Wszystkie pola: subculture of violence - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

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Tytuł:: Pathostreaming as a way of popularising the subculture of violence
Patostreaming jako narzędzie popularyzacji podkultury przemocy
Autorzy:: Kmieciak-Goławska, Agnieszka
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788442.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-06-24
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kryminologia
internet
młodzież
podkultura przemocy
patostreaming
pathological livestreaming
criminology
Internet
youth
subculture of violence
Opis:: Pathological streaming is a form of livestreaming, which contains violence and vulgar or ob- scene materials. This kind of videos are very popular among Internet users, especially those who are underage. The article describes this phenomenon, the Polish authors of such content and the recipients of pathological livestreaming as well. It also presents a number of psycho- logical mechanisms responsible for transmission of subculture of violence rules. Pathological livestreaming is presented as a deviant norms popularizer and a serious threat to young people.
Patostreaming to internetowa transmisja w czasie rzeczywistym treści o charakterze wulgarnym, obscenicznym i przemocowym. Tego typu nagrania cieszą się dużą popularnością wśród internautów, w szczególności przedstawicieli młodego pokolenia. Niniejszy artykuł opisuje rzeczone zjawisko, jego twórców w Polsce oraz odbiorców, a także mechanizmy psychologiczne, które sprzyjają transmisji wzorców podkultury przemocy. Ukazuje patostreaming jako źródło popularyzacji dewiacyjnych norm i zachowań oraz realne zagrożenie dla młodego odbiorcy materiałów publikowanych w internecie.
Źródło:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2018, 25; 171-183
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Koncepcja podkultury przemocy a wyjaśnianie przestępczości agresywnej
The subculture of violence thesis and explaining violent criminal behavior
Autorzy:: Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699216.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1987
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: subkultura
przestępczość agresywna
pojęcie kulturowe
zachowanie
przemoc
brutalny przestępca
zachowanie jednostek
teoria
koncepcja
subculture
aggressive crime
concept cultural
behaviour
violence
violent criminal
individuals behavior
theory
concept
Opis:: This article dears with some problems related to application of Wolfgang’s and Ferracuti's subculture of violence theory explanation of violent criminal behaviour. Wolfgang and Ferracuti adopted in their concept cultural approach to explanation of crime in general, and violent crime in particular. Doing so, they rejected openly usefulness in this particular area of Merton’s anomie theory. They adopted so-called normative theory of culture, when means that they understand under the term culture a normative system consisting of values, norms and behavioral patterns, which exert pressure over individuals being under their influence, what results in uniformity of human behaviour. Application of this concept in criminology means that there may exist specific normative systems containing such values and norms which may lead individuals influenced by them to criminal behaviour. In other words it means, that when we observe within certain social group high criminality rates, higher than the average ones in a given society we may explain them in terms of the specific features of the culture of this group. This way of thinking is not totally new in American criminological literature. The best example of it constitutes W.B. Miller’s concept of flower-class culture as a generating milieu of gang delinquency. Wolfgang and Ferracuti claim that disproportionately high rates of violent crimes among and members of American lower-class (especially members of ethnic minorities) result from specific subculture existing within this social group, which they call subculture of violence. This subculture is the specific normative system which is characterized by tolerance and permissiveness which respect to the use of violence in interpersonal relations. The use of violence is perceived by members of such subculture as something normal and natural, they do not consider it as either illegal or immoral. On the contrary, violent people showing physical prowess and readiness of high enjoy many social rewards, high social status and prestige. People who do not conform to the requirements of such subculture face many troubles within their groups, including even possible ostracism. Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's concept contains evidently two separate layers. The first one, sociological, deals with subculture of violence as a social phenomenon and the problems related to the existence, functioning and transmission of violence related norms and values within society. The concept of subculture itself plays here a key role. The second one, psychological, deals with psychological consequences for the individuals of being under influence of such subcultural ethos. The main concern here are changes in attitudes and ways of perceiving environment resulting from the adoption of subcultural values, which one observes among violent people. These two layers are connected by very important thesis that aggression and violence constitute learned behaviour deeply internalised in the personalities of individuals. As it was said before subculture of violence thesis was conceived by Wolfgang and Ferracuti primarily to explain excessively high rates of violent crime among members of American lower class. But they point out as well to other examples of such subcultures as for example barbaricino code in Sardinia, customary vendetta in Albanova district in Italy, Colombian violencia or ,,criminal tribes'' in India. All this means that they treat their concept as a broader integrated criminological theory of violent criminal behaviour not limited to specific American context. One can point out to many attempts in the USA at empirical verification of the violent subculture thesis. First of all it is necessary to mention researches done by S. Ball-Rokeach and H. Erlanger. They attempted to verify Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's claims that there must exist significant differences in value systems and attitudes towards the use of violence between violent and non-violent persons, and that people who engage very often in violent incidents enjoy within their communities many social rewards including high status and prestige. The subculture of violence thesis was also used to explain a well-known in the American literature phenomenon of excessively high rates of violent crimes, especially homicides in the southern states. Among attempts at cultural explanations of this phenomenon one can point out first of all to contributions by Hackney, Gastill and Erlanger as well. All mentioned above researches hardly brought conclusive results. They involve many methodological shortcomings' and generally speaking seem to be too simply conceived, using too crude tools to pretend to be real tests of the subculture of violence thesis. This concept still awaits real, comprehensive attempt at empirical verification. When evaluating Wolfgang's and Ferracuti's concept from the theoretical point of view one has to start from the proposition which seems - as it was said before-to constitute the core of the entire concept: aggression and violence constitute learned behaviour. At this moment it is easy to observe similarity with E. D. Sutherland's differential association theory. Sutherland was speaking about conflict between criminal and non-criminal cultures. Existence of this conflict made it possible for an individual to have contacts with patterns of both criminal and law-abiding behaviour. Prevalence of one of them in the immediate environment of the individual decided about its future behavior. Very similarly Wolfgang and Ferracuti speak about the conflict between dominant culture (which they call non-violent culture) and subculture (which they call subculture of violence). This conflict makes possible differential association in the Sutherland’s meaning of the term. There is however one important difference. Sutherland, as it is well know, was strongly influenced in his thinking by G. H. Mead’s symbolic interactionism and sociology of Ch. H. Cooley, what resulted in particular attention paid to the primary social groups and direct interaction. For Sutherland the process of learning criminal behaviour could take place only by means of direct interaction within primary social groups. It is not easy to interpret Wolfgang’s and Ferracuti’s theory with respect to this problem, as they are not very explicit within the subculture. It makes it necessary to carry out a more detailed analysis of what they understand under the term subculture. They say on the one hand that the concept of subculture is strictly connected with the concept of social group. It seems however that this last concept they understand very broadly, when they say that individuals sharing certain values, norms and behavioral patterns constitute social groups. This means that under the term subculture they understand just individuals sharing particular norms and values, at least partly distinct from those existing in the dominant culture. This means as well that such sharing of values does not require direct interaction between individuals. It leads finally to a very important statement that subculture may exist widely dispersed spatially. It is necessary to underline that such understanding of the term subculture is not totally alien even to the contemporary adherents of symbolic interactionism. An article by A. Fine and S. Kleinman constitutes clear example. The essence of this approach is an attempt to avoid ,,reification’’-as above authors call it-of the concept of subculture, what means equaling it with certain social structure, in other words social group. It seems however that one should not press this point of view to the extreme. Interpretation of the meaning of the term culture in terms of individuals behaviour is quite popular in social anthropology, to mention only R. Linton. But it may lead also to certain consequences absurd from sociological and behaviour point of view. It may mean that if somebody behaves in a certain way, he adheres to certain norms and values of which his behaviour is a result. If not, it means that he does not adhere to them. In fact, it is a great simplification from the point of view of the mechanisms of human behaviour. In such a situation the concept of subculture lacks clear empirical meaning and loses its explaining potential. It seem that Wolgang's and Ferracuti's stance results from a very individualistic approach paying attention only to the relation culture-individual, while neglecting a very important one: culture-social group. Very helpful in solving presented above problems may be more detailed analysis of the psychological mechanisms of learning. What is interesting is that Wolfgang and Ferracuti do not go into details with respect to this, and mention only eventual usefulness of either Eysenck's or Bandura’s concepts. This lust one seems to be particularly suitable for the purposes of interpreting subculture of violence concept. Bandura's concepts of observational learning, as well as clear distinction between learning and performance, and analysis of the process of learning from three separate points of view, i.e. acquisition mechanisms instigation mechanism and maintenance mechanisms may be here particularly useful. It means that subculture of violence supplies to individual patterns of violence and aggression which are observed, memorized and in this way learned. It is also obvious that these patterns are not supplied by abstract subculture itself, but by behaviour of other individuals in the immediate environment. It is clear however that there are no people who behave constantly violently, what Wolfgang and Ferracuti admit, but do not elaborate on it. Learned violent patterns may result in violent behaviour only sometimes, when they meet necessary instigating stimuli. They may become more consistent and durable behavioral patterns only when necessary maintaining mechanisms come into being. It is obvious that subculture of violence may, serve as the supplier of both instigating and maintaining mechanisms. Especially these last may be very important. Bandura provides a very important distinction between internal and external control of human behaviour .Internal control means rewards, reinforcements coming from the individual's self. Here internalized values and norms come into action and play on important role. Behaviour, being in accordance with them brings satisfaction to the individual. This aspect of maintaining mechanisms constiutes main subject for Wolfgang and Ferracuti. But there is another one: external control, reinforcements, rewards coming from social environment, from social groups. Wolfgang and Ferracuti pay less attention or almost none to this aspect, because to analyse it one has to connect the meaning of the term subculture with the term social group, what they refuse to do. External control can not be an attribute of subculture itself. It is the function of groups. When one recognizes that subcultural system may be analysed only as a normative system of given- social groups, the possible influence of it becomes much broader. In such an interpretation subcultural influence is not limited only to mechanisms of internal control. Individuals may behave violently because they receive many external rewards for such behaviour. Because of this violent behaviour does not have necessarily to bring special satisfaction to the individual. Such behaviour may result from well known in social psychology mechanisms of group pressure and conformity with group standards. In sum, it seems to be very profitable to use Bandura’s social learning theory to interpret and to broaden Wolfgang's and Ferracuti’s subculture of violence thesis. It is necesary of course to modify their use of the term subculture and connect it strictly with social structures and groups. In such a situation subcultural influence from the psychological point of view may not be limited to the mechanisms of internal control but extended to the external control by social groups, -what makes possible application of the theory as a theory of violent behaviour in general.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 7-42
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Importancia de los rituales de iniciación y de los tatuajes en las maras y pandillas centroamericanas
Importance of initiation rituals and tattoos in Central American “maras” and “pandillas”
Znaczenie rytuałów inicjacyjnych i tatuaży w “maras” i “pandillas” Ameryki Środkowej
Autorzy:: Kosmynka, Stanisław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1837358.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-12-31
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: criminal gangs
rites of passage
tattoos
identity
subculture of violence
gangi
przestępczość
rytuały wejścia
tatuaże
tożsamość
subkultura
Opis:: The main purpose of the paper is to analyse the phenomenon of the identity of some criminal gangs in Central America (maras y pandillas). It shows mechanisms and symbolic aspects of their activities in this region, especially in Guatemala, Salvador and Honduras, exemplified by a group called la Mara Salvatrucha. The article presents the cultural and social background of these criminal communities involved in many illegal activities and the multidimensional problem of violence. The paper is focussed on the identity of the members of the criminal gangs analysed as the subcultures of violence and as a kind of contemporary urban tribes. It shows the most important symbolic aspects of their identity: rites of passage, the tattoo meanings, the importance of the image etc. The article refers to the factors of popularity of these criminal groups among many young, poor and marginalised people in Central America.
Artykuł podejmuje wątek istniejących w regionie Ameryki Środkowej młodzieżowych gangów przestępczych (maras y pandillas) pod kątem symbolicznych determinantów określających mechanizmy ich funkcjonowania. Egzemplifi kację zawartych w nim rozważań stanowią przede wszystkim grupy określane umownie jako La Mara Salvatrucha, działające w kilku państwach środkowoamerykańskich. Artykuł ukazuje te zbiorowości jako specyfi czny rodzaj współczesnych „miejskich plemion” i subkultur, w których szczególną rolę odgrywają zwyczaje inicjacyjne i inne aspekty dystynktywne, takie jak określony wizerunek, kreowany m.in. za pomocą tatuaży, slangu, odzieży. Analiza tu zawarta zwraca uwagę na poszczególne wymiary tożsamościowe oraz identyfikacyjne osób należących do subkultur przestępczych tego typu, jak również na uwarunkowania endogenne, sprzyjające ich oddziaływaniu szczególnie na ludzi młodych i werbowaniu ich do szeregów tych organizacji.
Źródło:: Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej; 2020, 10; 161-178
2299-260X
Pojawia się w:: Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Ryzykowne zachowania seksualne mężczyzn odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności
Risk Sexual Behaviours of Men Serving Prison Sentences
Autorzy:: Łukaszek, Maria
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/423807.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014
Wydawca:: Lubuskie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:: seksualność skazanych
ryzykowne zachowania seksualne
partnerska norma seksualna
przemoc seksualna
przejawy podkultury więziennej
convicts' sexuality
risky sexual behaviors
partnership sexual norm
sexual violence
manifestation of prison subculture
Opis:: Ryzykowne zachowania seksualne stanowią istotny element stylu życia osób niedostosowanych społecznie. Fakt ten wynika przede wszystkim ze: specyficznej hierarchii wartości tej grupy osób; dogmatycznej integracji ich postaw; odurzania się i uzależnienia od środków psychoaktywnych; psychopatycznej struktury osobowości części z nich. Ryzykowne zachowania seksualne traktować należy jako symptomy niedostosowania społecznego i dlatego powinny podlegać oddziaływaniom resocjalizacyjnym. Prezentowane wyniki pochodzą z pilotażu badań przeprowadzonego w 2013 roku na terenie Zakładu Karnego w Rzeszowie. Jego głównym celem była diagnoza postaw mężczyzn odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności wobec życia seksualnego i partnerek seksualnych. Zaprezentowany materiał jest próbą udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytanie o stopień ryzykowności zachowań seksualnych badanych i stopień respektowania przez nich seksualnej normy partnerskiej oraz uwarunkowania tych zjawisk. Na podstawie analiz stwierdzono, iż w odniesieniu do ponad 46% badanych możemy wnioskować o wybitnym bądź wysokim stopniu ryzykowności zachowań seksualnych, w odniesieniu do 35% o znacznym, zaś jedynie do 4,2% o niskim. W badaniach stwierdzono, że niemal 79% badanych deklaruje bardzo słaby stopień respektowania seksualnej normy partnerskiej. Jedynie w odniesieniu do niecałych 10% możemy mówić o stopniu zadowalającym w tym względzie.
Risk sexual behaviours are an important element of lifestyle of socially maladjusted persons. This fact is mainly due to the following factors: the specific hierarchy of values of this group of people; dogmatic integration of their attitudes; intoxication and drug addiction; psychopathic personality structure of some of them. Risk sexual behaviours shall be treated as social maladjustment symptoms and therefore should be subject to correctional rehabilitation. Presented results come from the pilot study conducted in 2013 in the Correctional Facility in Rzeszow. The main purpose of the research was the diagnosis of attitudes of men serving prison sentences towards sex life and sex female partners. The presented material is an attempt to answer the question about the degree of the riskiness of sexual behaviours of the investigated, the degree of respecting a sexual partnership norm by them and determinants of these phenomena. On the basis of the analyses it was concluded that in regard to more than 46% of the respondents we can talk about an outstanding or high degree of the riskiness of sexual behaviours, in relation to 35% - a significant one, whereas only 4.2% of the examined showed a low degree of riskiness. The research found that nearly 79% declare a very low degree of respecting a sexual partnership norm. Only for less than 10% we can talk about a satisfactory degree in this regard.
Źródło:: Rocznik Lubuski; 2014, 40, 1; 157-174
0485-3083
Pojawia się w:: Rocznik Lubuski
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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