the then preserved was of similar colours: red, blue, and red-blue. We also know the other units of the yellow set. The inventory of 1783 mentions the “Big portrait of August II in golden frames.” It might have been the remaining part of a larger collection. We know that in the nineteenth century the royal portraits hang in another residence built by Eustachy Potocki – in Radzyń Podlaski, from where after the First World War they was conveyed to the National Museum in Warszawa. Most of them have been preserved up to date (the portraits of August III, Stanisław Leszczyński, August II, Sigismund I the Old, Sigismund August, Henry of Valois, Jan III Sobieski, and Władysław II Jagiełło). We have no evidential sources that there was a gallery of royal portraits in Lublin, but it goes without saying that in this type of residence there must have hung at least portraits of the then king and his wife. The portraits of August III and Maria Józefa, like August II the Strong, were among those that had been sent from Radzyń to Warszawa. Therefore it is likely that the portraits of kings in the eighteenth century hung in the Lublin palace. They were of a low artistic class that did not fit in the rococo decorations in Radzyń, but were fit for the Lublin seat of a tribunal's marshal, the seat often visited by the nobility for whom that type of works must have been uniquely dear.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2006, 54, 4; 291-305
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polowania Eustachego Potockiego
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953420.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2006, 54, 4; 327-335
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pośmiertne peregrynacje Stanisława I Leszczyńskiego. Z dziejów poglądów na szczątki królewskie jako pamiątkę narodową i obiekt muzealny
The Posthumous Peregrinations of King Stanisław I Leszczyński. On the History of Views on Royal Remains as a Relic of the Past and a Museum Item
Autorzy:
Gombin, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2120037.pdf
Data publikacji:
2001
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The history of the remains of Stanisław Leszczyński was exceptionally stormy. Buried in the Notre-Dame de Bon Secours Church in Nancy, during the French Revolution they were profaned twice (in 1793 and 1803). The inhabitants of the town who were royalists hid some of them and they treated them as relics. It was these relics (a finger, a jaw and some intestines) that in 1814 were brought to Poland by General M. Sokolnicki who was returning home with the remnants of the Polish army after the Napoleonic wars. The cult of human remains treated as relics of the past was a characteristic phenomenon at the turn of the 18th century. Sokolnicki deposited the King's intestines in Poznań. According to the general's intentions the rest of the remains (put into a small, classicistic coffin) were to be consigned in the Wawel Castle (the jaw) and in Puławy (the finger) − however, the plan was not put into effect. Perhaps this was the result of Sokolnicki's tragic death in 1816. In 1828 the coffin found itself in the collection of the Warsaw Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk (Society of the Friends of Sciences). According to a report by one of its members − Ł. Gołębiowski − it belonged to the most precious collections of the Society. As result of the plunder by Russians after the November Uprising it was taken − along with the collection of books − to the Emperor's Public Library in St. Petersburg. In 1857, owing to an intervention by the then director of the library, M. Korf, and to the steps taken by the Polish historian and journalist A. H. Kirkor, Alexander II ordered placing it in St. Catherine Church in Petersburg. This fact was soon noted by the press. Systematic studies were begun concerning the King's remains (H. Lepage, A. H. Kirkor); accounts were collected from the still alive witnesses of the events that had happened nearly half a century earlier (K. Tyszkiewicz). H. Lepage proved that the corpse that had been placed in the crypt in 1803 had never left it. A part of the public opinion condemned what Sokolnicki had done, calling it „vandalism” (K. Jarochowski). It was demanded that the King's bones, now scattered over Europe, be deposited in Nancy again. The coffin left St. Catherine Church in 1922 when it was taken by the members of the Polish vindication commission − E. Wierzbicki, Rev. B. Ussas and M. Piotrowski. The latter one brought it to Poland. The action was supported by the then parish priest in St. Catherine Church, Rev. K. Budkiewicz. The Poles, brought up in Russia, had no doubts that their deed was right − they understood it as saving an important national relic of the past. It is characteristic that they were also going to take to Poland the remains of Stanisław August Poniatowski buried in St. Petersburg. Due to the death of Rev. Budkiewicz (murdered by the Bolsheviks) this plan was not put into effect. In the independent Poland the attitude towards the relics of King Leszczyński was not so unambiguous. For J. Skotnicki − a high ranking official at the Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Education, in whose hands the coffin found itself − Piotrowski's deed was a sign of irresponsibility that could expose the Polish side to diplomatic troubles and block the process of vindication of works of culture from the USSR. The Polish officials revealed a surprising lack of knowledge of the 19th century history of the King's relics. Skotnicki gave them to the Director of the Warsaw Castle − M. Treter who put the relics in the Castle safe. The press soon revealed this fact to the public. A storm that started in the press resulted in placing the coffin in the Wawel Castle (1928). In the polemics the very people who acted in 1922 took part (Ussas, Wierzbicki), writing a number of articles in which they explained the motives of their action. Their declarations, extraordinarily bombastic, did not seem credible to a large part of the public opinion. From the events of 1922 newspapers most willingly selected the sensational elements, adding a lot of colour to them. From Ussas's and Wierzbicki's texts it follows that the remains were treated by them as an object from which a „historical spirit” emanates, a witness to the plunders after the Uprising, a relic connected with St. Catherine Church and with its parish priest murdered by the Bolsheviks. This was indeed a continuation of General Sokolnicki's romantic tradition.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2001, 48-49, 4; 171-193
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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