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Tytuł:
„Archaizm podhalański” w Ludycjach wieśnych z r.1543
„Podhale Archaism” in Ludycje wieśne of 1543
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1964597.pdf
Data publikacji:
1993
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The incunabulum Ludycje wieśne (it should be Judycje wieśne ᾿village weather forecast᾽) printed by Florian Ungler in Cracow in 1543 show a very precise differentiation between the vowels y and i. The latter made it possible for the author to state that in the Cracow cultural dialect people used to speak at that time szyja” (neck), żyto (rye), czysty (clean), gen. of drożdży (of yeasts) and w noći (at night) and miedźi (between), unlike śin (son) and koźi (goats), as it was in Ungler’s prints of the years 1532 and 1535. In the latter case we had rather syn and kozy. Soft spirants ś and ź underwent hardening before 1543. The name of the village Bysina near Myślenice has been recorded in Ludycje as follows: w Bysinie (in Bysina) and z Bysiny (from Bysina) written with si, z Bysyny with sy, w Byszynie with szy, w Byszinie and z Bysziny with szi. The name was created as possessive adjective of personal names Bycha or Bysza and was originally pronounced as Byszina (Byshina), then (after the hardening of consonants which are functionally soft today) Byszyna, in Podhale region Byśina (as śija neck, uśi ears etc.). In the inscriptions w Bysinie and z Bysiny the author sees the group śi not śi. Todaýs pronounciation Byśina was created in the 18th c. The records in Ludycje and various historical documents explicitly justify these statements. The author sees the combinations śi also in the rhyme vsuszy − vdusi − musi (incomplete rhyme: śi − śi). In the rhyme milczy − życzy − w bożnici there is a juxtaposition of ći with ći (complete rhyme). The records and history of the name of the village Bysina and the two mentioned rhymes entitle the author to state that in 1543 in the dialect of the surroundings of Myślenice was „Podhale archaism” as it is today: śija, źito, ćisty drozdźi and śin, koźi, v noći, edźi. The language of Ludycje had soft i and ǵi, hard χy and probably soft rzi: piosnki (songs), księgi (books), chytro (shrewdly), gwarzili (they chatted).
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1993, 41, 6; 21-30
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czasowniki polskie
The Polish Verbs
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1955882.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The study contains a synthetic presentation of the semantic and grammatical problems of the Polish verb. In the light of a semantic characterization the following types of verbs are revealed: verbs of state, of process and of function; durative, serial and momentaneous; transitive and intransitive; causative; verbs of movement (unidirectional and multidirectional) as well as other detailed classes estimated with respect to the so called kind of indication, distinguished with respect to the way the action is performed, the speed of the course of the indication, the spatial relations occurring between the subjects and objects involved in the course of the indication, with respect to the particular stages the indication passes, etc. Especially important semantic and grammatical category of the verb is its aspect: perfectivity and imperfectivity. The semantic categories remain closely dependent on the morphological structure of the verb. By means of prefixes and suffixes used in word-formation the aspect of the verb is expressed (pisać − napisać, przepisać – przepisywać), oppositions between iterative and momentaneous verbs (pisać – pisywać), oppositions in cause-effect pairs (przywrzeć – przywierać), in frequency pairs (stukać – stuknąć). Perfective unprefixed verbs are a special group: momentous ones, like machnąć, strzelić and two-aspect ones like trącić, abdykować. The pronoun się may be a formative: in reflexive (myć się), active (śmiać się) and perfective verbs like napracować się. Conjugation of the verb first of all consists of tenses – there are five of them: 1. Present (praesens), 2. Past Imperfect (praeteritum imperfectum), 3. Past Perfect (praeteritum perfectum), 4. Future Imperfect (futurum imperfectum) and 5. Future Perfect (futurum perfectum). The forms of the imperfect tenses, that is of the Present, Past Imperfect and Future Imperfect may only be formed from imperfect verbs and forms of the perfect tenses, that is of the Past Perfect and Future Perfect – only from perfect verbs. Hence in order to present an indication in all the grammatical tenses two verbs are necessary with the same basic meaning but different aspects. Such two verbs constitute an aspect pair. In the conjugation of the Polish verb two flexion themes appear: those of the infinitive and of the present tense. With respect to the kind of endings verbs are divided into four conjugations: 1. -ę, -esz, 2. -ę, -i(-y)sz, 3. -am, -asz, and 4. -em, -esz. With respect to the form of the infinitive verbs in the first conjugation are divided into 15 groups, verbs in the second one into 3 groups, and the third and fourth conjugations are not divided into smaller groups.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1999, 47, 6; 27-62
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czasowniki polskie. Podział na koniugacje i grupy
Polish Verbs. A Division into Conjugations and Groups
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1954921.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The basis for the division of Polish verbs is the morphological structure of the personal forms of the Present Tense and the differences between the structure of those forms and the structure of the infinitive. With respect to the ending of the first and second persons singular in the Present Tense (as well as in the Future Perfect) verbs are traditionally divided into four conjugations: the first one -ę, -esz, the second -ę, -isz (-ysz), the third -am, -asz, and the fourth -em, -esz. With respect to the form of the infinitive the first conjugation verbs are divided into 15 groups and the second conjugation verbs into 3 ones; the third and fourth conjugation verbs are not divided into smaller groups. The list of the above four conjugations verbs is supplemented by the irregular verbs: być (be), jeść (eat), wiedzieć (know), powiedzieć (say), mieć (have), chcieć (want), iść (walk) and jechać (go). The suggested division of verbs differs from the traditional divisions, among others the one in Słownik języka polskiego (Dictionary of the Polish Language) compiled by W. Doroszewski (Warsaw 1958-1969) and Słownik języka polskiego (Dictionary of the Polish Language) compiled by M. Szymczak (Warsaw 1978), based mainly on J. Tokarski's proposition (Czasowniki polskie [Polish Verbs], Warsaw 1951)
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2000, 48, 6; 5-34
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fleksja przymiotników dzierżawczych typu Piotrów i Annin w warszawskich zapiskach sądowych z XV i XVI w.
The Flexion of Possessive Adjectives of the Type Piotrów and Annin in the Warsaw Court Records of the 15th and 16th Centuries
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963456.pdf
Data publikacji:
1996
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The problem of the transference of Old Polish adjectives from nominal declination (simple and oblique) to nominal-pronominal (complex) is discussed generally in the historical grammars of the Polish language. We do not find there any individual stages which that change undoubtedly went through. Nor do we find any details in the works devoted exclusively to the history of Polish adjectives. In my paper I show those details, using as an example the possessive adjectives formed from personal nouns, most often proper nouns, by means of suffixes -ow and -in. Formerly they were declined as nouns. They are most numerous in court records. I have chosen the records from the invaluable book written by W. Kuraszkiewicz and A. Wolff (Zapiski i roty polskie z ksiąg sądowych ziemi warszawskiej, Kraków 1950). The records, accurately dated, occur one by one almost throughout the whole of the 15th century until the middle of the 16th century (1421-1553). We learn from them that the nominal suffixes of the oblique cases in the adjectives with -ow and -in did not change at the same time, but in a certain sequence. The paper seeks to show this sequence.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1996, 44, 6; 5-23
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kazania augustiańskie nie są zabytkiem małopolskim
The Augustine Sermons are not a Monument from Little Poland
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963455.pdf
Data publikacji:
1996
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
In the work on Polish dialectisms contained in the manuscripts of the beginning of the 14th century Maria Bargieł included Augustine Sermons into Little Poland monuments, although she gave no arguments motivating this localization. In this paper the author presents some facts which make it impossible to include those manuscripts within the monuments from Little Poland, and quotes some phenomena which provide grounds to localize the language of the Sermons in time and space. We find here: 1. the Mazury speech, 2. hard ky gy, ke (dat. and acc. sing. masc. and neutr.), 5. the prepositions w and z before the words with initial w- and z- (there is no pronunciation we wodzie ze sokiem). We have to add here two of those mentioned by M. Bargieł: 6. nasal vowels, short and long, with synchronous nasality (marked by the letter ą, rarely the letter a) and 7. the pronoun się (no records with mię and cię) with nasality with both verbs and after the preposition za (there is only zasię). The phenomena, whose existence in the Sermons may be questioned, are the following: 8. the pronunciation of śfąty (with the nasal a), śfat, ćferć etc., 9. a tendency to shift from y to i, and along with it 10. the pronunciation of li as ly, e.g. malyna, Lublyn, and 11. the ending instr. plur. -my (aside to -mi), e.g. nogamy (aside to nogami). The above phenomena occur in the Masovian monuments (and in today local dialects). The writer of the Sermons came from Masovia, strictly speaking that part of Masovia situated east of the Vistula. The Sermons were written in the second half of the 15th century, most certainly right before its end. The writer preserved the old difference between the instrumental and the locative singular in masculine declinations and neutral pronouns and adjectives; this difference is rarely recorded in the 16th-century texts. As to the late occurrence of the accusative form go in the Warsaw records: they could have been used by the court scribe as late as 1494. The preacher, however, who dealt with a careful, artistic language - since the language of sermons should be regarded as such - undoubtedly knew that literary form much earlier. The monument distinguishes itself with a very careful spelling, rarely encountered in the fifteenth century.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1996, 44, 6; 25-36
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kilka charakterystycznych właściwości polskiej składni
A Few Characteristic Properties of the Polish Syntax
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2121141.pdf
Data publikacji:
1988
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The author writes about flexional forms in which Polish surnames occur in the ancient Latin State documents. He states the following: 1) The singular masculine and feminine surnames were almost always in the nominative, e.g. carrying the function of Latin genetive: Ad postulationem generosi Alberti Karbot nomine generosae Agnetis Karbotowa consortis suae legitimae; the function of dative: Nobilibus AndreasŁojecki et Zophiae Malicka coniugibus; the function of accusative: post olim nobilem Annam Gościradowska. 2) The plural masculine surnames which carried the function of nominative, genetive and dative, occurred with Polish suffixes of the three cases, and as the accusative and ablative in the form of the historical plural accusative, e.g. Nobiles Otwinowscy et Ostrowscy; Nobilium Petri atque Adalberti Bliskowskich; Nobilibus Nicolao, Ioanni, Marco Malickim; acc. contra generosos Moszyńskie tum generosos Romery ac generosos Szamowskie; abl. de laborioses Alberto [et] Thoma Stępniki, una cum nobilibus Paulo et Francisco Świerczyńskie, Sophiam de Wybranowskie Jałowicka. 3) The author has found only few forms of the feminine plural number: gen. nobilium Mariannae, Annae, Catharinae Stempkowskich; dat. Vobis generosis Theresiae, Mariannae, Catharinnae... Morawieckiem sororibus inter vos germanis; acc. Generosas obligatoriam et Theophilam arendatoriam tenutricesm Wybranowskie. The principles of writing surnames in such flexional forms were established before the 2nd half of the 16th century.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1988, 35-36, 6; 39-63
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Łacińskie i greckie zdania z przysłówkiem w orzeczeniu zasadniczym
Latin and Greek Clauses with Adverbs in the Main Verb
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1964806.pdf
Data publikacji:
1988
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
Basing upon materials excerpted from the Latin and Greek versions of the Bible, the author has established that there existed clauses with verbs containing 3rd person singular neuter copula of Latin verbs esse and fieri, and those of Greek verbs εἶναι and γίνεσθαι, as well copula in their adverbial form. Such clauses did not use to occur frequently, since the number of adverbs which could function as copula was reduced. Only the following adverbs could have been excerpted: qualiter, ita, sicut, sic, similiter, aliter, bene, remissius, male, aegre, sero, vespere, mane and their Greek equivalents. This list can possibly be enlarged after investigating Classical texts. Because of the attested occurrence of these structures in old languages, it is allowed to presume that they must already have existed in the pre-Indoeuropean epoch.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1988, 36, 3; 29-35
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nazwiska polskie w polskiej urzędowej łacinie XVI-XVIII w.
Polish Surnames in Polish Official Latin of the 16th-18th Centuries
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2121143.pdf
Data publikacji:
1988
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1988, 35-36, 6; 65-71
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O języku Kanonu augustiańskiego
On the Language of the Augustinian Canon
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2127684.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The Latin text of the mass canon was written before 1431, during the pontificate of Pope Martin V (1417-1431). What testifies to it is the letter M in the extract from the prayer for the pope: "Your servant s, papa nostro M"; there was only one pope in the 15th century with the name beginning with M. The Polish text was probably written in between the lines of the Latin text in 1436. What supports such an early date is the adjective kaliżdy with the retained li, no simplification of the consonant clusters in czso (cso?), bożski, wielmożstwo; the difference between the instrumental and locative of adjectives and pronouns was retained (instr. im, loc. em) and probably the soft consonants sz, ż, cz, c, dz, and rz. In the canon there are 14 linguistic phenomena regarded as Masovian dialectal terms. It is sufficient to show the following: the change from ek to k (gen. plur. służebniczk, a characteristic of the whole of north Poland); the hardening of the consonant in the cluster śA (śwat, śwatłość, or, maybe, śfat, śfatłość); the change from śA into śwA is, as we know, the consequence of the production of softness from the labial consonants in the form of a separate soft consonant, most often j. We deem it necessary then to assume that the writer of the Canon spoke pjekło, ńebjosa, ofjera, wjara, mjeśćce and the like; the change of articulation of *y into the close or identical articulation with *i (biła [była - was], aside to bjiła [biła - she beat]); the hard k in comparison with ke (c'irkew [cerkiew - orthodox church]), apostolskej wyari - the apostolic faith, and the like). With these (and other) Masovisms there are a couple of Non-Masovian dialectal terms, the most important being lack of the Mazurian dialect. This kind of comparison of linguistic features occurs today, or occured until recently, only in the territory of the former Chełm-Dobrzyń land. What additionally testifies to this is, as it seems, the marking of the consonant š with the letters sch, according to the German spelling (the Chełm land was granted to the Teutonic Knights in 1228, the Michałów and Dobrzyń lands remained under their rule too; there were wars to regain them, and in 1466 they returned to Poland). In chapter four, the last one, the author draws our attention to several facts which could be useful to the historian of the Polish langauge. In conclusion he writes about the very careful spelling of the writers of the Augustinian souvenirs: of the Canon and the Sermons, and also about the high values of their language.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1998, 45-46, 6; 11-30
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O orzeczeniach typu jedzono i pito
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1966083.pdf
Data publikacji:
1978
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1977, 25, 4; 5-36
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Placówka
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1968187.pdf
Data publikacji:
1967
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1967, 15, 1; 51-55
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Podstawowe honoratiwa we wczesnych komediach Aleksandra Fredry
The Fundamental Honorary Names in Early Comedies of A. Fredro
Autorzy:
Brajerski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963667.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
The term “honorary names'' denotes words, groups of words and grammatical forms of words whose aim is to honor the addressee (recipient) of an utterance or the third person, irrespectively how this honored person is evaluated by the transmitter of an utterance and what is his emotional attitude to the recipient. The principal honorary names are various titles, first of all pan (sir), and personal forms of the predicate, when the sentence's subject is the addressee (second or third person singular or plural). The author has examined 18 A. Fredro's comedies of the years 1818-1835. The first short part of the study presents the titles honoring the third person (not the addressee): pan, pani (lady, Mrs, Ms) and panna (Miss) before the second name, first name or some title (e.g. szambelan [chamberlain!, szambelanowa [ lady chamberlain], hrabia (count), hrabina |countess), książę pan [master prince], and księżna pani (lady princess] (here pan and pani follow the title), panicz (young master] in the sense of “a young son of wealthy Mr and Mrs X] (more often in the sense “młokos" [hobbledehoyl or “podejrzane indywiduum" [suspect individual]), jegomość (the Honorable Gentleman], jejmość [the Honorable Lady], ichmość [the Honorable Gentleman], imć [the Honorable Gentleman] which precede the surname. The extensive second part deals with the ways how to manifest kindness towards the second person, i.e. the addressee. The author deems it necessary to distinguish three elements in an utterance: 1) honor- ific vocative phrase, e.g. panie Janie [Sir John], pani dobrodziejko |Madam], mościa panno |Honorable Lady]; 2) second-person nominal elements, i.e. the pronouns ty [youl and twój, twoja, twoje [your] and nouns (titles) used in place of these pronouns in the composite functions of the subject, complement, possessive attributes and predicative word and 3) personal form of the predicate when the sentence's subject is the addressee. For instance in the utterances Jak się waćpan nazywasz, panie oberżysta? [And what is your name sir, master inn-keeper?]. Here the vocative phrase is panie oberżysta [master inn- keeper], and the subject is waćpan [sir]; in the phrase Panno Zuzanno, jestem ojcem waćpanny, wiesz o tym waćpanna? (Miss Zuzanna. I am your father, don't you know about it?] the vocative phrase is panno Zuzanno (Miss Zuzanna], the possessive attribute in the first sentence is waćpanny (your] and the subject in the second sentence is waćpanna [you]; the predicates with the subjects waćpan [sir] and waćpanna [miss] (honoring the addressees) bear the form of the second person singular. In the period when the comedies under study were written the old titles waćpan [sir], waćpani |lady 1 and waćpanna [miss] and waszmość, waszeć, wasze, waść, wacan [sir] disappear in the language of culture, and in their place enter the titles pan [sir], pani [madam] (in the function of second-person nominal elements of a sentence); the predicate in the form of the third person singular comes into use (widzisz pan (?) [you see, sir (?)] turns into widzi pan (?) [you see, sir (?)], and zrób pan (do it] into niech pan zrobi [do it]). The two comedies Gwałtu, co się dzieje! |Good heavens, what is going on!] and Zemsta |Revenge] do not contain the title waćpan [master] used at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, what should be regarded as archaic (the action in Good heavens takes place “a hundred years ago", and the action of Revenge in some vague past). The use of mości and mościa before the names and surnames here is also an archaism: mości Błażeju (master Błażej], mościa Urszulo |madam Urszula], mości Papkin. It is interesting that in Good heavens in relation to a nobleman the title waszmość is used and in relation to a townsman waszeć, wasze and waść.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 1995, 43, 6; 5-70
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 25

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