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Tytuł:
Spory graniczne Etiopii z państwami sąsiednimi. Niekończąca się wojna
Ethiopian border disputes with its neighbors: the endless war
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566884.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Ethiopia
Borders
Opis:
Ethiopia shares its frontiers with 5 countries: Sudan, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, and Djibouti. It has border disputes with all above mentioned countries. However, the nature and the extent of the problem vary; based on the specific relations with individual country. This article focuses on the major Ethiopian wars of border with Somalia and Eritrea. The politics of post-independence Somalia during the early 1960s was dominated by public opinion to unify all areas populated by ethnic Somalis into one country, to realize the concept of "Greater Somalia". Somalia has border dispute with Ethiopia especially Ogaden, in the South East of the country. Somalia started the border war with Ethiopia in February 1964. The conflict was ended by fast and successful intervention of the Organization of African Unity. The second war of Ogaden erupted in July 1977. Somalia decided to invade Ogaden, when internal political problems in Ethiopia were intensified, after emperor Haile Selasse was over thrown by the military. The Superpowers were also involved in the war; The Soviet Union and its allies supported Ethiopia and the United States, the Somali side. During the second war of Ogaden, about 8,000 Somali soldiers have been killed. In the aftermath of the war more than 400 000 civilians have been displaced. Ethiopia won both, the first and the second war of Ogaden. The war between Ethiopia and Eritrea over the border dispute started in May 1998 and ended in December 2000. Tens of thousands of people have lost their life in the conflict. Different sources have provided different numbers of victims of war on both sides. Approximately from 70 000 to 100 000 from the Ethiopian side and 30 000 Eritreans have lost their life. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), and the United Nations, the United States of America and other countries have actively involved in the peace process to stop the war. After two years of war, both parties agreed to form an independent boundary commission whose decision would be final and binding. In accordance with the treaty of Algiers, Eritrea accepted the April 2002 decision by an international Boundary Commission delimiting its borders with Ethiopia; but Ethiopia rejected it. The Security Council on 31 June 2000, by its resolution 1312 established the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), to verify the cessation of hostilities Agreement and assist in planning peace keeping. The Security Council of the UN unanimously adopted resolution 1827, on 30 July 2008, which terminated the mandate of the United Nations mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia. This decision came after Eritrea imposed restrictions on UNMEE, which could not carry out its mandate tasks. So far, there is no solution for the disputed areas, which means a war can be erupted again at any time.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2010, 10 - Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce; 353-371
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Islam i władza polityczna w Rogu Afryki
Islam and Political Power in the Horn of Africa
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566988.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Horn of Africa
Islam
Political power
Opis:
This article tries to show the spread of Islam to the Horn of Africa and its relations with the political system of the countries in the region. The analysis mainly focuses on the political situations within the context of Islam in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. The first contact of Islam with Ethiopia began in 615 AD, when the early followers of Islam were encouraged by Prophet Mohammed to flee Arabia because of persecution and sent to Ethiopia to seek protection from King Armah of Axum (North - Eastern part of modern Ethiopia). Among the group of refugees, there were Prophet Mohammed's wife and his cousin. Islam reached the Horn of Africa from across the Red Sea, mainly by Muslim traders. The spread of Islam can also be defined by the logic of the nearness of geographical location of the Horn of Africa to Arabia, the birth place of Islam, relatively easy for the transnational relations and cultural interaction. Today the vast majority of the people of the Horn of Africa are Muslims. During the colonial period in Somalia and Sudan Islam had played a unifying role to strengthen the struggle for freedom. In the Muslim countries of the Horn of Africa, such as Somalia and Sudan, Islam and political power is not separated. The imposition of sharia as the state law in Sudan in 1993 was the major factor of conflict between the North and the South in which more than two million people have lost their lives, and millions left their home as refugees.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2006, 4 - Islam we współczesnej Afryce; 223-234
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dożywotnie przywództwo polityczne a konflikty w Afryce
Lifelong political leadership and conflict in Africa
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567208.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Africa
political leadership
conflict
Opis:
Political leadership during the period of freedom movement in Africa had a dominant role. They coordinated and led the independence struggle against colonialism. The case of independence became the common goal of all Africans. Political leaders had full sup port of their people, among well known charismatic leaders Kwame Nkrumah can be mentioned. After the gradual success of common vision, which was independence, the view of previous freedom leaders was diversified on the process of continent's unity; they were divided into three different groups. The Casablanca group favoured a strong political union of independent Africa; the Monrovia group supported functional non-political cooperation and the Brazzaville group which stood for a gradual concept of African Unity starting with regional cooperation. Eventually all the leaders of three groups agreed to form the Organization of African Unity. Most of the freedom leaders started to build their power, based on a single party system, planning to stay in power for lifelong. These leaders became dictators and corrupted. Transfer of state power was based on violence. Some are still in office from the period of independence. Others died naturally exercising power while most of them were overthrown by military coupe or forced to leave office. They failed in terms of nation building. Conflict over power sharing started at the early stage of independence and still continues. The legacy of wrong exercise of power had resulted in ethnic conflict, political, economic and social crisis in Africa.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2008, 7 - Przywódcy i przywództwo we współczesnej Afryce; 71-86
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dynamics of Internal Mobility Problems in Ethiopia: Factors and Consequences
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1969152.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-22
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
Tematy:
Ethiopia
mobility
ethnic
border
coniflct
Opis:
Objectives The analysis further tries to enlighten the problems of internal mobility in Ethiopia. It also refers to other factors causing internal displacement of citizens such as ethnic border conflicts. Material and methods In this research, major causes of internal migration in Ethiopia and their ultimate consequences will be discussed based on the secondary data analysis and textual studies of documents. Results The circumstances have been particularly terrible in the conflict region where IDPs were deprived of any assistance because of difficulties in humanitarian access to the region. The IDPs were affected as a result of malnutrition and a high risk of an outbreak of disease. These people have suffered frequent displacements from their areas of origin and need stronger safety guarantees before they return to their region. The international community is also involved to support IDPs, following the opening of access to the affected location. Conclusions The scale and difficulty of internal displacement in Ethiopia need durable solutions. Escalation of the ongoing conflict may lead to economic decline and political instability. Collaboration with humanitarian and development organizations could be important, but a large part of the problem must be addressed by Ethiopian authorities and Ethiopian citizens. The role of humanitarian support is to enhance the efforts of national governments, responsible to tackle the root causes of conflicts. Religious leaders, elders, federal and regional authorities at all levels, need to seek ways and strategies to build peace and stability between conflicting parties focusing on specific and unique problems concerning disputes between communities or different ethnic groups.
Źródło:
Journal of Modern Science; 2021, 47, 2; 77-96
1734-2031
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Modern Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nacjonalizm w Etiopii
Nationalism in Ethiopia
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566752.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Nationalism
Ethiopia
Opis:
This article investigates the source and evolution of nationalism in Ethiopia. Nationalism is defined on the bases of certain criteria, such as language culture and shared values within a specific ethnic group.Ethiopia is the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country. There are more than 80 different ethnic groups and as many languages.The relations between these ethnic groups had never been smooth. The development of nationalism and violence goes back to the very historical foundation of the Ethiopian state, which is based on the forced incorporation of independent Southern nations. The centralized Ethiopian State in favor of a single ethnic group mainly (Amhara) imposed domination on other ethnic groups. On the background of this history, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Tigraj Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), Eritrean Peoples Democratic Liberation Front (EPDLF) among others, opened an armed resistance against the State. After along destructive fight, Eritrea became an independent country. Many other ethnic groups similarly, based on ethnic nationalism formed their own liberation fronts as the ultimate goal of independence, are still fighting. The fast growing process of ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia may cause the disintegration of the country, unless the genuine and equal participation of all ethnic groups in the political cultural and economic life of the country is guaranteed by law.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2007, 5 - Narody XXI wieku; 239-252
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problemy legalności partii politycznych w Etiopii
The legal problems of political parties in Ethiopia
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567158.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Ethiopia
Political parties
Legal problems
Opis:
This article investigates and assesses the legal problem of political parties in Ethiopia. Ethiopian rulers have denied a legitimate role of political party and saw it as the threat to their power. The evolution of party system in Ethiopia can be divided into three periods: 1. During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign 2. The period of military rule 3. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led Government from 1991 up to the present. The first constitution of Ethiopia (1931), banned the presence of any political organization in Ethiopia. The Emperor was the head of the state, head of the government, and commander-in-chief of the Empire. He had absolute authority over the Imperial Military and bureaucracy. The Emperor had sole power to appoint and dismiss the regional governors and members of parliament. In 1974 the military government brought the absolute monarchical rule to an end. During the military junta all civilian opposition groups had been destroyed or forced underground. In most cases, political opponents were systematically targeted; there were human rights abuses, tens of thousands of people disappeared or were murdered in what was known as the „Red Terror" and hundreds of thousands were imprisoned. After the military government was overthrown by rebel groups in 1991, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), created the coalition of EPRDF by involving several ethnic based political parties. During 1990s, a lot of political parties based on ethnic background, were formed. Many of them are delegalized. Those registered legally also cannot run their programme for political power, because of systematic restriction on them. Security forces of the ruling party commit politically motivated arbitrary killings, detention, torture and other forms of human rights abuse on political opponents. Ethiopia is de facto single-party sys- tem in which a dominant single political party forms the government and no other parties are permitted to run candidates for election; unfair laws and practices of the present minority government pre- vent the opposition from legally getting power.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2009, 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce; 167-185
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Inter-Clan Conflicts and the Long Journey to State-Building in Somalia – Internal and International Effects
Konflikty międzyklanowe i długa droga do budowania państwa w Somalii – skutki wewnętrzne i międzynarodowe
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/30147267.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Somalia
clan
conflict
international organization
peace process
state fragility
klan
konflikt
organizacja międzynarodowa
proces pokojowy
niestabilność państwa
Opis:
The main purpose of the article is to investigate and analyze the inter-clan conflict and its consequences as well as the role of subregional and international organizations such as African Unions in conflict resolution and peace-building efforts in Somalia. Compared to various regions in Africa, the Horn of Africa was the region that was the most affected by internal and external conflicts. In this region, Somalia faced not only Clan problems but also suffered from rule dictatorial rules. The research hypothesis states that, traditional social structures, comprising of the clan and sub-clan identity are the main factors of disagreement and the international community peace initiatives couldn’t bring lasting peace in Somalia. Investigation questions include: What are the root causes of Somali conflict? What are the effects of the role of regional and international organizations in Somali conflict resolution? Despite being the most homogeneous nations in Africa, why did Somalis have one of the longest civil wars in the Horn of Africa? The tension in Somalia which began after the downfall of the central government in Somalia in 1991 convoluted the well-being of the citizens in the region. Among the states of the Horn of Africa, Somalia turned out to be one the most affected regarding instability and humanitarian and political turmoil. This article tries to explore the main problems Somalia faced after the end of the Cold War, the consequences of the conflict and other issues related to social and political problems taken place in Somalia. The research mainly depends on the qualitative method of data collection analysis.
Głównym celem artykułu jest zbadanie i analiza konfliktu międzyklanowego i jego konsekwencji, a także roli organizacji subregionalnych i międzynarodowych, takich jak Unia Afrykańska, w rozwiązywaniu konfliktów i budowaniu pokoju w Somalii. W porównaniu z różnymi regionami Afryki, Róg Afryki był i jest regionem najbardziej dotkniętym konfliktami wewnętrznymi i zewnętrznymi. W tym regionie Somalia borykała się nie tylko z problemami klanowymi, ale także cierpiała z powodu rządów dyktatorskich. Hipoteza badawcza artykułu stwierdza, że tradycyjne struktury społeczne, na które składa się tożsamość klanowa i podklanowa, są głównymi czynnikami konfliktu, a inicjatywy pokojowe społeczności międzynarodowej nie przyniosły trwałego pokoju w Somalii. Pytania badawcze obejmują: Jakie są podstawowe przyczyny konfliktu somalijskiego? Jakie są skutki zaangażowania organizacji regionalnych i międzynarodowych w rozwiązywaniu konfliktów w Somalii? Dlaczego Somalijczycy, mimo że są najbardziej jednorodną grupą etniczną w Afryce, stoczyli jedną z najdłuższych wojen domowych w Somalii? Konflikt w Somalii, który zaczął się po upadku rządu centralnego w 1991 r., doprowadził do biedy i nędzy mieszkańców. Wśród państw Rogu Afryki Somalia okazała się jednym z najbardziej dotkniętych niestabilnością, kryzysami humanitarnymi i politycznymi. W artykule podjęto próbę zbadania głównych problemów, z jakimi borykała się Somalia po zakończeniu „zimnej wojny”, konsekwencji konfliktu oraz innych kwestii związanych z problemami społecznymi i politycznymi. Badania opierają się głównie na jakościowej metodzie analizy zbieranych danych.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2023, 16; 167-179
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka religijna a zagrożenie radykalizmem w wybranych państwach Afryki
Religious policy and the risk of radicalism in selected African countries
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1186893.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Afryka
islam
chrześcijaństwo
polityka
rządy
Africa
Islam
Christianity
politics
governments
Opis:
The main aim of this article is to investigate relevant policy problems regarding religions and their impact on politics or vice versa, introduced by some members of religious movements and governments in Africa. The study is based on the main largest religions in Africa, Christianity and Islam and their followers. In the next few decades the African Muslim population is expected to grow at a faster rate, and this fact will have a great consequence regarding the impact of Islam which may dominate politics in Africa. Religious organizations are also engaged in launching their struggle for the control of political power; one of the best example could be successful control of governance strategy by the Islamists in Sudan, which led to persecution and imposing of Islamic law on Christians and other believers. In many African countries religions are used inappropriately for political purposes. The impact of religion is also used for manipulation. It also helps to adopt laws to fulfil the particular interests of ruling class. Religious based governments, do not respect the sphere of privacy for individuals and collective religious freedom, while they support only their religious preferences. On the other hand, they persecute and repress others. There are some signs of reinforcement of secular trends and the establishment of law guaranteeing division of religion and states in Africa. The main purpose of the linkage between religion and political power is intended to have full control over the citizens and to fight, repress or eliminate political and religious opponents.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2015, 18 - Komunikowanie w Afryce. Endo- i egzogeniczne aspekty. Etniczność – kultura – religia; 173-193
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wpływ polityki i religii na życie społeczno-polityczne w wybranych państwach Afryki Subsaharyjskiej
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/480242.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Księży Werbistów Verbinum
Tematy:
Afryka
chrześcijaństwo
islam
polityka
rządy
Africa
Christianity
Islam
politics
government
Opis:
Politics and religion and their influence on social and political life in the Sub-Saharan countries
Źródło:
Nurt SVD; 2017, 2; 371-387
1233-9717
Pojawia się w:
Nurt SVD
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Chiny: Powstanie noewgo globalnego supermocarstwa na Dalekim Wschodzie - trudne relacje z zachodnimi rywalami
China: The Rise of New Global Superpower in the Far East and Diffucult Relations with the Western Rivals
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566830.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
China
Superpower
Economic reform
Opis:
This paper sets out to analyze, the past and present relations of the Republic China with the Western world. It focuses on the explosive growth of the Chinese economy and its impact on world economic powers especially EU and USA. The emergence of china as the global superpower is the serious challenge to the future position of USA and EU. In the past the huge market of the People's Republic of China was at the forefront focus of the Western world. The history of the Western world relations with China can be traced back to the first opium War, fought between Britain and China from 1839 to 1842. Britain tried to force China to allow free trade of mainly opium. The war ended with the signing of the Nankin Treaty, which granted anindemnity to Britain opening of five ports to British trade. The Second Opium War (1856-1860), began as the result of the violation the Nankin Treaty by Chinese authority. The French and British allies began military operation and forced Chinese to sign the peace treaty in 1858, which allowed among others, the opening of several new ports to Western trade and freedom of movement for Christian missionaries, but Chinese refused to ratify the treaty and the allies began hostilities and Chinese were forced to ratify the peace treaty of 1958. China was a closed economy for a long time. The open door policy reform contributed to the acceleration of its modernization and integration to the world economy. The process of economic reform in China began in 1979. This reform didn't include the political reform. The commercial relations of China, EU and USA have developed rapidly. China's unstoppable economic domination and the impact of continuous trade deficit of EU and USA has raised a great concern. This might lead to seek some form of coordination and common solution on both sides of the Atlantic concerning the imbalance of trade with china. The extraordinary economic success of China is also a central factor in its emergence as a regional and global power. The military modernization includes capabilities intended to disrupt satellite operations. China continues to maintain its high rate of investment in its science and technology industries, reforms of the armed forces which have got regional and global implications. This indicates that, China may play the role of the superpower in the near future.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2010, 11 - Chiny i państwa azjatyckie - karty z historii i wyzwania współczesności; 229-252
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Walka z biedą, korupcją i priorytety obronności. Dylematy współczesnej Afryki
Fighting poverty, corruption and priority of defence. The dilemma of centemporary Africa
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566858.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Africa
Corruption
National development
Military expenditure
Opis:
Africa is one of the richest continents in natural resources, and yet its people are the poorest on this planet. The causes of poverty in Africa are based on various factors. The main cause is the lack efficient management of public property by corrupt and irresponsible leaders. Unfortunately it's a continent where government authorities enjoy luxury life and ordinary citizens starve. Every year Africa loses 148 billion USD because of corruption. National proper- ty is treated as the private ownership by many African leaders. Mostly leaders focus on how to safeguard, prolong their span of reign and keep their private interest. Resources are mostly diverted for the building of complex security systems, such as military, police and secret security services which is consider as their top priority. Military expenditure and political corruption have direct or indirect effect on poverty. African leaders and their allies in the Western world, banking systems which save looted money from Africa are partly responsible for the enlargement of poverty in Africa. Eradication of poverty in Africa declared by many African countries, seems to be unrealistic. Exploitation of national treasure by leaders for their private purposes, could be considered as the series problem for the development of Africa. This Article tries to analyze relations between eradication of poverty, political corruption and priority given for military expenditure by African rulers to safeguard their own interests ignoring all inclusive national development.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2011, 12 - Problemy bogactwa i biedy we współczesnej Afryce; 67-85
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec państw Afryki: strategia pięciu zasad
Chnese Policy on Africa: The Strategy of Five Principles
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567218.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
China
Africa
Strategy of five principles
Opis:
This article focuses on the new policy of China towards Africa. Over the past 50 years, Sino - African relations was based on ideological reasons, but in recent years, rather there is the growing interest of economic factors. The new strategy of five principles, designed as the guide line to cooperate with African states is to fulfil this goal. These include: mutual respect, for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. The ultimate goal of this principle is based on diplomatic offensive to strengthen political, economic and strategic relations with African countries. This strategy is motivated by great demand of energy for the booming economy of China, which led to seek oil and other raw materials from Africa. The China - Africa cooperation Forum was established in 2000. The cooperation forum was the result of collective dialogue to promote peace and development based on mutual benefit. The second Ministerial Conference of the China - Africa cooperation Forum that was held in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), in December 2003, adopted the Action Plan (2004-2006) to be implemented within three years. The two sides have further agreed to step up their high-level exchanges and political consultations and will also jointly work on the issues of peace and security, trade cooperation, cultural exchanges and to enhance coordination in international affairs. So far, the leaders of Africa are satisfied with cooperation, which guarantees them to keep them in power; on the other hand for the vast majority of the people of Africa, the new power is not better than those of the colonial power. Recently, Chinese economic expansion is growing very fast in Africa. Traditional economic partners of the continent are worried about the situation. Competition among economic powers to retain their position may undermine the issues of human rights and democracy.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2008, 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość; 157-176
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Konflikty w Rogu Afryki: geneza, przebieg i skutki
Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: Its Genesis, Course and Effects
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566740.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Opis:
This article examines historical relations of the states and the root causes of conflicts in the contemporary Horn of Africa. The Horn of Africa includes Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia and Sudan. It is one of the most affected regions by conflict. During the last decades, this region has been engulfed in spiraling conflict, which caused widespread famine, disease, displacement and a great loss of life. The infrastructure and the economy of the region is also badly damaged. The intrastate conflicts are mostly caused because of the ethnic based states, where one ethnic group monopolizes every aspect of political and economic power over other ethnic groups. Although ethnicity, differences in values, religion, ideological perceptions could be mentioned, often as some of the factors; the root cause of the conflict can be traced back to the era of colonialism. Territorial boundaries originally brought about by colonial partition are today the sources of interstate conflict in the region. One of the crucial prerequisite for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and maintenance of peace agreements is based on the political willing of leaders in the region. Personal ambitions, corruptions, incompetence and lack of accountability of decision makers, aggravates political, social and economic instability in the Horn of Africa. In the past decades and still recently hundreds of thousands of people have fallen victims of conflicts caused by ruthless dictators of these countries. In addition to this, the Horn of Africa was also a battlefield between the rival super powers during the Cold War, which contributed to the devastation of social and economic life of the people.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2004, 1 - Z problemów społeczno-politycznych współczesnej Afryki subsaharyjskiej; 39-64
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wywłaszczenia i sprzedaż ziemi z Etiopii obcokrajowcom - nowa forma kolonializmu jako zagrożenia bytu ludności rdzennej
Land grabbing and sale to foreigners in Ethiopia: A new form of colonialism as a threat to existence of indigenous peoples
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebedu
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566786.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Bank Światowy
grabież ziemi
inwestorzy zagraniczni
rolnicy etiopscy
dzierżawa ziemi
World Bank
land grab
foreign investors
Ethiopian farmers
leasing of land
Opis:
This article presents the recent years rapid increase of global demand for rich resources and cheap land available particularly in Africa which became attractive and popular among investors. Ethiopia and some governments in Africa have actively engaged in the process of controversial arable land transactions with foreign investors at the expense of their own farmers. This article focuses on the main issues of transfer of land to foreigners in Ethiopia compared with similar events in Africa and other parts of the world. Analysis of this problem requires to put forward important questions to look for the answers. Is the transfer of land to investors which is often done by removing the traditional users and farmers from their land contributed to the development? I there any economic justification regarding the transaction of long-term lease or sale of land to foreigners? The largest share of long term investment regarding land lease takes place in five administrative regions in Ethiopia – Afar and Amhara in the north, in central Ethiopia Oromia and Gambela and Nations, Nationalities and Southern regions of Nations (SNNPR). According to the investigation generally the balance between small-scale and large-scale agriculture leaves a big question mark over the future livelihoods of small farmers in Ethiopia as well as other parts the world. Displacing the local farmers and focusing on the agricultural products intended exclusively for export without distribution in the local market are also pointed out as the serious social injustice. In Ethiopia like in some countries in Africa, the problem of land also caused a strong reaction in the society and it is inevitable that this problem will be one of the international issues to be solved soon.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2014, 16 - Konteksty bezpieczeństwa w Afryce. Problemy globalne, sektorowe, regionalne, lokalne; 261-282
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pozycja i miejsce Etopii jako mocarstwa regionalnego a stosunki z sąsiadami
Position and place of Ethiopia as the regional power and relations wuth its neighbors
Autorzy:
Gemechu, Degefe Kebede
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/567090.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Ethiopia
Regional power
International relations
Opis:
Ethiopia is the strongest regional power among the states of the Horn of Africa. It is the second most populous country on the continent. This article refers to the past and recent relations with neighbors of Ethiopia, regarding its dominant position. The military intervention in Somalia, the war with Eritrea and their post war relations, peacekeeping mission in the Republic of South Sudan and other relations at the regional level are thoroughly analyzed. Ethiopia deployed hundreds of its troops in Somalia, to oust rebel insurgents in 2006. Chaos and violence in the country, frag- mentation of the population along clan and sub-clan lines gave Ethiopia strong position to freely operate in Somalia without significant resistance. Generally Ethiopia withdrew its troops in 2009,but it returned several times with small scale troops. Another victory for Ethiopia was noted after the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea from 1998-2000 that claimed numerous injuries, dislocation of innocent citizens and left thousands dead. Following the weak- ness of Somalia and then Eritrea, Ethiopian, position in the Horn of Africa became stronger. Ethiopia also involved in case of stabilization of the Sudan Conflict by sending its troops to the region of Abyei, a border between Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan. Ethiopia may keep its present dominant position in the future, if it changes its internal political system to more open and fully democratic which could lead to positive changes of political and socioeconomic situations in the region.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2012, 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne; 597-614
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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