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Wyświetlanie 1-13 z 13
Tytuł:
Problematyka wczesnego alkoholizmu
The Problem of Early Alcoholism
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699031.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
wczesny alkoholizm
early alkoholism
Opis:
The Problem of Early Alcoholizm   The group of 50 repeatedly convicted recidivists, dealt with in this article, aged 38 on the average, deserves particular attention, first of all because their delinquency was started only when they had turned 25 - 27 (and there were no data that they had committed offences before). It distinguishes them from the typical most often occurring persistent recidivists who, as a rule, start to commit offences already as juveniles, or a little later as young adults. The above recidivists deserve, moreover, to be distinguished when considering the problem of recidivism, for they represent the population of alcohol addicts whose delinquency is a consequence of their addiction to alcohol and who differ from typical alcohol addicts, even from those submitted to compulsory treatment, first of all in the extent and in the considerable rapidity of their recidivism. In the investigations of the cases of repeatedly convicted recidivists aged 17 – 20, 21 – 25 and 26 – 35, prosecuted previously by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, it was ascertained that a considerable majority of them used to drink heavily several times a week and that a great percentage of them could be reckoned among alcohol addicts. The fact that, during the investigations prosecuted in prisons, 31 per cent of young adult recidivists (aged, on the average, about 20) and no fewer than 58 per cent of young recidivists (aged on the average 23.4) already manifested initial symptoms of addiction to, alcohol, is highly significant. As regards repeatedly convicted recidivists aged 26 – 35 (average age about 31) – 53 per cent from among them showed symptoms of addiction to alcohol characteristic of an advanced stage of alcoholism. It should be emphasized that there were among these 3 groups as many as 91 – 70 – 63 per cent of recidivists who started to commit offences already as juveniles; the percentage of recidivists on whom the first punishment was inflicted by the court only when they were 21 or more, did not exceed 20 per cent among those aged 21 – 24, or 29.6 per cent among those aged 26 – 35. It was just only among the last group of recidivists on whom the first punishment was inflicted comparatively late, (when they had turned 21), that there occurred a not numerous category of recidivists whose regular abuse of alcohol and the  symptoms of addiction to it had preceded their delinquency. Yet in the group of 50 recidivists, dealt with in the article by S. Szelhaus, on whom the first punishment was inflicted when they were 25 – 27 – practically  all of them (94 per cent), when they started to commit offences, were probably already alcohol addicts and not only individuals regularly abusing alcohol. Although though thorough investigations, carried out in prisons, could cover only about one-third of them, and the documentation with diagnosis of addiction to alcohol in 60 per cent of them was complemented by judical-psychiatric experts’ evidence and by medical certificates – yet in the light of the total data contained in the records of the court and of the police, the supposition that in the majority of the remaining cases we have to deal, as a rule, with individuals who had been alcohol addicts already when they were brought to court for the first time – can be admitted. The problem of an early appearance of symptoms of addiction to alcohol in a certain category of young adults abusing strong drinks has a great importance when considering the occurrence of their subsequent social maladjustment and recidivism. That is why we give in brief the results of such new investigations made in the Soviet Union concerning treated alcohol addicts, in which importance was attached to the most accurate ascertainment of the age at which the successive stages of addiction to alcohol were developing. The question of the ascertainment of the age from which date the symptoms evidencing the initial stage of addiction to alcohol, is, of course, connected first of all with deciding which symptoms should be considered as entitling us to diagnose addiction to alcohol as a pathological process. If, according to the opinions of the majority of  authors, we consider the loss of control as one of the chief criteria, then, judging from the rich material of A. Piatnicka and A. Portnov (1971), covering 968 alcohol addicts treated at out-patients’ departments, and 685 ones treated at clinics, the symptoms characteristic of the first stage of alcoholism appeared at the age under 26 in as many as 54 per cent and 61 per cent of alcohol addicts respectively, therein even in those aged under 21 – in 19 per cent and 22 per cent of cases respectively. According to the results of B. Segal’s investigations (1967), 19 per cent of 515 alcohol addicts treated at hospitals showed initial symptoms at the age under 25; according to those of Tähka (1966) the loss of control appeared in alcoholics aged 26.8 on the average, while in 34 per cent already at the age under 26. In connection with the numerous population of alcoholics showing early  symptoms of addiction to alcohol, one ought to realize that as regards many alcoholics – from the beginning of their addiction till the appearance of pathological symptoms, often pass no more than 5 years, and that in juveniles who often started to tipple under 17 and who usually manifest pathological traits of personality – the first symptoms of addiction to alcohol may arise even after 1 – 2 years. The  fact that in the rich material of Piatnicka, and Portnov, mentioned above and concerning treated alcohol addicts, as many as 1/5 showed symptoms of addiction to alcohol under 21, has an essential importance. When compared with the above data, the results of the investigations concerning the early beginnings of addiction to alcohol in persistent criminals showing, as a rule, personality disorders, who usually start to abuse alcohol when aged under 17 – 18 – should not give rise to astonishment. Other results of the investigations of the cases of alcohol addicts, which deserve attention, are those that evidence the fact that the period of the first stage is usually short, for in a great majority of treated alcohol addicts mentioned in the above material it does not exceed 2 – 3 years, and that the symptoms of the second, advanced stage, in which there already appears the abstinence syndrome, were found in 17 per cent and in 26 per cent of the investigated alcohol addicts aged under 26, and in 43 per cent and 60 per cent in those under 30. Thus the opinion (based on the age of the alcohol addicts submitted to treatment) that the symptoms of the advanced stage have not been observed in alcohol addicts aged under 30 – would be wrong. For this advanced stage can be ascertained even in some alcohol addicts under 25 – but those are, as a rule, beyond the reach of out-patients or hospital treatment. To complete the above data, it may be well perhaps to add that in the above mentioned material there were as many as 24 per cent and 31 per cent of alcohol addicts, aged under 31, in the third, most advanced stage of addiction (in Segal’s material – 19 per cent). Passing on to the question of the extent of addiction to alcohol in 50 recidivists, we shall first present the data on the early stage of their heavy drinking, and shall try to determine approximately the age from which probably date the symptoms of their addiction to alcohol. Such an attempt to ascertain the age at which the first symptoms appeared may, of course, be questioned in view of the lack of proper medical documentation; yet the data contained in the materials relating to the majority (60 per cent) of recidivists allow to establish certain fundamental facts. 57 per cent from among them started to drink heavily several times a week they were aged under 20 (as a rule, when they were 17 -18, and certain of  them even earlier – under 16), and only about ¼ of them started to abuse alcohol regularly not before 22. It should also be stressed that personality disorders dating from early youth are a typical occurrence among the recidivists who were submitted to investigations, that nearly a half of them (44 per cent) are encephalopaths and that the cases of low IQs are frequent occurrence. Bearing in mind that the first symptoms of addiction to alcohol appear, in a considerable percentage of cases, within 5 years since the beginning of their indulging in alcohol, and that in persons who started to drink heavily being very young and who show serious personality disorders, symptoms of addiction to alcohol may appear already after 1 – 2  years – the hypothesis that the majority of these recidivists showed, when aged only 23 – 24, symptoms characteristic at least of the first stage of addiction to alcohol – may be acknowledged as well founded. Only in about ¼ of them the initial symptoms appeared probably at the age ander 26 – 27, (and they could have appeared even earlier judging from the data on their early and prompt degradation in work). This estimation is very safe when compared with the above results of the investigations of treated alcohol addicts, among whom 20 per cent showed symptoms of addiction to alcohol at the age under 21. Basing, furthermore, on the results of the investigations which point to the fact that in almost ¾ of alcohol addicts the first stage did not last longer than 3 years, it may be acknowledged that at least about 60 per cent of the recidivists showed symptoms of the second stage (with abstinence syndrome) at the age of 26 – 27, and about 25 per cent about 25 per cent when they were probably younger than 30 – 31. Taking into consideration the fact that the average age of these recidivists was lately about 38, it should be supposed that probably nearly all of them are showing now symptoms typical of the third, the  most advanced stage of alcoholism, with serious psychic and somatic disorders and with the syndrome of organic alcoholic deterioration. The data of the time when the above mentioned recidivists were aged under 30 – 31, concerning the frequency of their getting drunk, their behaviour at home  and at places of employment, (as a rule only a casual one), the kind and the circumstances of their offences – evidence the fact that they were already then, with perhaps not-numerous exceptions, alcohol addicts with symptoms typical of at least the second stage. These data evidence a very rapidly advancing process of their social degradation. As regards the category of alcohol addicts who transformed themselves into persistent offenders – the penal measures applied even in the initial period of their delinquency had, of course, to fail. For as results from the investigations of typical cases, we have here to do with individuals with very serious personality disorders already in the period of their early youth, in whom the course of addiction to alcohol was particularly rapid and malicious.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 214-227
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
XXX-Lecie
Introduction
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699230.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
badania kryminologiczne
criminological research
Opis:
Approaching the 30 years of the the Polish People’s Republic from the point of view of the problems, which are the subject of research work, conducted by the Department of Criminology of the Institute of the Law Sciences at the Polish Academy of Sciences, one should be well aware of the fact, that during that period there could be noticed in many capitalist countries a marked increase of delinquency, and the explanation that is as a rule given for this phenomenon is the influence of, industrialization and urbanization processes. A marked increase has also taken place as regards, serious crimes, combined with aggression and in some countries, where the degree of industrialization is especially high, the phenomenon of organized crime (organized, specialized groups of criminals) has recently adopted alarming dimensions. In addition to this there can almost everywhere be found an increase in juvenile delinquency and that of young adults. This increase takes prace also in such milieux where disturbances of the socialization process are not connected with the bringing up of children in bad material conditions. In Poland, despite the fact that during those 30 years revolutionary economic transformations have taken place and enormous socio-demographic changes, often combined with intensified migration processes, there has not been noticed an increase in crime as compared with the pre-war period, but rather a marked decrease. Worth emphasizing is above all the drop by five times of homicides, the considerable decrease in the number of brawls and severe bodily injuries. According to statistical data the number of larcencies brought before a court has decreased markedly. It has, however, to be borne in mind that part of petty theft is at present settled in work enterprises through “exerting educational influence” and some, of course, is not revealed, as is the case in all countries. Even if we assume that among economic offences, of which statictics lists only a very small number, there is an especially large dark number, it should, however, be borne in mind, that as a rule these offences of an economic nature cause in practice only small material losses. Discussing data connected with robberies, it is worth while to stress that during the prewar period they used to be of a much more serious nature. An analysis of data from 1951 does not point to an increase in offences in Poland during that long period and in particular what deserves special emphasis, there is no increase in juvenile and young adult delinquency and also no intensification of delinquency among the inhabitants of towns and cities in comparison with the rural population. Studies have revealed that the differences in the intensity of delinquency between the various areas (voivodeships) is above all due to the social results of the mass migrations of the population, which started in 1945, and not to the industrialization and urbanization processes which are taking place. The greatest intensity of delinquency can be noticed in those areas with the largest percentage of newcomers, while in the most strongly urbanized and industrialized area (Katowice) the intensity of delinquency was and continues to be below the average fon the whole of Poland. Despite the systematic growth of industrialization and urbanization processes no increase in delinquency can be noticed or the increase is not significant at all, or appears only during the stage when industrial enterprises are under construction and later decreases markedly. On the basis of experience obtained in a newly established industrial centre (Nowa Huta) one may assume that in those few regions marked by intensive industrialization, where delinquency has distinctly increased, it is going to decrease later to the average level. The example of, Nowa Huta testifies to the fact that delinquency grew only during the first period of the influx of rural population, migrating into this area, which had lost the ties with its former environment and had thus been deprived of social control. Their adaptation to new difficult conditions of existence and new types of work proceeded with the accompaniment of considerable disturbances. The above findings are of great significance in the present conditions of new socio-political system, where it is possible to control many social phenomena exerting an influence on crime. * The Departament of Criminology of the Institute of the Law Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences conducts ‒ on the basis of statistical data ‒ systematic research on the dimensions and intensity of delinquency in Poland and their socio-economic as well as demographic conditioning, a problem to which a number of publications has been devoted. An analysis of the results of these researches makes it possible to throw a light on the entire problem in a manner that markedly differs from the current opinion on the determinants of criminal offences in the new socio-political conditions. A problem to which since the beginning in 1953 of the existence of the Department of Criminology many research works have been devoted, due to its specific significance, is that of social maladjustment of children and juvenile delinquents. This subject matter goes beyond the problem of juvenile delinquency alone, since it is connected with delinquency of a considerable section of the young adult offenders and persistent recidivists, even in older age groups, where the process of social maladjustment as a rule reaches back to the time when they were under age. Research connected with juvenile delinquents took into account the population of children from the lower grades of primary school (approximately 5,500 children), so important from the point of view of prevention of crime, as well as that category of youth, so far not examined in Poland, who “do not attend school and do not work” (542 boys and girls). The results of such investigations revealed the important and as a rule underestimated role played by maladjustment in school in the etiology of social maladjustment as well as the considerable percentage of school youth with symptoms of demoralization in the younger (below 12) age groups (about 11 per cent), due to which there arose the problem of earlier diagnosis of the above-mentioned symptoms in the school, which is of particular significance for the prevention of later juvenile delinquency on the part of these children. The population of juvenile delinquents, examined in great detail, was made up of approximately 1,700 juvenile delinquents from the Warsaw area and several other towns and settlements; in two-thirds of the cases researches were conducted during a long follow-up period. Subject of research were also 250 gangs of juvenile delinquents, who had committed larcency and hooligan offences. Studies of the juvenile delinquents revealed interaction, essential from the prognostic point of view, between the early beginnings of social maladjustment and the dimensions of recidivism of a later period, jointly with the period after the age of 21. Research of this type also points to the significance for the etiology of social maladjustment and juvenile delinquency of being brought up in negative family surroundings (especially excessive drinking of alcohol in such families), and also to the significance that should be attached to the early detection of personality disonders, frenquently encountered with such minors The problems of young adults (between 17 and 20), close to that of the juvenile delinquents, socially considered just as important, has also been taken into account in the studies of the Department of Criminology, regarding the intensity and dynamics of their delinquency and analyses of the type of offences committed by them. Detailed studies concentrated on this problem, dealing with several youth populations, which have committed offences combined with aggression and the large category of young adults showing tendencies for recidivism. Due to the specific features of youth, those who have committed offences and are below 21 years of age, require separate treatment and therefore problems, connected with tchem should be the subject of special research. Investigations conducted in the Department of Criminology base itself on the assumption that a joint discussion of young adult delinquency and the delinquency of older age groups ‒ something we often encounter ‒ may lead to an entire numer of faulty conclusions and incorrect decisions. Though larcency is the major offence committed by young adults, nevertheless there are very frequent offences combined with aggression. And it is actually for this reason that this category of young adults, committing the last mentioned offence have become the subject of studies, especially the prisoners convicted for offences qualified as hooligan offences and those convicted for robbery. The total material collected concerned approximately 1,000 young adults, who had been brought before a court for hooligan offences. In 300 cases detailed studies were conducted, combined with environmental interviews, which took into account the prisoners as well as their families. These studies revealed that there was a large numer of young adults who had committed hooligan offences, who had already in their childhood shown symptoms of severe social maladjustment and who had started very early to drink systematically alcohol. Anyhow, similar symptoms could be found with young adults convicted for robbery. Special research was devoted to problems of recidivism in the case of young adult offenders, combined with a long follow-up period. Attention concentrated on those who were convicted several times and as a rule came from among the former juvenile delinquents. In addition to this, studies were conducted of the further fate of young adult prisoners, set free in 1961 from 40 penitentiaries; the follow-up period lasted for l0 years; the examined population was made up of 2,000 men. The material obtained made it possible to establish with accuracy the dimensions of their later recidivism. The research under discussion testifies also to the necessity to deal with recidivism among young adults in connection with their earlier social maladjustment, often dating back to their childhood. The problem, of very early social maladjustment also turned out to be most essential as regards young prostitutes, who were the subject of separate and thorough studies. The problem of recidivism, thrown so clearly into relief in research on juvenile and young adult delinquents, was also taken into account in the case of adult offenders. Research of the Department of Criminology embraced several populations of recidivists, beginning with the young age groups (21-24 years old). Material was obtained about over 600 recidivists, out of which approximately 400 prisoners were subjected to thorough criminological and psychological studies. Recently started examinations of material connected with persistent recidivists, who had been sent to “centre for social adjustment” (a preventive detention centre). The studies of recidivists which were conducted revealed that the problems of recidivism should be dealt with in our country in connection with the phenomenon of systematic excessive drinking: a very considerable percentage of recidivists are individuals who, due to long lasting and frequent drinking of alcohol, have developed symptoms of dependency on alcohol. As a result of this the criminality is in the case of alcoholics among the recidivists connected with their addiction and general social degradation. An analysis of data obtained through psychological and medical studies, testifies to the fact that persistent recidivists not only reveal symptoms of early social maladjustment, but as a rule also distinct severe personality disorders, which make it necessary to introduce measures, taking into account the psychopathological features of those offenders. Underestimation of this problem causes in practice highly negative phenomena. Worth stressing are the results of research, revealing that the small number of recidivists with multiple convictions, who began their criminal careers when at least already 25 years old, almost always come from among alcoholics. .           Due to the significance of systematic excessive drinking and that of alcoholism in the genesis of various negative social phenomena, the problem of alcoholism has been taken widely into account in research conducted by the Department of Criminology. However, special attention has recently been devoted to the subject of early alcoholism and its serious social repercussions,  underestimated so far and very little studied. In connection with this, research has been undertaken, conducted with 150 alcoholics up to 25 years old, who had been brought before social and medical commissions for alcoholics. Taken into account in research connected with excessive drinking were also people convicted for hooligan offences (approximately 600 from various age groups), 900 men charged with disturbing public order while intoxicated and people who had time and again been in a Detoxication Centre (500 men and 250 women). The obtained results testify to the importance of what is called problem of drinking. An analysis of the data about the law-breaking of these people showed that as a rule we deal here with people charged with offences that are not particularly severe; similar results have been revealed by material dealing with approximately 800 alcoholics who underwent treatment ‒ serious offences on the person are rare occurrences. * Investigations on criminological problems were conducted by taking into account sociological, psychological and psychopathological as well as legal aspects. In addition to subject matter, dealing with the dimensions of the criminality and its macro-social conditioning, empirical research concentrated mainly on the establishment of the etiology of social maladjustment in various samples of offenders by means of a detailed analysis of the individual cases, with a simultaneous utilization of objective data from various sources. Examination of long follow-up periods permitted the proper verification of prognostic factors. The results of the studies are being published since 1960, mainly in ,,Archiwum Kryminologii’ (Archives of Criminology), issued by the Department of Criminology which has so far printed 37 works, containing the results of empirical research. Some of the results of the Departments works have been published in other magazines and in the form of monographs. It should be stressed that the work of the Department of Criminology also includes opinions regarding drafts of laws, connected with the problem of delinquency, alcoholism and other phenomena in the field of social pathology; these opinions were sent to the proper ministries and to the parliament. Due to the great lack of scientific workers in the whole country, who are properly prepared to conduct research and to lecture in the field of criminology, the Department of Criminology has recently started postgraduate courses in this field.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 7-13
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Młodociani i młodzi recydywiści w świetle badań kryminologicznych część pierwsza
Young recidivists (aged 17-25 years) in the light of criminological research part I
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699269.pdf
Data publikacji:
1965
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia
młodociany
recydywista
criminology
young
recidivist
Opis:
This work deals with the results of research carried out by Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences concerning young male recidivists aged 17-25 who had been repeatedly convicted. The fundamental material consists of:100 young adult recidivists (aged about 20 on on the average) investigated in prisons in the years 1957/58. Follow-up studies comprise the period of 7-8 years; the average age of those investigated amounted recently to 23; 6 years.100 recidivists, aged 21-25, investigated in prison (their average age being 23 years and 6 months), 60 of whom were subjected to detailed investigations in the years 1961/62. Follow-up studies comprised the period of 3 years; the average of the investigated amounted recently to 26;8 years.The additional material incrudes results of the follow-up studies concerning 331 juvenile recidivists, investigated in various periods of time as of 1957: 1. 158 former juvenile recidivists (cases taken from the Juvenile Court) whose average age is now about 24; 82 of them still continue to commit offences, 2. 81 of former juvenile recidivists discharged from educational and correctional institutions, whose average age now amounts to 31; 50 of them still continue to commit offences, 3. Formerly irrvestigated 92 juveniles and young adults guilty of hooligan misdemeanours whose average age is now about 28; 52 of them still continue to commit offences. Moreover, while dealing with certain questions, results of the research concerning 1,394 juvenile recidivists, a part of whom has recently become young adult recidivists, were also utilized.The above material was chosen for the research in such a way as to satisfy the needs of representativeness.The task facing the investigators at the outset of the research in prisons with regard to young adult recidivists aged 17-20 in 1957 was the verification of the following hypotheses: such recidivists derive as a rule from among individuals who alreardy in their childhood displayed symptoms of social maladjustment and repeatedly committed thefts during their minority. Prisoners aged 17-20, domiciled in Warsaw or its environs, convicted for at least the second time after the completion of 17 years of age and imprisoned for the second time at least, were successively chosen for the research in prison without any selection whatever. After a check in Juvenile Courts it appeared that 90 out of 100 young adult recidivists were tried by Juvenile Courts (for thefts as a rule); on the basis of the information given by their mothers and themselves it has been ascertained that merely 9 out of the remaining 20 did not as juveniles commit thefts repeatedly. Only 9 % of the investigated recidivists did not display any symptoms of serious maladjustment in their childhood.In connection with these results of the research, in 1961 investigations of recidivists aged 21-25 were initiated in the Warsaw prisons. Recidivists of that age who were convicted at least twice and imprisoned for at least the third time were qualified for this research, the purpose of which was to find out a) whether also among recidlvists older than the previously investigated recidivists of 17-20 there are as a rule individuals who began to commit offences as juveniles (under 17), b) and to reveal, in cases when delinquency and recidivism begin at after the completion of 17-18 years of age, the factors influencing the subsequent beginning of the process of social degradation.In course of one year, there were in two Warsaw prisons 259 recidivists aged 21-25, convicted at least twice and imprisoned for at least the third time. After a check in the Juvenile Courts it appeared that 153 of them (59 %) were formerly tried by the Juvenile Courts. Since they constituted an analoguous population in relation to the previously investigated 100 recidivists aged 17-20, they were not included in the research. No information could be obtained at Juvenile Courts with regard to the remaining 106 recidivists aged 21-25 as to their committing offences before the completion of 17 years of age. In course of detailed investigations of 60 out of 106 recidivists, it has been asserted on the basis of interviews held with them and their nearest relations, that 27 % of these recidivists repeatedly committed thefts already in their childhood. Thus, when these results were calculated in relation to the entire population (259) of 21-25 years old recidivists, it appeared that individuals whose delinquency began in their childhood (minority) constitute 70 % of the total. Recidivists who began committing offences after the completion of 17 years of age constitute only 30 % of the total.Below are presented the data relating to the deliquency of 100 recidivists aged 21-25, supplemented by follow-up studies in course of a three years period (their age already amounted to 24-28 years).Among recidivists aged 21-25, only 44 % were tried 3 times after the completion of 17 years of age, and 35 % were tried 5 times and more. After a lapse of 3 years merely 20 % of recidivists three times tried were left while already 58 % of recidivists were tried 5 times and more 24 % were tried 7 times and more).The average length of time spent on liberty between particular arrests in connection with instituting of new judiciai proceedings, was as follows: it did not exceed 6 months for 26 % of recidivists, it amounted to 7-12 months for 37 %, 13-18 months for 19 % and did not exceed one year and a half for merely 18 % of recidivists.63 % of recidivists remained on liberty between subsequent arrests at most one year on the average and 82 % less than year and a half. The age at which first judicial proceedings were instituted against recidivists after their completion of 17 years of age was as folows: 17-18 years for 57 % of recidivists, 19 years for 13%, 21-22 years for 10 % and 23-24 years for 2 % of recidivists. During detailed investigations of 60 recidivists it appeared that they could be divided into two groups: Group A (34) consists of individuals, who were first tried at courts aiready at the age of 17-18 and probably committed offences before. These recidivists are seriously socialIy degraded and at leasts 40% of them are closely connected with the criminal environment, 56 % perpetrated robberies. 62 % were tried six times and more at the age of 24-28 years. Group B (26) consists of individuals of whom 69 % were first tried at courts only at the age of 20 and over and only 39 % were tried six times and more. They are less socially degraded, their deliquency being closely connected with alcoholism. An analysis of deliquency of the seriously socially degraded recidivists from Group A permits to assert that offences against property constitute 55 % of all the offences for which they were convicted, while offences committed under the influence of alcohol - against authorities (mostly insults and attacks on the policemen) and against person (infringement of bodily inviolability, assaults occasioning actual bodily harm) constituted 27 % of the offences committed. Theft (burglary or larceny), the typical offence against property, constitutes 70 % of all offences against property. A relatively large numer of offences against authoritiers, mostly against the policemen and against the person, committed under the influence of alcohol, indicates at once that frequent abuse of alcohol must also play an important role in the delinquency of the Group A recidivists, especially as practically all their robberies were committed in the state of drunkenness.Detailed investigations have shown that 80 % of these recidivists already drank alcoholic beverages several times a week before the completion of 18 years of age and now as many as 56% display symptoms of alcohol addiction although their average age is only 26;6 years. The delinquency of the less demoralized Group B differs from that of the Group A. The percentage of offences against property is only 28 %, most of the offences were committed under the influence of alcohol and offences against the person amount to 18 %. At the time of the research that group did not contain individuals connected with criminal environment or with professional criminals and the thefts they committed were not serious. Ten out of 26 recidivists did not commit offences against property at all. The percentage of alcoholics in that group is as high as 61,5 %; all the others drink large quantities of alcohol several times a week. A group of recidivists, similar to Group B now under review, appears also among the previously investigated 100 recidivists aged 17-20. After a lapse of 8 years, recidivists of that group whose offences against authorities, infringement of bodily inviolability and assaults occasioning actual bodily harm perpetrated under the influence of alcohol, amount to three fourths of all the offences committed, constitute 21 %. Likewise, among the formerly investigated 158 juvenile recidivists now aged about 24, the seriously socially degraded recidivists, who for the most part commit offences against property (analogously to Group A) constitute 42 % and recidivists committing offences mostly connected with abuse of alcohol (similarly to Group B) 25 %.Similar populations of recidivists also appear in other follow-up studies among the other formerly investigated juvenile recidivists. In each of these populations there exists at present a group (less numerous) of adult recidivists whose typical offences are not thefts but offences against authorities and against the person.In connection with the intensified alcoholisrn of the investigated recidivists it should be remembered that these recidivists cannot be identified with the typical aicoholics who commit offences. Apart from the fact that not all alcoholics commit offences, indiviluals who where not tried at courts under thirty years of age can usually be encountered among the convicted alcoholics. The period of time from the beginning of a frequent abuse of alcohoI to the appearance of the first symptoms of the alcohol addiction usually lasts 5-7 years and before the syndrom, characteristic for chronic alcoholisrn becomes manifest a few more years elapse. Delinquency of the alcoholics usually becomes a secondary, late phenomenon, connected with personality deviations and difficult living conditions resulting from a long period of systematic drinking.The delinquency of the alcoholics is besides less intensified and less serious. Therefore, recidivists who became alcoholics only after a lapse of a certain period of time, should be regarded from different points of view than those alcoholics whose delinquency made its appearance considerably later.All investigated recidivists (except 9) aged 17-20 began to commit thefts already at school-age, most of them under 13 years of age and only 30 % of recidivists aged 21-25 were tried at courts for the first time at the age of 20 and over. Thus, the beginning of delinquency and recidivism occurs in most last cases only at the initial stage of a systematic abuse of alcohol which cannot be identified with alcohol addiction.Nevertheless at the time of the research already 53 % of the investigated recidivists were alcohol addicts despite their youth, a fact which ought to be considered in connection with the early beginning of the abuse of alcohol by an overwhelming majority of persons investigated. A large percentage of alcoholics among the younger recidivists also indicates, that the question of personality disorders reveals itself as a problem deserving particular consideration.This work deals in the first place with the question whether the investigated recidivists displayed any symptoms of social maladjustment at their school-time and whether they constitute an analogous population to that of juvenile recidivists who according to other investigations conducted Department of Criminology show tendencies for reiterated perpetration of offences also after the completion of 18-20 years of age.As is well known, a part of juvenile delinquents cease to commit offences in their later years. The question what sort of juvenile delinquents stops committing offences and can be considered resocialized and what still continues to commit them at the age of 20-25, is important from the viewpoint of the problems of recidivism.It has been asserted with regard to 185 juvenile recidivists after a lapse of ten years when their average age was 23;9, that at least 32 % of them were seriously degraded and continued to commit offences frequently. (The percentage of former juvenile recidivists, considered fully resocialized, was only 33 % after 10 years). Among 81 juvenile recidivists discharged from correctional and educational institutions 44 % continued to commit offences after a Iapse of 13 years, (their avelage age already being 31). Regarding another investigated population of 92 juvenile and young adult perpetrators of the so-called misdemeanours of a hooligan character who often abused of alcohol, it has been asserted after the lapse of 11 years when they were already 28 years old, that 56 % of them still continued to commit offences. An analysis of the results of those investigations revealed, that juvenile recidivists who did not cease committing offences after the completion of twenty old years of age, displayed important symptoms of social maladjustment since their childhood and began to commit offences at an earlier stage than those juvenile recidivists who later reformed. Non-attendance at school, truancy, considerable retardation in learning, spending their time with demoralized companions, alcohol drinking etc. were particulary intensified as regards those juveniles who continued to commit offences after 20 years of age. The investigated young adult recidivists (aged 17-20) and the most degraded recidivists of 21-25 (Group A) constitute a population analogous to those population which are encountered among the formerly investigated juvenile recidivists who did not cease to commit offences. Out of 100 recidivists aged 17-20, 58 % attained only 6 grades at school (a half of them ceased to attend school at the age of 11-13), 77 % played truants systematically (practically all of them have done so already in the first years at school), 58% ran away repeatedly from home (three fourths of them started running away before they were 12) and as many as 61 % drank alcohol more often than once a week before the completion of 17 years of age. Only 13 out of 100 recidivists who later ceased to commit offences did not display serious symptoms of social maladjustment at school.Among the seriously socially degraded recidivists of 21-25 (Group A) only 35 % finished elementary school while most of them stopped attending school after 5 grades. Truancy, repetition of grades, early contacts with demoralized boys, often older than themselves being absent from their home for many hours every day, drinking alcohol etc. are typical phenomena. Dislike for all work, quick abandoning of work, frequent changes of employment follow at a later period. None of them ever worked systematically; some of them soon contrived to establish contacts with the criminal environment. Practically all of those recidivists have already first tried at courts art the age of 17-18. Recidivists whose delinquency began at a later tirne (Group B) and a part of whom did not commit offences against property, differ from the former. At the time of the investigations, that group did not include any systematically stealing individuals involved in the criminal background or such who had never worked for their living. It appeared, however, that these less demoralized recidivists who have been drinking alcohol for a long tirne now and among whom, despite their youth, there were 61,5 % of alcoholics, displayed in their chirldhood symptoms of social maladjustment similar to those shown by the more socially degraded recidivists of Group A. These symptoms were more definite regarding those who later committed thefts than those recidivists-alcoholics who did not commit ofences against property (there were but ten of the latter, however). Besides, the former had a more negative attitude to work already in their early youth, although in Group B only 3 recidivists have worked rather systernatically. Typical for ałl the rest was occasionaI work and frequent changes of employment. As is seen from the above, practically all investigated recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25 already in their childhood displayed symptoms of social maladjustement, which shourd be considered in connection with certain personality disorders. 6. Another question dealt with in Part I of this work is the problem of family environments from which derive the recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25. It is fitting to mention that after the end of the war in 1945 their average age was 7-8 and 6-7 years; thus, the early childhood of these recidivists coincides with the time of war and occupation. Only 45 % of recidivists aged 17-20 and 51,7 % of recidivists aged 21-25 were brought up families in which were both parents. 32% of the former lost their father when they were under 7 years of age and 16 % under 15 while the figures for the latter are 22 % and 18% respectively. 40 % of young adult recidivists and about 50 % of recidivists aged 21-25 had alcoholic fathers, step-fathers or mothers men-friends living with them. Family environments were classified as negative in 62 % and 70 % with regard to both investigated populations; recidivists more degraded derived from worse family environments than those less antisocial. In connection with the above results of the research this work provides data relating to family environments of the formerly investigated juvenile delinquents of whom a part was born during the war or just before its outbreak (596 cases) and a part after its termination (758 cases). A confrontation of the data relating to family environments of those two populations permits to determine the existence and nature of differences in family environments of recidivists born in these two different periods of time. Following conclusions can be drawn from an analysis of the results of this research: Juvenile recidivists born during the war or just before the war were brought up in the broken families in a larger percentage (51 %, 52 % and 70 %) than juvenile recidivists born after its termination (39% and 34 %). The negative home environment appears, however, in the similar percentage regarding both the former (45 %, 40 % and60 %) and the latter (44 % and 58 %); homes of good educational atmosphere are scarce and do not exceed 19 % - 22 %. Data relating to alcoholism in homes are formed in much the sarne way (55 %, 54 %, 51 % - 58 % and 53 %). Results of investigations of 158 juveniles committing thefts (recidivists constitute 71 %) most of whom were born already several years after the war deserve special consideration. That research covered all juveniles tried for thefts in course of one year at one of the Juvenile Courts in Warsaw. 58 % of the investigated juveniles derived from homes classified as negative family environments (only 20 % of homes deserved a positive appraisal). A statisticaily significant relationship between recidivism and the negative home environment was ascertained at the same time. The same significant relationship between the negative home environment and a further recidivism, estimated on the basis of follow-up studies covering a period of 10 years, applies to another research comprising 158 juvenile recidivists.Thus the abnormal family structure and highly unfavourable home conditions under which the childhood of most of the investigated recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25 was spent, are typical also for the investigated populations of juvenile recidivists displaying tendencies for further recidivism. Next volume of the "Archives" deals with the problem of personality of the investigated recidivists and with certain questions connected with the erroneous penal and penitentiary policy which is contributing to the process of their social degradation.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1965, III; 9-95
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rudolf Hoess komendant obozu koncentracyjnego w Oświęcimiu
Rudolf Hoess ‒ Chief Commandant of the Auschwitz Concentration Camp
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699302.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Rudolf Hoess
komendant
obóz koncentracyjny w Oświęcimiu
chief commandant
the Auschwitz Concentration Camp
Rudolf Hoess
the Auschwitz concentration camp
Opis:
This article has been published in 1951 in the Bulletin of rhe Main Commission for the Investigation of the Hitler Crimes in Poland. After 60 years past the end of the Second World War, we have decided to republish it, driven by a belief that its content - presentation of Hoess’ personality uncovered in criminology studies, as well as the mechanisms behind his rise to becoming one of the biggest war criminals ever, deserves another reminder in the contemporary times.         The article has been prepared based on long hours of life investigation on the person of Rudolf Hoess by prof. Batawia in a Warsaw prison, and also on an auto-biography of Hoess - an important historical document. Prof. Batawia presents Hoess’ personality in connection with historical processes of the epoque, with Hitler’s fascism, with social conditions that Hoess lived in.         In the introduction there is a brief presentation of documents with the goals and plans of Hitler’s imperialism - conquering Europe, the exploitation of the labour force in different countries, systematic biological destruction of the nations, conquered the mass human extermination of the ‘lower’ races and nations. There is a short description of the biggest concentration camp in Auschwitz where merciless exploitation of the labour force was a daily occurrence, where hundreds of thousands of prisoners were exterminated also with at least 250 000 Jewish people who cannot be called prisoners for straight after their arrival they were directed to gas chambers.         Who was the chief commandant of the Auschwitz camp - the place of suffering and death of millions of people from all over Europe?         This work is an attempt to answer that question examining his family environment and his life experiences.         His father was a German army officer raising his son in a rigorous atmosphere of strict moral rules, religious fanatism, in unconditional respect for adults whose opinions Hoess treated as mostly righteous and absolutely certain. Rudolf Hoess was a hard working and obedient student, yet his school results were average, he read little, too. During the First World War he wanted to join the army but he was too young; he helped in an army hospital where he had difficulties coping with human hurt and with the dieing of the wounded, yet with time he began getting used to it. At the age of 16 he was an exemplary German soldier, left under spell of the soldierly customs, the tough army discipline, he listened to all orders and was absolutely obedient to his supreme officers. At the age of 17 he was the youngest non-commissioned officer awarded First Class Iron Cross. After the cease-fire he signed up for the Voluntary Baltic Corps in Królewiec, a strongly right wing, nationalistic army organisation. It was made up of ex-army soldiers, who could not accept Germany’s loss of the war, the new situation within their country, unemployed people, declassed and pauperised as well as of simple trouble makers. The corps were managed by extremely nationalistic circles, the Junkers and the Military, revenge and terror against political enemies were their ideology. Hoess considered it a patriotic military organisation, defending arm’s honour after the war defeat and building bases for new powerful Germany. He was uncritical of his supervisors’ believes and considered them the only truthful ones. This was his preparation by the precursors of Hitlerism to take up the NSDAP ideology, which he joined 1922 recognising Hitler’s programme as attractive in the contemporary situation of Germany. In 1923 he was sentenced for 10 years of imprisonment for participation in murder of an ex-member of the Corps, sentenced to death by the vehmgericht for treachery. He spent 6 years in prison, he was an exemplary prisoner, unconditionally obedient, thoroughly fulfilling all of his prison duties, who believed it was deeply immoral to behave the way his fellow criminal prisoners did. He read a lot while in captivity, mostly books sent by his friends about the national-socialist ideology. He was released in amnesty and left political activity, settling in a tranquillity of a countryside and working as a farmer. Approving of the NSDAP ideology he condemned the brutality and immoral level of the methods used there and of its many members. After 3 years of managing a farm where he worked, he was offered a job of organising a horse squad of SS, which he accepted immediately, seeing in SS, as he claimed, only soldiers, eminent in their faithfulness to the party ideology. This decision came with his general admission to the SS, and next with a hesitant decision to enter the active SS after Himmler’s offer. He was trained in the concentration camp in Dachau. It was not at all different to a regular training. The trainees were taught certain types of stereotypical behaviours, reacting in an changeable, standard way with a suppression of criticism towards particular stimuli and own reactions. Certain words, symbols were to create a ready made, involuntary reactions. Methods used in such training were to weaken one’s critical thinking, higher emotions, and ability to control aggressive tendencies by means of ethical values. These methods aimed at dehumanising a human being, turning it into an individual with a harmed psyche. The very anti-rational ideology of nationalist-socialists favoured a diminishing of intellect. The SS were prepared to obey orders blindly, especially those of Fuhrer, whose person ind rightness they were taught to believe in uncritically. The primary role was played by the apotheosis of hatred and killing in oneself any compassion for the enemy. The training aimed at familiarising the SS men with cruelty and prepared them for active participation in acts of aggression. That also concerned Hoess who, as he claimed, under a mask of indifference controlled his compassionate feelings for cruelly treated prisoners. He also applied for being moved to the army formation, which he was eventually refused. After several years of serving in the Dachau concentration camp he was moved to another camp in Sachsenhausen where he was promoted to vice-commandant. In 1940 he was made responsible for organising a concentration camp in Auschwitz where he was finally made a commandant.         He never doubted the point and rightness of concentration camps, believing that the enemies of the IIIrd Reich should be isolated and that all orders should always be obeyed. He treated extremely seriously the task he was given and he put a lot of effort to be an exemplary SS man. He believed deeply and unconditionally in the nationalist-socialist ideology. However, he never, as he admitted, hated the prisoners, the Jews, the Communists, or the political criminals, he regarded them as enemies who, for the better good, should be put out of action. He wished to make Auschwitz an exemplary concentration camp, to make it the best at accomplishing the economic tasks during the war time. From the very beginning, in his own words, he faced severe obstacles, he was sent the worst kind of SS soldiers, he was prevented from creating better conditions for the prisoners. He did not understand that the central government was aiming at such very extermination of the peoples inhabiting the occupied countries. He did see the masses of dead corpses, he was aware of the numerous incidents of tortured prisoners, but having no personal contact with them he thought of them as a mass, on top of that he was powerless while his interventions were without effects. Why didn’t he resign observing the turning of a concentration camp into an extermination camp? He considered that strange to an SS man’s behaviour. The order of the ‘Final Solution’ of the Jewish question was in his opinion horrifying, but being it a Hitler’s order - no one had the right to question it. When directing the exiermination action, looking at gas killings of women and children he felt, as he claimed, fear, objection and disgust, yet it was not a compassion, for it is difficult to feel compassion towards a mass. He admitted to having directed an extermination action of 1 200 000 Jews from all over Europe.         2nd of April 1947 Rudolf Hoess was sentenced to death by the Highest National Tribunal in Warsaw.        The life of the commandant of the Auschwitz concentration camp shows that he was not an abnormal individual, emotions free, with sadistic tendencies. It reveals he was a man of average intelligence, little critical, easily submitting to any authority. He was an introvert, used to a very serious attitude towards his own duties which he fulfilled with extreme thoroughness and passion. These qualities of his, have been well utilised by Hitlerism. We can clearly observe a metamorphosis of once socially harmless individual into a kind of fascist mentality, into a criminal of rarely met dimension. His story shows that fascist ideology can push into the tracks of major cruelty even those individuals who might seem far from brutal or cruel. That a fascist ideology can turn people personally incapable of harming victims, into war criminals of incomparable dimension. The truth about very significant reasons behind the tragic events of that time emerges, as well as a warning for the future.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2004, XXVII; 7-41
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Osoby niejednokrotnie przebywające w izbie wytrzeźwień
Individuals Taken Repeatedly into a Detoxication Centre
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699218.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nadużycie alkoholu
izba wytrzeźwień
abuse of alcohol
detoxication centre
Opis:
In Poland we have at present in towns 29 detoxication centres with 1,226 beds; people found by the police in public places in a state of intoxication are more and more often taken to detoxication centres instead of being arrested and taken into custody (a stay in a public place in the state defined as state of drunkenness is in Poland not subject to penalty). Between 1966-1972 from 60 to 70% of those arrested for drunkenness were throughout the country sent to detoxication centres and not taken into custody. The average annual number of men placed in the Warsaw detoxication centre in the years 1968-1970 amounted to approximately 27,550 and that of women to 1,500. The number of men taken to the centre for a second time during the course of a year amounted to approximately 4,200, and three or more times – 4,500; the number of women placed in a centre for the second time during the course of one year amounted to approximately 200, for the third time or more – to approximately 500. The category of individuals taken to a detoxication centre several times during the course of one year thus is substantial. There were 32%  of men with a least two such stays, and 40% of women from among the total number people taken to the centre. This category of individuals is called habitual drunkenness offenders, which, as we know, exists in many countries. Selected as a sample for the studies, discussed here were not individuals who had repeatedly been taken to the detoxication centre during the course of one and the same year. The idea was to eliminate those individuals as to whom we were sure that they were alcoholics. The research, conducted in 1970 in the detoxication centre in Warsaw by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences embraced that category of men who during a period of over five and a half years were at least three times taken there and the category of women who during the period of five and a half years were taken there at least twice. Each individual, listed in 1970 by the detoxication centre, in the order they were entered in the book, was checked from the beginning of 1970 in the centre’s records for the past five years (1965-1969) and in such a way material was completed on 500 men who during that period had at least been sent there three times and on 250 women sent there at least twice. Among men taken time and again to the detoxication centre there is a large percentage of older people, because in 1970 as many as 50,5% were over 40 and a mere 11.4% were below 30. The median age of these men amounted to 40.2; we find, as is known, similar figures in publications dealing with the problems of alcoholics. Those taken only three times to the centre amounted to approximately one-fourth of the total number of men, those taken 4-6 times accounted for 37%, 7-9 times – 19% and 10 or more times – 20%. Among the latter category of 98 patients of the centre 52 were taken there 10-15 times, 26 – 16-20 times and 20 – 21 times and more. As results from the above those who were only 3-6 times registered by the centre constitute 61% of the total number, and without taking into account additional data about arrests by the police of the people whose state of intoxication did not require their isolation in a detoxication centre, the true picture of the extent of deviations in the behaviour of the investigated, caused by intoxication would be distorted. That is why the decision was taken to add to the data related about the frequency of stays in the detoxication centre additional data on arrests by the police of men in a state of intoxication, who had been already registered in the centre three times, four times, six times and 8-9 times; it was not considered necessary to introduce analogical procedures for those listed many times during that period in the centre – from 10 to over 21 times, since it is to be assumed that these as a rule are already alcoholics. Taken into account in this respect was not only the period between 1965-1970, but also later years between 1971-1973, in order to find whether excessive drinking of alcohol by the investigated, causing police intervention, did not get worse. It turned out that only with men registered in the centre three times the percentage of those arrested additionally by the police did not surpass the figure of 33, but with those listed by the centre four times – it already amounted to 48%, six times – 55% and 8-9 times – 53%. This shows that beginning with 4 stays in the centre the percentage of people arrested by the police because of drunkenness already amounted to at least approximately 50%. Taking into account the number of arrests, figuring in police records, it was found that those arrested at least 5 times there, were in turn among those listed in the detoxication centre 3, 4, 6 and 8-9 times: 10%, 30%, 32% and 47%; of those listed 10 and more times: 0, 15%, 14%, and 27%. Thus the studied material is the subject of substantial differentiation if, in addition to stays in the detoxication centre, one takes into account arrests by the police and the number of such arrests. Taken into account additionally were court convictions which makes it possible to answer the question, how many men listed in the  centre until the end of 1973, were neither arrested by the police nor convicted by a court for offences, as a rule committed in a state of intoxication. Of such former patients of the centre, without the behaviour patterns, referred to and connected with excessive drinking of alcohol, there remained at the end of 1973: among those listed in the centre 3 times – 44%, among those listed in the centre 4 times – 38%, among those listed in the centre 6 times – 25%, among those listed in the centre 8-9 times – 31% . Distinctly noted was an intensification of deviations in the behaviour in a state of, intoxication in the examined individuals during the course of the last three years (1971-1973). At the end of 1973 over 50% and 60% of the investigated with previous 3 and 4 stays in the centre and approximately 70% beginning with 6 stays in the centre, may without any special objections be considered alcoholics. It should, however, be borne in mind that there exists a large category of alcoholics whose systematic drinking alcohol to excess does not cause a behaviour that requires the intervention of the police and that is why, in regard even to these individuals among the investigated with whom, in addition to frequent stays in the detoxication centre, no other additional negative features were noticed, the suspicion that they may be alcoholics, is nevertheless justified. In this study under discussion here, during which no individual, psychological and medical investigations or environmental research were carried out, these problems could not be properly clarified. 82% of the men who more than once were brought to the detoxication centre were blue-collar workers and only 8.5% – white-collar workers. 63% had regular jobs and 31% worked from time to time or did not work at all (information regarding work is, however, not based on reliable data). The percentage of those who are not working (and those working from time to time) increases together with the number of stays in the centre; amounting to: 18% of those listed three times in the centre, 22% – 4-6 times, 39% – 7-9 times and 55% – 10 times and more. 50% of the men were not convicted by courts, 20% – were once convicted, 16% – 2-3 times and 14% – 4 times and more. Together with the growing frequency of being registered in the centre there also grows the percentage of those convicted by a court   from 42% (3 times listed in the Centre) to 66% (in the group listed 10 times and more). 62% of the men registered in the centre as “not working” were convicted by a court, 69% – of those working from time to time and 40% – of those who were working regularly. Studying the group of men who had been convicted it was found that the late beginning of convictions, only when they were already 30 and more, is found with 31% of those convicted who are 30-39 years old and with as many as 65% among those who are 40-49; in the group with convictions when 50 and older – the first convictions occurred after 50 with all of them. Among the total with convictions only 18% were first convicted when below 21. However, among those offenders who were first convicted at the age of 17-20 we find the largest percentage (4l%) with later convictions amounting to 4 and more. Markedly smaller numbers of the men over 40 have been convicted than is the case among the younger age groups (p < 0.001). However, the percentages of recidivists, convicted 4 times and more are similar in the various age groups, beginning with the age of 30. The above-mentioned data testify above all to the fact that the majority (70%) of men listed time, and again in the detoxication centre, whose median amounted in 1970 already to 40.2 years, either had not previously been convicted at all (50%) or had faced charges only once (20%), while the category of recidivists with multiple convictions is not numerous (14%). The results of studies also testify to the fact that approximately 45% of the total number of those convicted, faced charges for the first time only when they were already 30 years old. Dealing with data on the delinquency of those convicted by a court once and 2-3 times, it was found, that in the structure of their delinquency offences against property did not surpass 22% and 23% of all the offences committed, and offences with physical or verbal aggression and other offences, as a rule also caused by insobriety, amount respectively to 68% and 60% of the committed offences. Among a small group of recidivists, convicted at least 4 times, only 45% of the recidivists committed mainly or exclusively offences against property (larcency), while in the case of 48% there dominated offences with physical and verbal aggression. To the typical offences, with physical aggression belong acts that are not particularly dangerous, such as slight bodily injury, “il-treatrnent of family members” and assaults upon policemen. Within the group referred to above only a very small sub-group of the recidivists with multiple convictions, who committed mainly aggressive acts caused by insobriety, can also found crimes in the form of more serious aggressive acts, such as robbery, serious bodily injuries, brawls, combined with the use of a dangerous instrument. Despite this, even among recidivists with severe degradation there is only an insignificant number of such recidivists who committed at least four offences combined with physical aggression ‒ there were only 7 out of 67 ‒ 10.4%; they constitute a mere 2.8% of the total of convicted persons. The group of recidivists with severe degradation and at least 4 convictions accounts for no more than 28% of the total number of those convicted; the deliquency of the remaining men who are frequently listed in the centre is rather a marginal phenomenon. During the past three years (1971-1973), side by side with the intensification of alcoholism there could be noticed among the investigated an increase in the percentage of those with convictions in the group listed 3 times in the centre from 42% to 49%, in the group listed 4 and 6 times from 44% to 57%  and 62% and in the group listed 8-9 times from 53% to 62%. But the structure of the offences did not undergo any changes ‒ petty offences, that socially are less harmful and caused by insobriety, predominate. Out of the 250 women, listed at least twice in the detoxication centre during the period of 5 and a half years, have been set apart 128 women noted in police records as prostitutes (P) and 122 women about whom such data were lacking (NP). 70% of the P were listed at least 4 times (32% ‒ eight  times or more). 60% of the NP were registered only twice (14% at least 8 times). The prostitutes are younger than the remaining women ‒ the age median of P arnounted to 35.4 years, that of NP ‒ 42.3 years. 48% of the women with the symbor “P” were below the age of 35 years, 24% of the NP. Among the NP as many as 30% were already 50 years old and more (among the P 13%). Those who are not prostitutes thus are considerably older, but among the prostitutes, too, are women from the age groups above 35 years. (Note that while in 1970 there were among the total number of prostitutes, known to the police throughout the whole country, 44% who were at least 31 years old, as many as 73% of the studied prostitutes registered in the Warsaw detoxication centre were at least 30 years old). Prostitutes were often arrested by the police because of drunkenness – only 30% were arrested less than 10 times, 34% from 10 to 29 times and 27% ‒ 30 times and more. Only 32% of those who were not prostitutes were arrested during this same period because of drunkenness, in the following 3 years (1971-1973) ‒ 34% and among the total of the arrested 56% were arrested only 1-2 times and a mere 22% ‒ 10 times and more. Women listed time and again in the centre have much worse data related to education and work than men, listed there from time to time. Among P there were 20% of women with incomplete primary school education, and NP ‒ 39%; 69% of the women had no trade, including P and NP; not working (or working only from time to time) were 72% of the P and 60% of the NP. Data regarding convictions testify to the fact that 64% of those who were not prostitutes had no convictions and only 6% NP were convicted by a court four and more times. Only 28% of the prostitutes had no convictions, 22% were convicted once, 20% ‒ 2-3 times, and 30%, four times and more. The first convictions at an age below 25 were found with 40% of the prostitutes and only with 11% of the NP, 31% of the P had their first conviction at the age of 30 and 7l% of the NP. Those who were not prostitutes as a rule had no convictions and among the few who had faced charges, the beginning of delinquency took place only after 30 (with approximately 30% ‒  only after 40). In the delinquency structure of P as well as NP larcency constitutes only 36% and 33%; undoubtedly this mainly means stealing from men. Most of the offences committed by P and NP are not serious. The material about women obtained from the detoxication centre points to their marked social degradation, probably reaching back to the period preceding their turning into alcoholics and also indicates the deepening of their social degradation, together with age and the intensification of their alcoholism.   *   The results of the research under discussion testify to the fact that the majority even of those who were registered less than 10 times during those five and a half year in the detoxication centre, are certainly already alcoholics. Studies revealed that in addition they had been frequently arrested by the police for drunkenness (though not isolated in detoxication centres) and had faced courts, charged with typical offences for people drinking alcohol to excess. Thus, even less frequent stays in a detoxication centre should already be an indication for the health and social care service to intervene, in order to find alcoholics requiring treatment.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 70-107
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wnioski wynikające z badań
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699226.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sprawca przestępstwa
sprawca wykroczenia
nadużycie alkoholu
perpetrator of an offence
malfeasant
abuse of alcohol
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 108-127
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Streszczenie wyników badań i wnioski
Conclusion
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699312.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
młodzież
badania kryminologiczne
social maladjustment
youth
criminological research
Opis:
In the light of the surveys of the 15 - l7-year-olds “out of school and out of work,” it can be seen that a large majority of the subjects are recruited from among boys and girls whose basic problems can be reduced to school maladjustment, serious learning difficulties and inability to adapt to the school curriculum. With most of the subjects social maladjustment is clearly connected with school maladjustment, which is no doubt frequently the anterior process. The lack of detailed psychological and medical tests makes it impossible to say what are the factors chiefly responsible fur such school retardation: what percentage of the subjects are backward children, children with only partial developmental retardation, children with certain congenital defects which are serious obstacles to learning to read and write, or children with personality disorders which interfere considerable with a normal process of education, reduce their capacity for systematic effort, impede concentration, etc. The children whose normal progress at school encounters serious difficulties and cannot cope unaided with their school obligations have a sense of inferiority with regard to the other children in their class, and the conflict situations experienced by them continually and their fear of the consequences of bad results at school make for a hostile attitude to school, truancy, seeking contacts outside school with peers in a similar position, spending much of their time with other maladjusted boys in whose company they can win approval. Children of this kind frequently drop far behind in elementary school and sometimes fail to complete it altogether. Subsequently, they have a very difficult start in life, extremely limited prospects of employment in jobs with a low social status and a sense of personal failure and rejection which frequently helps to develop antisocial attitudes. In dealing with boys and girls of this sort who have already reached an older age bracket, one should realize that their considerable school retardation, their unaccustomedness for systematic study and the development of certain adverse habits militate against progress in the vocational schools to which they are directed. In view of the fact that teaching them a specific trade in combination with practical         in-work training may be of vital importance to their subsequent careers, the syllabus in these special vocational schools should be adjusted to the degree of inability displayed by such boys and girls. Since the boys who have not even completed six or seven grades of elementary school are in a worse position than those who have completed a greater number of grades, the syllabus of the vocational courses for these children should be differentiated to match their achievement level in elementary school. It seems essential therefore, before directing such boys and girls to a vocational school, to submit them to psychological tests to discover their intelligence level and suitability for a specific trade. The findings of these surveys make clear the importance from the point of view not only of the practice of the educational authorities but also of social policy of paying special attention to cases of recurring repetition of elementary school grades and truancy, and of failure to complete elementary school. Problems and failures at school require the early intervention of psychologists and doctors and the extension of special attention to such children in the earliest grades. The elimination and prevention of symptoms of school maladjustment depend on the proper organization of school work to allow for the specific problems of this category of children. It is essential to provide a sufficient number of special classes in the lower years to enable children making poor progress to catch up and also individual coaching of pupils who have special learning problems. The surveys show how important the implementation of the above recommendations could be for prevention of social maladjustment and demoralization among a large proportion of the children subsequently classified as “out of school and out of work”. The fact that among juvenile offenders there is a large incidence of records of serious disturbances in the course of their education from an early age is obvious evidence of the need to pay special attention to school maladjustment with a view to the prevention of juvenile delinquency. Since the surveys have shown that a large proportion of children with serious school failures come from adverse home backgrounds, from broken homes, from homes in which the father is an alcoholic and from homes whose material circumstances are bad, it is essential to put such families under special supervision and also to provide welfare benefits to the mothers of children in such home.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 134-149
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Recydywiści alkoholicy w wieku 35–41 lat o późnym początku przestępczości
Recidivists-alcoholics Aged Between 35–41 Whose Delinquency Started Late
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Szelhaus, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699159.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
recydywiści
alkoholicy
przestępczość
badania kryminologiczne
recidivists
alcoholics
delinquency
criminological research
Opis:
Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: I. Stanisław Batawia: Problematyka wczesnego alkoholizmu II. Stanisław Szelhaus: Wyniki badań recydywistów alkoholików o początku przestępczości po ukończeniu 25 lat 
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 213-268
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wstęp
Itroduction
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699282.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
młodzież nie ucząca się i nie pracująca
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
dzieci
młodzież
boys and girls out of school and out of work
social maladjustment
juvenile
Opis:
    The paper discusses the findings of research conducted by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy Sciences’ Institute of Legal Sciences among Warsaw 15 - 17 years-olds who left school but were not gainfully employed, and were subject to the requirement of compulsory vocational training. The problem of this category of youth is of considerable social importance since it is closely connected with the problem of delinquent or socially at risk youth. In 1967 and 1968 the educational authorities in Warsaw registered 5,749 boys and 2,477 girls aged 15 - 17 who were “out of school and out of work”. The Department’s surveys embraced a sample of only a proportion of the youth subject to registration, but it included in all probability a large majority of the boys and girls whose normal education had suffered the greatest disturbances: 1) ones who had completed only four, five or six grades of elementary school and had been directed to newly organized two-year vocational schools; and 2) ones who had completed the 7th grade but had failed to qualify for admission to the 8th grade or to a normal vocational school and had been directed to newly organized one-year vocational schools. The object of organizing these one- and two-year vocational schools was to give the kind of children who drop out of the normal educational stream the chance of learning a trade and also those attending the two-year schools the possibility of continuing their elementary education. It should be noted that in the one-year schools classes are held only twice a week, and in the two-year schools three times a week. The remaining days are given over to practical in-work training. In the 1967/68 school year the Department’s inquiry was conducted among boys attending one- and two-year building and electrical schools and a one-year motor mechanics school; they accounted for 52 per cent of the boys with the greatest degree of school retardation. In the following year, 1968/69, the subjects were boys attending one- and two-year building and electrical schools, to which 60 per cent of boys in this category had been directed. In 1967 a sample for each school was drawn from a complete list of the pupils in attendance, providing a sample of 180 boys. In 1968 the survey embraced all the boys (a total of 252) at these two schools. In 1968/69 the inquiry was extended to include girls as well: the subjects were all the girls enrolled at a one-year catering school (70) and a one-year clothing school (40). As regards the age of the boys assigned to these vocational courses, 43 per cent were over 17 in the first survey, and 23 per cent in the second; the remainder were aged 15 and 16. Girls over 17 formed 31 per cent of the sample. The selection for the Department’s survey of pupils whose normal education had probably suffered the most serious disruptions made it reasonable to suppose that distinct symptoms of social maladjustment would be found among them. To ascertain the incidence of such symptoms and the size of the category of youth with clearly delinquent tendencies or records was one of the chief objects of the inquiry. However, the working hypothesis was that 15 - I7-year-olds “out of school and out of work” were recruited from among the sort of boys and girls who had in the first place had serious problems with the elementary school course and that these difficulties had played a large part in their social maladjustment. As regards the degree of their social maladjustment it seemed likely that they were far less demoralized than the majority of juveniles with criminal convictions and tendencies to recidivism. In the inquiry whose findings are discussed below the following breaches of the fundamental rules of society or the standards of behaviour expected of children and youth were considered evidence of maladjustment: 1) persistent truancy; 2) staying out of school and out of work; 3) keeping demoralized company; 4) running away from home; 5) excessive drinking; 6) delinquency; 7) sexual promiscuity among the girls. Account was further taken of symptoms indicating serious school maladjustment: considerable school retardation and frequent commencement and discontinuance of attendance at different schools. Only those subjects of the inquiry were classified as maladjusted in the case of whom evidence was obtained that they were given to conduct of a certain type and that they regularly displayed a combination of deviational symptoms and not only a single isolated one. It should be indicated that in view of the impossibility of conducting medical and psychological examinations crucial aspects of the genesis and mechanism of difficulties at school and behaviour disorders could not be properly investigated. The inquiry had necessarily to be restricted to symptomatic and not etiological criteria of maladjustment. These were, however, enough to identify on the basis of the degree of neglect of school work and specific behaviour certain boys and girls as being socially maladjusted to some extent or another ‒ which was the main purpose of the research undertaken among this category of youth and made it largely possible to single out the children in need of care and attention. Recourse was had in the inquiry to opinions about the subjects collected from their elementary and vocational schools and from the work-places in which they underwent practical training, to court and police records, etc. Tn addition, in 1967/68 background interviews were conducted in the homes of the subjects. Both in the first and second survey tests were made of their level of achievement in Polish and mathematics at schools and of their intelligence on the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. The inquiry was supplemented by follow-up studies which for the boys in each of the successive years embraced a period of 2 2/3 years and l 2/3 years (including the period of vocational school attendance). The paper in question runs to 140 pp. of print and consists of a number of contributions: Introduction; Section 1, devoted chiefly to the criteria of social maladjustment among children and youth (written by Z. Ostrihanska); Section 2, discussing the findings of the studies of 432 boys (written by H. Kołakowska-Przełomiec); Section 3, reporting on the studies of 110 girls (written by Z. Ostrihanska, in association with A. Kossowska); Section 4, containing the results of the tests of the boys’ and girls’ achievements in Polish and mathematics (written by M. Marek); and a resume of the results of all the research and the conclusions to be drawn from it (written by S. Batawia).
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 8-14
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problematyka zaburzeń reaktywnych i symulacji w praktyce sądowo-psychiatrycznej i penitencjarnej
The Problem of Reactive Mental Disorders and of Malingering in Forensic Psychiatrist Practice
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Uszkiewiczowa, Lidia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699294.pdf
Data publikacji:
1964
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zaburzenia psychiczne
mental disorders
Opis:
Problems of reactive mental disorders and of the simulation of mental disorders have lately been very poorly represented in both psychiatrist and criminological literature. The present contribution discusses the sources of a considerable number of difficulties which emerge in practice when discussing the question of “Reactive disorder or malingering?”, as well as the errors of diagnosis in diagnosing malingering. The contribution is based on a analysis of material which comprizes three hundred and fifty cases of reactive mental disorders, and ninety-nine cases of malingering (simulation), with the accused; such material has been obtained from the Department of Forensic Psychiatry of the Psychoneurological Institute and from fifteen mental hospitals in Poland, to which prisoners were sent for observation. When making use of the term of “ malingering” , the contents of that notion ought to be narrowed down so as to comprize behaviour of such kind, which consists in an individual who is not mentally ill consciously producing definite psychopathological symptoms. We could not possibly consider to be malingering in the true sense of the word the producing by a mental patient (e.g. one suffering from schizophrenia) of symptoms which are not characteristic of the disorder in question. What is described by the term of sursimulation, even though it contains elements of malingering, essentially differs from true malingering. On the other hand, the view is not correct which reads that we may only then speak of malingering, when the simulating of symptoms of mental disorders makes its appearance with persons who do not exhibit any abnormal traits. Malingering most frequently makes its appearance with prisoners who exhibit symptoms of psychopathy, encephalopathy, mental deficiency, etc. The problem of metasimulation deserves special attention. The fact that at a given moment we have to do with a behaviour which indicates malingering is not by itself evidence that previously, during the period immediately preceding such malingering, reactive disorders did not appear with same prisoner. The symptoms of reactive disorders during the period which preceded the sending of the prisoner to a mental hospital may have become almost entirely extinguished, while their place was taken by an attitude of malingering, greatly reminiscent of the recent symptoms of reactive mental disorders. Besides, in cases of that kind there also arises, as a rule, the question of whether, side by side with elements of malingering, there do not appear feebly marked symptoms of reactive mental disorders, as remnants of the reactive disorders from which the patient had previously been suffering. Neither should another difficulty, which jurisdiction finds in its path, be forgotten. When having to do with an attitude of obvious malingering, one ought to take into consideration the possibility of malingering being gradually transformed into reactive disorders. The mechanism of malingering becomes fixed in the prisoner’s mind, it undergoes automation, and sets into motion a hysterical mechanism, which, in its turn, acts independently, in the way proper to it, owing to which psychogenic disturbances arise. Such a state as that cannot be described as malingering, in spite of the fact that it was simulation that not only constituted the starting-point of the disorders arisen, but had actually provoked, and to some extent moulded, them. An individual in that state no longer exercises any control over the symptoms of reactive disorders which have appeared, he ceases to exercise any mastery over them; the former malingering mechanism has been driven out of his consciousness and has become transformed into a new, and considerably more complicated hysterical mechanism. The cases discussed above may still run a course complicated in another way, namely after the transformation of malingering into reactive disorders certain symptoms of the latter in their turn are subject to undergo, even after the extinction of the disorders, a conscious consolidation through the new manifestation of the malingering mechanism. Therefore in such cases malingering may be observed, not only at the beginning, but also after the recession of the state of reactive disorders, in the form of metasimulation. The mechanism of the arising of reactive disorders is analogous to that of the arising of malingering; at the basis of both the above mechanisms there lie certain common fundamental tendencies. In all probability malingering runs along the very same tracks as hysterical reaction, and mobilizes, through the intermediary of autosuggestion, analogous mechanisms, causing, as it were, the automation of certain attitudes. Malingering individuals, even though at first they control that mechanism and consciously steer it, may lose their control over it. This leads to the cases of a transformation of malingering into reactive mental disorders, discussed above. The knowledge of making use of a mechanism approximating a hysterical one, of producing and fixing certain symptoms which would constitute a good imitation of disorders, is - as is well known - a most difficult thing. This is why long-lasting and consistently carried out malingering is an extremely rare phenomenon. An individual who simulates in such a way must be equipped with peculiar features, in order to be equal to tasks of that kind. Hence the well-know saying that “ one can simulate well only that which is close to the simulating persons’s individuality” (Lassegue), and that “ a good malingerer must be born such” (Braun). Among psychiatrists there prevails, generally speaking, an agreement as to the view that long-lasting and consistent malingering happens, as a rule, only with persons whose personality exhibits clearly pathological features. The data obtained from sixteen mental hospitals for the period of 1953 - 1960 bear witness to the fact that, out of 5,967 male prisoners sent there for psychiatric examination, mental reactive disorders have been found to exist with 711 cases (11.9 per cent.), and malingering of mental disorders in a mere 99 cases (1.6 per cent.). In the case of the 793 women, sent from prisons to mental hospitals for psychiatric examination, reactive disorders were found to exist in 73 cases (9.2 per cent.), and malingering in a mere 7 cases (0.9 per cent). When we analyse the 99 forensic-psychiatric reports which diagnosed malingering, it appears that we may distinguish two different groups of cases among them. The first of them comprizes 70 prisoners,, with whom the diagnosis of mere malingering does not arouse any essentia] diagnostical reservations. On the other hand, in the second group, which comprizes 29 cases, we have to do with 19 cases of undoubted metasimulation, as well as with 19 cases which are doubtful. Doubts arise in connection with the possibility of the co-existence of reactive disorders with simulation (5 cases), as well as with the presence of reactive disorders during the period immediately preceding malingering (3 cases), or finally, because of data which speak in favour rather of reactive disorders than of malingering (11 cases). Thus it is only in seventy cases that the diagnosis of malingering does not arouse any serious doubts; neither should it be forgotten that, at the same time (i.e. during the same seven-and-a-half-year period) as many as 711 cases of reactive mental disorders were observed with prisoners in sixteen mental hospitals. Thus cases of malingering of long duration are an extremely rare phenomenon in forensic psychiatrist practice. For the purpose of establishing how do the data look which concern long-term malingering of mental disorders in prisons, data concerning the number of cases of malingering within the period of one year have been obtained from the psychiatrists employed in two large Warsaw prisons, which are, in principle, destined only for prisoners under investigation. It was found that the number of malingering prisoners amounted, in one prison to nine, and in the other to five. Taking into consideration the number of all the prisoners detained in those prisons in the course of twelve months, the “ co-efficient of malingering” , calculated as per one thousand prisoners, amounts to 1.86 and 0.96 respectively. After a correction has been introduced, because of the possibility of certain prisoners failing to report for examination, that co-efficient should not exceed 2 pro mille.[1] Among the 350 cases of reactive disorders, selected by lot out of the total number of reports with a diagnosis of “ reactive disorder” for the purpose of obtaining a representative sample, metasimulation during the period of clinical observation has been stated to take place in as many as 24.8 per cent, of the cases.  When examining the two groups of cases: those of “ pure” malingering and those of metasimulation, we can establish the essential differences which exist between them. Those prisoners with whom no reactive disorders have been found to exist during observation, simulate other symptoms of psychotic disorders than those prisoners, with whom malingering has made its appearance only after the extinction of reactive disorders in hospital.   In the group of the seventy “ pure” cases of malingering the most numerously represented is the simulation of memory defects and of mental deficiency, or else of dementia; apart from the above, prisoners also simulate symptoms of conversion hysteria, of hallucination or delusion, as well as, exceptionally, symptoms of stupor.  On the other hand, in the group of fifty cases of metasimulation, more than one-half of the total number consisted of prisoners who simulated symptoms of pseudodementia along with elements of puerilism (which were altogether absent from the group of “ pure” simulation). Of cases of con- fabulation with symptoms of pseudodelusions there were eight, while there were none of them in the “ pure simulation” group. Of individuals who simulated memory disorders there were three times less.  Deserving of particular attention are the twenty-six cases of “ pure” malingering, in which the whole manner of simulating, the contents of the pseudo-symptoms produced, and the prisoner’s entire behaviour are of such a kind, that it seems improbable that the simulating individual could suppose that he would succeed in deluding his environment. The attitude of such prisoners is one of playful contradiction, usually coupled with irony and mockery with regard to the medical personnel; their behaviour is characterized by elements of acting and indeed of clowning; the absurdity of their utterances is glaring. Periodically, however, states of a certain inhibition make their appearance, and from time to time sudden changes of mood are visible, considerable tension, violent attempts at aggressive behaviour, and tendencies to self-mutilation.  It was Mönkenmöller who, once upon a time, drew attention to that peculiar form of malingering, in which it is impossible to detect any intelligible purpose. In such cases malingering assumes the character of acting which gives the malingerer some satisfaction (“spielerische Simulation' 4, as Utitz called it); The picture of malingering gives one to think by its specific features, and is distinguished, from the other types of malingering, by its altogether exceptional primitivism and inconsistency. 92 per cent, of the prisoners who simulated in that way were recidivists with a considerable number of previous convictions to their names. In the anamnesis of nearly one-half of them alcoholism and brain trauma, as well as other chronical brain diseases, made their appearance. More than one-half of their total number have performed self-mutilation in prison. In the cases of “pure”, true malingering there appear, in the hospital material investigated, numerous prisoners with symptoms of encephalopathy (37.1 per cent.) and psychopaths (about 40 per cent.), as a rule described as impulsive, irritable, aggressive. Not a single malingering prisoner has been qualified as an individual with a normal personality. The prisoners who simulated mental disorders are recruited - 81 per cent, of them - from among recidivists, as a rule from among juvenile or young offenders: sixty-six per cent, of the investigated were under twenty-five years of age. They belonged to the category of offenders who commit common offences, mostly offences against property, with thefts predominating. Among the reactive mental disorders to be met with in forensic psychiatrist practice and in the prisons, two kinds of disorders may be distinguished. First of all, the group of disorders of the type of hysterical disorders, the majority of which has a more primitive character; they are: pseudodementia, Ganser’s syndrom, puerilism, states of incomplete stupor and of stupor, fancies with contents similar to those of delusions, and symptoms of conversion hysteria. It is precisely that category of disorders that oftentimes causes particular difficulties in practice, when it is a matter of distinguishing them from malingering. The second group of reactive disorders, with more psychotic symptoms, comprizes: reactive depressions, stupor, and syndroms with delusions and hallucinations and paranoid states. In this category of disorders disturbances of consciousness are much more clearly discernible than they are in the first. Bunyeyev, however, correctly emphasizes the fact that clinical experience points to the fact that in the several syndroms distinguished above there are frequently contained elements, of other reactive syndroms, and, moreover, in a considerable number of cases it can be observed, how, in the course of the disorders, one set of syndroms gives way to other symptom syndroms. Consequently, the clinical picture is usually considerably more complicated than would result from a description that would only take into consideration the most fundamental elements. Among the three hundred and fifty cases of reactive disorders with prisoners under investigation the several syndroms make their appearance In the following dimensions:   Pseudodementia                                                 90 cases    25.7 per cent. Puerilism                                                              16     “          4.6 per cent.  Ganser’s syndrom                                              17     “          4.9 per cent. Depressions                                                         79      “        22.6 per cent. Syndrom of stupor (41)                                      59      “          and states of incomplete stupor (18)              47       “       16.9 per cent. Syndroms with hallucinations and delusions                      13.4 per cent. Paranoid states                                                    12       “        3.4 per cent. Conversion hysteria                                             20      “         5.7 per cent. Fancies with contents similar to delusions     10       “         2,8 per cent. Pseudodementia, Ganser’s syndrom and puerilism between them account for 35.2 per cent, of the material investigated. Pseudodementia and puerilism frequently constitute the source of serious difficulties when it is a matter of distinguishing them from malingering, if hospital observation is of too short duration. Seventy per cent, of the above cases spent over three months on observation in hospitals, including nearly twenty per cent, who spent more than six months there.  After a syndrom of pseudodementia, it may be sometimes observed the malingering of the extinct symptoms of that syndrom (metasimulation). Among the cases of metasimulation in the material under investigation in fifty-five per cent, malingering was precisely connected with pseudodementia. Reactive depressions are the second set, as far as numbers are concerned, in the material under investigation (22.64 per cent.). Reactive depressions are of various character. The obvious colouring of the majority of such states with hysterical traits frequently lends a peculiar stamp to the clinical picture, and may incorrectly suscitate a suspicion of malingering.  Mental disorders with a stupor syndrom, as is well known, rarely arise as isolated type of reaction. Considerably more frequently stupor takes place after pseudodementia, Ganser’s syndrom and puerilism, not infrequently after a period of a seeming withdrawal of all reactive symptoms. What is more, after stupor there frequently appear once more symptoms of other reactive disorders, first and foremost those of pseudodementia (Bunyeyev, Pastushenko). In cases of incompletely developed stupor there frequently appear suspicions of malingering, even though such casses ought to be numbered undoubted mental disorders.  When discussing cases with a hallucination and delusion syndrome one ought to remember that even in such cases the suspicion of malingering occasionally makes its appearance. This is influenced by the fact that the contents of the hallucination are closely connected with the prisonner’s own situation, that his behaviour is characterized by lively emotional reactions, and that he not infrequently manifests interest in his further lot, his family, etc. In fact the suspicion of malingering as a rule proves to be unfounded. Morever, it should not be forgotten that, in cases with a hallucination and delusion syndrome there not infrequently emerge serious diagnostic difficulties in connection with the posibility of the existence of schizophrenia.  Among the reactive disorders observed with prisoners in the hospitals there were twelve cases of acute paranoid state. In this, relatively very infrequent, syndrom, which develops against a background of intensified fear and anxiety, and rapidly disappears under conditions of hospitalization, the existence of hallucinations, mainly visual ones, has also been found.  The symptoms which approach delusions include the so-called confabulation, with contents resembling those of delusions (“wahnhafte Einbildungen” ), which had been described by Birnbaum more than fifty years ago. The inventing of occasionally the most improbable and queerest facts takes place against a background of usually glaringly expressed hysterical traits; occasionally elements of pseudodementia and puerilism become visible. All this together may suscitate serious suspicions of malingering; prolonged observation, however, makes it posible to find the existence of clearly reactive disorders. Of such cases there were ten in the material under investigation. Predominant among them were cases of persecutory pseudodelusions (eight cases), with the most absurd and fantastical subject-matter. In the remaining two cases it was grotesque grandiose pseudodelusions that made their appearance. Both the attitudes and the behaviour of all such individuals were, as a rule, in complete contradiction with the contents of their utterances. Those prisoners who exhibited symptoms of reactive mental disorders differ in an essential way from those prisoners who simulate pathological symptoms. First of all, there are considerably less recidivists among them: the percentage of the latter did not exceed 33 per cent, while with the simulators it reached 81 per cent. Among the prisoners with reactive disorders there are less individuals who would exhibit organic changes of the brain (23 per cent., as compared with 37,1 per cent, with the malingerers), while, on the other hand, the percentage of persons of the schizoid type is considerably larger (36 per cent., as against about 10 per cent, with the malingerers), as well as that of psychopaths with obvious hysterical traits (31.4 per cent., as against about 20 per cent, with the malingerers).  A mere 4.5 per cent, of the total number of prisoners with reactive mental disorders under investigation were found to be persons whose premorbid personality did not suggest any suspicions concerning pathology; all the remaining ones figure, in the diagnoses, either as psychopaths, or else as persons with symptoms of encephalopathy. In spite of the lack of any exhaustive anamneses in a great many cases it was found possible to state that at least 17 per cent, of the prisoners sent to mental hospitals because of reactive mental disorders had already previously suffered from such disorders. The cases of reactive states of a protracted character, numerous in the material under investigation (32 per cent, among the cases dealt with in the Institute of Psychoneurology) make one realize the importance of a proper conception of the problem of reactive mental disorders with prisoners. In those cases states which could at first produce an impression of simulation were relatively numerously represented. Mistrust in such cases might well be increased by the fact that nearly one-half of them consisted of prisoners accused of the perpetration of homicide. A hospital observation which went on for many months on end, not only did confirm the diagnosis of a reactive mental disorder, but has also, over and above that, demonstrated that those mental disorders had, in a considerable number of cases, become so deep, that a large number of the patients had to be assigned for release from prison. Merely about 22 per cent, of the total of those suffering from protracted disorders recovered their health and could, later on, be prosecuted before a law-court.  A working hypothesis in both prisons and forensic-psychiatric practice should therefore be the premisse that a pure malingering of mental disorders going on for a longer period of time is an altogether exceptional phenomenon, and that, as a rule, we have to do, in such cases, with reactive disorders. A different approach not only does run counter to the present-day state of psychiatrist knowledge, but is also highly harmful for both forensic and prison practice, as well as being inhumanitarian.   [1] In order to avoid any misunderstandings it ought to be emphasized that we are here referring to cases of long duration, of a malingering of mental disorders going on for at least several weeks on end. Clumsy attempts at simulating pathological symptoms for a period of a few days, naturally, altogether elude a psychiatrist who is not permanently employed in the prison in question, and, in all probability happen much more frequently
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1964, II; 251-291
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawcy przestępstw i wykroczeń systematycznie nadużywający alkoholu
Excessive Drinkers and Alkoholics Convicted of Offences and Contraventions
Autorzy:
Szelhaus, Stanisław
Łojko, Elżbieta
Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962245.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
sprawca przestępstwa
sprawca wykroczenia
nadużycie alkoholu
perpetrator of an offence
malfeasant
abuse of alcohol
Opis:
The printed elaborations, in this part of the Archives, contain the re sults of research conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences  anfddeal with three categories of people: ‒ 564 offenders were qualified as having committed acts of hooliganism in Warsaw, in 1964, in an inebriate state, acts combined with physical aggression on people unknown to the offender; further delinquency of these offenders is checked during the course of eight years; ‒ approximately 900 who were in 1967 charged with “disturbance of  public peace or indecent behaviour in a public place,, (Art. 27, decree on fighting alcoholism); out of a random sample of 300 delinquents charged with these offences, information was obtained regarding their further appearances in court  (Penal Administrative Commission) for the period of five years (till the end of  1972), arrests by the police while intoxicated and court convictions; ‒ 500 men and 250 women, listed in detoxication centres at least three times (women twice), during the period of over 5 and a half years till the second half of 1970, about whom information was gathered, regarding also other arrests by the police while intoxicated, ending up in the detoxication centre, as well as information about their court convictions; with part of  the cases information was obtained about the follow-up period of the investigated during the years 1971-1973. The above-mentioned three categories were taken into account, because research was to embrace only those offenders who while committing the offence were intoxicated. These examinations were to reveal the dimensions of heavy drinking and of their delinquency. Research conducted by the Department of Criminology so far which took into account alcoholism, dealt with people, mainly from among young adult and adult recidivists marked by serious social degradation. Efforts were made to find out whether and since when they were drinking alcohol to excess and to what extent they were alcoholics. Taken into account was the category of recidivists, revealing symptoms of alcoholism. This research concentrated on various individuals where one actually could expect the possibilities of frequent or systematic heavy drinking, but in regard to whom no information was available regarding the frequency of deviations in the behaviour of the investigated under the influence of alcohol, as well as data about their delinquency, neither its intensification nor the type of offences committed. Despite the fact that it was impossible in the studies presented here to conduct individual psychological and medical examinations, or environmental research, nevertheless the collected large amounts of material seem to enable us to get an idea about the phenomenon of a large scope and social significance. Together with the increase in excessive drinking of alcohol in many countries there also emerges the category of people having conflicts with the penal code while intoxicated and of people charged with disturbance of public peace. There are relatively few studies of this large population, committing as a rule minor offences. Initiating such research the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences intended above all to find out how often various categories of persons, committing typical offences connected with drunkenness, are “problem drinkers” with intensified symptoms of deviations in behaviour and how many of them have already to be considered alcoholics. Such findings can be most significant when planning campaigns, aimed at revealing at an early stage cases requiring the interference of institutions set up to fight alcoholism, in order to prevent in such a way the spreading of certain offences and crimes.
Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I. Stanisław Szelhaus: Sprawcy przestępstw o charakterze chuligańskim II. Elżbieta Łojko: Sprawcy wykroczeń o zakłocenie spokoju publicznego w stanie nietrzeźwym III. Stanisław Batawia: Osoby niejednokrotnie przebywające w izbie wytrzeźwień IV. Stanisław Batawia: Wnioski wynikające z badań
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 15-123
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dalsze losy nieletnich i młodocianych sprawców przestępstw
The Follow-Up Studies of Juvenile Delinquents and Young Adult Prisoners
Autorzy:
Batawia, Stanisław
Żabczyńska, Ewa
Strzembosz, Adam
Szymanowski, Teodor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962206.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
badania kryminologiczne
badania socjologiczne
nieletni przestępcy
recydywa
criminological research
sociological research
juvenile delinquents
recidivism
Opis:
Three follow-up studies were published, dealing with juvenile delinquents and young adult offenders, based on a random sample and material on: ‒ 100 boys charged with larcency, who during the period of the investigation in 1966 were barely 10-11 years old. This research concentrated in turn on all the 10-11 year-old boys charged with larcency and brought before a Juvenile Court in Warsaw; the follow-up period embraced 5 years; ‒ 358 former juveniles (10-16 years old) charged with theft in three districts of Warsaw and brought before a Juvenile Court in 1961-1962, whose further fate was investigated during the period when they were 17-20 years old and from among the same 243 former juveniles 13-16 years old, who in 1972 were already 24-27 years old; ‒ 17-20 year-old young adults released from 40 prisons throughout the country, after having served their sentences for various offences and whose subsequent recidivism was established during the course of 10 years from their release from prison in 1961. Two works, discussing the further recidivism of the juvenile delinquents, convicted for larcency obviously differ markedly regarding the age and follow-up period. The first work deals with the investigated up to the age of 15-16 only, the second also embraces the time when the former juveniles are already approximately 26 years old. However, both works unanimously emphasize the fundamental significance of early initiation of social maladjustment and demoralization for the prognosing of the rapidity and extent of recidivism. They stress the necessity to make use in practice as the only criterion for recidivism of juveniles, each new charge brought before a court and the number of times theft has been committed, being the subject of a given trial. Simultaneously these works reveal unanimously, that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency, are brought up in families, which are unable to guarantee them the proper conditions for normal development and that in these families also many brothers of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency revealed symptoms of social maladjustment and committed offences. The results of the studies under discussion also are unanimous as to the fact that with the majority of the juveniles could be found personality disorders. The material under discussion deserves special attention as regards the juvenile delinquents of the younger age groups. It is of great significance that many of the investigated 10‒11-year-olds charged with larcency committed theft already before. Long years of research, conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences, testify to the fact that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency and brought before Juvenile Courts are boys who already previously committed larcency more than once. Disturbance of the socialization process with these juveniles, usually reaches back to their early childhood, requires early discovery and interference at the earliest possible time in the form of surrounding the parents, brothers and sisters of the juvenile delinquent with care and also of controlling them. The results yielded by follow-up studies of the recidivism during a period of 10 years of the 17-20 year-old young adult offenders, released from prison in 1961, concentrate on young people whose recidivism is undoubtedly connected with serious social maladjustment already during their juvenility. Obviously one cannot identify these young adults released from prison with all the 17‒20-year-old young adults convicted by courts who received various sentences. The results of the follow-up studies of the young adult prisoners should contribute to the initiation of systematic, individual research regarding young adults convicted and receiving various prison terms and to the change of certain guiding lines of the penal and penitentiary policy in regard to young adult offenders.
Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I. Ewa Żabczyńska: Dalsze losy 100 chłopców mających sprawy o kradzieże w wieku 10-11 lat II. Adam Strzembosz: Rozmiary recydywy u nieletnich podsądnych sprawców krażeży III. Teodor Szymanowski: Rozmiary recydywy u młodocianych więźniów po upływie 10 lat od ich zwolnienia z zakładów karnych
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 126-127
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozmiary nieprzystosowania społecznego młodzieży "nie uczącej się i nie pracującej" badanej w latach 1967/1968 i 1968/1969
The extent of social maladjustment among yough aged 15-17 "out of school and out of work"
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Kołakowska-Przełomiec, Helena
Batawia, Stanisław
Kossowska, Anna
Marek, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962268.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
młodzież nie ucząca się i nie pracująca
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
młodociani
boys and girls out of school and out of work
social maladjustment
juvenile
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 7-149
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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