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Tytuł:
Where the Wild Things Are: Fear of Islam and the Anti-Refugee Rhetoric in Hungary and in Poland
Autorzy:
Goździak, Elżbieta M.
Márton, Péter
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/498561.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
Islamophobia
gender
nationalism
Polska
Hungary
Opis:
Based on empirical research conducted in Hungary and Poland in 2016–2017, as well as on analysis of social media, blogs and newspaper articles, this article discusses Hungarian and Polish attitudes towards Muslims and Islam. Against a historical background, we analyse how the Hungarian and Polish governments responded to the large-scale influx of Muslim refugees during the 2015 ‘migration crisis’. The anti-immigrant narratives, fueled by both governments and the right-wing press, resulted in something akin to Islamophobia without Muslims. Instead of portraying the people arriving at the southern border of Europe as refugees seeking safety, they described the migration process in terms such as ‘raid’, ‘conquest’ and ‘penetration’. These narratives often implied that Muslims will combat Europe not only with terrorism but with the uteruses of their women, who will bear enough children to outnumber native Poles and Hungarians. The paper ends with a discussion of positive attempts to improve attitudes towards refugees in Poland and Hungary.
Źródło:
Central and Eastern European Migration Review; 2018, 7, 2; 125-151
2300-1682
Pojawia się w:
Central and Eastern European Migration Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Attitudes of the University of Warsaw Students towards Selected Nationalistic and Fascistic Symbols in Public Sphere
Autorzy:
Tkaczyk, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2216195.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce
Tematy:
symbol
symbol in politics
nationalism in Poland
semiotics
fascism
social surveys
Opis:
The use of symbols in politics is an important topic that is subject of many research projects. From the viewpoint of political science, man creates various signs to which certain values and meanings are attributed. The article describes the results of a survey of the University of Warsaw students’ opinions concerning the presence of selected nationalistic and fascistising symbols in the public sphere. It also presents the current state of research concerning in politics, research questions, the formulated hypotheses and the research methods used. The article also describes selected symbols used by national, nationalistic and fascistic organisations. The article also outlines how the symbols associated with the extreme right are perceived by the young people in Poland and what significance it could have in the context of the current political trends. The author underlines the importance of public opinion polls concerning nationalistic and fascistising symbols, especially in the context of the growing wave of nationalism and the extreme right in Europe. The survey, carried out in 2021-2022, revealed that the majority of the respondents negatively appraised the selected nationalistic and fascistising symbols, such as the black sun, the falanga or the Celtic cross. At the same time, some respondents found it difficult to identify individual symbols, which point to the need for more educations as regards the history and ideologies associated with those symbols. The conclusions drawn from the survey indicate the need for more education and greater sensitivity to those issues among young people, who are the future of our society.
Źródło:
Polish Journal of Political Science; 2022, 8, 4; 25-44
2391-3991
Pojawia się w:
Polish Journal of Political Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Anti-Nationalism of Young Communists in Poland after WW2
Autorzy:
Bielińska-Kowalewska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489961.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to outline the anti-nationalist stance of the young Polish communistintellectuals, later known as “revisionists”, between 1945 and 1956. It is analyzed in thecontext of the alliance of the communist power with the nationalist right and far right,and especially in the context of anti-Semitism. It seems that anti-nationalism played a veryimportant role in both the so-called “accession to Marxism” and the “abandonment ofMarxism” by these “revisionists” in the course of their ideological evolution as Polish “realsocialism” was revealing its nationalist face.Key words: Marxism, nationalism, anti-nationalism, anti-Semitism, Stalinism, Poland,communism, revisionism
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2017, 17
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Anti-Nationalism of Young Communists in Poland after WW2
Autorzy:
Bielińska-Kowalewska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489591.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to outline the anti-nationalist stance of the young Polish communistintellectuals, later known as “revisionists”, between 1945 and 1956. It is analyzed in thecontext of the alliance of the communist power with the nationalist right and far right,and especially in the context of anti-Semitism. It seems that anti-nationalism played a veryimportant role in both the so-called “accession to Marxism” and the “abandonment ofMarxism” by these “revisionists” in the course of their ideological evolution as Polish “realsocialism” was revealing its nationalist face.Key words: Marxism, nationalism, anti-nationalism, anti-Semitism, Stalinism, Poland,communism, revisionism
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica; 2016, 17, 214
2081-3333
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sztuka w służbie imperium i narodu: casus bizantyjskich fresków w kaplicy Św. Trójcy na Zamku Lubelskim w świetle poglądów rosyjskich historyków (XIX –początek XX wieku)
Art in the Service of Empire and Nation: The Case of Byzantine Frescoes of The Holy Trinity Chapel in Lublin Castle Through the Lens of Russian Historians (19th ‒ Early 20th Century)
Autorzy:
Piccin, Matteo
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1787955.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-19
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
Kaplica Świętej Trójcy na Zamku Lubelskim
Królestwo Polskie
imperium rosyjskie
nacjonalizm rosyjski
starożytności
Holy Trinity Chapel in Lublin Castle
Kingdom of Poland
Russian Empire
russian nationalism
antiquities
Opis:
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest refleksja nad nacjonalizmem rosyjskim – jego znaczeniem i zasięgiem terytorialnym, realnym, a także wyobrażonym – w Królestwie Polskim na przełomie XIX i XX w. Jako case study autor wybrał znamienite bizantyjskie freski z początku XV w., które pokrywają wewnętrzne ściany kaplicy Świętej Trójcy na Zamku Lubelskim w Lublinie. Autor stawia sobie pytanie, czy Lublin, ze względu na obecność fresków szkoły ruskiej, odsłoniętych dopiero na początku XX w., był w rozumieniu rosyjskich nacjonalistów miastem o rodowodzie ruskim (rosyjskim) i miał w takim razie ulec rusyfikacji, której sąsiednia Chełmszczyzna doświadczała od co najmniej 30 lat. Gdzie więc była granica nacjonalizmu rosyjskiego? Lublin leżał na granicy z ziemią chełmską, a odkrycie malowideł mogło spowodować zasadniczą rewizję spojrzenia na to miasto jako miasto polskie. Znani intelektualiści polscy, a także rosyjscy archeologowie, historycy i badacze starożytności wzięli udział w debacie wokół pochodzenia fresków i ich genezy. I wojna światowa przerwała wszelkie projekty prac konserwatorskich, a wraz z nimi także próby dalszego odsłaniania „rosyjskości” Lublina.
The purpose of this article is to reflect on Russian nationalism ‒ its significance and territorial range, real and imagined ‒ in the Kingdom of Poland at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. As a case study, the author chose the renowned Byzantine frescoes from the early 15th century that cover the inner walls of the chapel of the Holy Trinity in the Lublin Castle. The author considers whether, due to the presence of Ruthenian frescoes, whose uncovering dates back to early 20th century, Russian nationalists understood Lublin as a “Russian” (Ruthenian) city, which would then need to undergo Russification (as had occurred in the neighbouring Chełm region for at least the previous 30 years). Where then was the border of Russian nationalism? Given Lublin’s location on the border with the Chełm land, the discovery of the paintings could have caused a radical reassessment in the perception of the city as Polish. Well-known Polish intellectuals, as well as Russian archaeologists historians and zealous seekers of antiquities took part in the debate about the origin of the frescoes and their attribution. The First World War interrupted all conservation projects, and with them any further attempt at unearthing Lublin’s “Russiannes”.
Źródło:
Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2021, 69, 2; 105-142
0035-7707
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Religion as a tool used in the process of radicalization: The case of controversial religious communities of the Catholic Church in Poland
Autorzy:
Bukowska, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/chapters/11181875.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-28
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
controversial religious communities
religious organizations
radicalization
nationalism
patriotism
Opis:
The article is a reflection on religion as a tool used in the process of radicalization on the example of controversial religious communities of the Catholic Church. It presents selected religious communities / organizations adopting military names, i.e. the so-called Fighters, Knights, Platoons, Troops or Soldiers. Members of these organizations, similarly to the army, are formed in the likeness of military units. In their activities, they refer to the rhetoric of war. They consider themselves “warriors” and their task is to defend the homeland and the nation against the “evil of the modern world.” They pray and share experiences among men. They also have a distinct patriotic, sometimes even nationalistic, trait.
Źródło:
The Virus of Radicalization; 227-246
9788366386334
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Popular Religion and Postsocialist Nostalgia Lichen´ as a Polysemic Pilgrimage Centre in Poland
Autorzy:
Sekerdej, Kinga
Pasieka, Agnieszka
Warat, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929441.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-02-05
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
Lichen
pilgrimage
popular religion
postsocialism
nostalgia
nationalism
Opis:
The paper discusses the intertwining of religious-national symbolism and socrealist aesthetics in a popular pilgrimage site in Poland: Lichen´. In the last decades of the 20th century, a local cult with a sanctuary devoted to the Virgin Mary has turned into a popular nation-wide pilgrimage site. It is argued that the popularity of Lichen´ derives from the familiarity it evokes, that the longing for the recent and familiar past is fulfilled by the, seemingly contradictory, combination of popular religion and the aesthetics characteristic for the People’s Republic of Poland. This is visible in the monuments, paintings, architecture, the cult of one man, as well as the language at the sanctuary. However, this particular poetics, rooted in recent history, is vitalized by modern technology and global trends, thus creating a successful and attractive pilgrimage destination.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2008, 160, 4; 431-444
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Poland? But which? Jewish Political Attitudes toward the Polish State in Formation during World War I
Autorzy:
Marcos, Silber,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/897540.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-24
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
WWI
Jewish Nationalism
Minority Rights
German occupation of Poland during WWI
Agudas Isroel
Bund
Zionism
Folkism
Opis:
What kind of country are we talking about when we speak of Poland from the perspective of the organized Jewish political leadership in Poland? What should the scope and characteristics of the new Polish state in their view be? What kind of relations should Poland have with neighbouring states, as well as within, among its various populations and societies? The paper explores the changing answers given by different political Jewish leadership in a period of liminality – the interval between two stages and two distinct situations: the imperial order (Austrian and Russian) and the Polish national state. It examines Galicia and the Congress Poland from 1914 to 1918 when the territory was disputed among different empires and nations and its fate was far from clear. The article claims that the different visions of Poland presented by the Jewish leadership were grounded in two assumptions. The first was that the Jews as an integral part of society were legitimately entitled to express their own vision of the future state, the second – that the Jews, as an integral part of society, were entitled to equality on all levels of social life. That is the reason, the article claims, behind the demands for a fair distribution of the state’s resources regardless the mother tongue, religion, or ethno-national identification. The efforts the leaders of the Polish Jewry made to include the Jews as a minority group equal to others in the Polish state took place in the framework of the ethno-national ethos as the constitutive principle of state-building. The changing political circumstances and the growing hegemonic discourse based on the nation and nationality brought, claims the article, to the raising of a new Jewish national leadership during World War I. This leadership became convinced that, in the light of the discriminatory policies and growing anti-Jewish violence, only a mechanism of minority rights could guarantee Jewish existence in Poland.
Źródło:
Przegląd Humanistyczny; 2019, 63(1 (464)); 39-64
0033-2194
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Humanistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Patriotyzm wyzwaniem dla Kościoła w Polsce. Na marginesie dokumentu pt. Chrześcijański kształt patriotyzmu
Patriotism as a Challange for the Church in Poland. Comments on the Document Chrześcijański kształt patriotyzmu [the Shape of Catholic Patriotism]
Autorzy:
Fiałkowski, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2036738.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
patriotyzm
ojczyzna
nacjonalizm
wychowanie do patriotyzmu
chrześcijańskie rozumienie patriotyzmu
Kościół wobec patriotyzmu
patriotism
homeland
nationalism
patriotic education
Christian patriotism
Church and patriotism
Opis:
W Polsce da się obecnie zauważyć ożywienie postaw patriotycznych i poczucia świadomości narodowej, które stanowi wzywanie dla rozmaitych instytucji społecznych, w tym także dla Kościoła katolickiego. Opublikowany w 2017 r. dokument Konferencji Episkopatu Polski Chrześcijański kształt patriotyzmu, przygotowany przez Radę do spraw Społecznych można potraktować jako odpowiedź Kościoła na wspomniane zjawisko. Artykuł podejmuje próbę ukazania patriotyzmu jako wyzwania dla Kościoła w Polsce w świetle wspomnianego dokumentu. W tym celu ukazuje najpierw chrześcijańskie rozumienie patriotyzmu, następnie omawia wychowanie do patriotyzmu, zwracając szczególną uwagę na instytucje odpowiedzialne za to wychowanie. Na zakończenie prezentuje najważniejsze wyzwania i trudności, jakie rodzą się w wyniku swoistego odradzania się polskiego patriotyzmu.
A revival of patriotic attitudes and national superiority can be observed in Poland nowadays, which poses a challenge for various social institutions, also for the Catholic Church. A document published in 2017 by the Polish Bishops’ Conference, titled Chrześcijański kształt patriotyzmu (The shape of Catholic patriotism), prepared by the Social Council, may be treated as the Church’s response to the new phenomenon. The article attempts to present patriotism as a challenge for the Church in Poland in the light of the abovementioned document. It offers an insight into a Christian understanding of patriotism, discusses patriotic education and draws attention to institutions responsible for such education. Finally, it points towards major challenges and difficulties that arise in the context of patriotic revival.
Źródło:
Roczniki Teologiczne; 2018, 65, 6; 95-110
2353-7272
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Teologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obraz mniejszości żydowskiej na łamach „Gazety Piotrkowskiej” (1921-1923)
The Image of the Jewish Minority in Weekly “Gazeta Piotrkowska” (1921-1923)
Autorzy:
Warzocha, Daniel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2117437.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Akademia Zamojska
Tematy:
press
local press
political press
National Democracy (Poland)
nationalism
anti-Semitism
prasa
prasa lokalna
prasa polityczna
Narodowa Demokracja
nacjonalizm
antysemityzm
Piotrków Trybunalski
Opis:
Tygodnik „Gazeta Piotrkowska” ukazywał się w Piotrkowie Trybunalskim w latach 1921-1923. Reprezentował poglądy Związku Ludowo-Narodowego (Narodowej Demokracji). Dużo uwagi poświęcono sprawom żydowskim. Pismo uważało, że Żydzi krzywdzą Polskę. Podkreślano żydowskie pochodzenie działaczy komunistycznych. Żydom przypisywano najgorsze cechy. Porównywano ich do pasożyta żerującego na innych narodach. Jednocześnie podkreślano ich zamiłowanie do pieniędzy, najczęściej rzekomo uzyskiwanych nieuczciwie. Nie była to już wieloletnia niechęć do religii żydowskiej (antyjudaizm), ale myślenie czysto rasistowskie, zgodnie z którym asymilacja była niemożliwa, zmiana wyznania bez znaczenia, a „krew żydowska” miała infekować „krew aryjską”. Ruch komunistyczny i rewolucję bolszewicką w Rosji utożsamiano z Żydami, posuwając się nawet do absurdalnego stwierdzenia, że „bolszewizm i judaizm to jedno”. „Gazeta Piotrkowska” wykorzystywała także popularne wówczas antysemickie falsyfikaty. Przypominano żydowskie pochodzenie przeciwników politycznych Narodowej Demokracji. Nie wspominano o Żydach, którzy walczyli o niepodległą Polskę (w I wojnie światowej i wojnie polsko-radzieckiej). A przecież mieszkali też w Piotrkowie. Antysemicka propaganda „Gazety Piotrkowskiej” nie przyniosła oczekiwanego efektu. Od 1 września 1923 r. tygodnik przestał się ukazywać „z powodu przejściowych trudności finansowych”.
The weekly “Gazeta Piotrkowska” was published in Piotrków Trybunalski in the years 1921-1923. It presented the opinions of the People’s National Union (National Democracy). Much attention was paid to Jewish matters. The journal considered that Jews were harming Poland. The Jewish origin of communist activists was emphasized. The worst traits were attributed to the Jews. They have been compared to a parasite that feeds on other nations. At the same time, their love of money, most often allegedly obtained dishonestly, was emphasized. It was no longer a long-standing aversion to the Jewish religion (anti-Judaism), but purely racist thinking, according to which assimilation was impossible, change of religion meaningless, and “Jewish blood” was supposed to infect “Aryan blood”. The communist movement and the Bolshevik revolution in Russia were identified with the Jews, going so far as to say that “Bolshevism and Judaism are one thing”. “Gazeta Piotrkowska” also used anti-Semitic fakes that were popular at the time. The Jewish origins of the political opponents of the National Democracy were recalled. The Jews who fought for independent Poland (in World War I and the war between Poland and Soviet Russia) were not mentioned. And yet they also lived in Piotrków. The anti-Semitic propaganda of “Gazeta Piotrkowska” did not have the expected effect. From September 1, 1923, the weekly ceased to be published “due to temporary financial difficulties.”
Źródło:
Facta Simonidis; 2021, 14, 1; 283-311
1899-3109
Pojawia się w:
Facta Simonidis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
OBLICZA WSPÓŁCZESNEGO UKRAIŃSKIEGO NACJONALIZMU I JEGO WPŁYW NA BEZPIECZEŃSTWO POLSKI I MNIEJSZOŚCI POLSKIEJ NA UKRAINIE
The Contemporary Ukrainian Nationalism and Its Impact on the Security of Poland and the Polish Minority in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Siudak, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/483774.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-05-30
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu i Przedsiębiorczości w Ostrowcu Świętokrzyskim
Tematy:
nacjonalizm
Prawy Sektor
konflikt ukraiński
bezpieczeństwo Polski
nationalism
the Right Sector
the Ukrainian crisis
national security of Poland
Opis:
Niniejsze opracowanie ma na celu przedstawienie problemu tzw. odradzającego się ukraińskiego nacjonalizmu, utożsamianego głównie z ukraińskim ugrupowaniem opozycyjnym a następnie partią polityczną – Prawym Sektorem. Na podstawie analizy dokumentów programowych, publicystyki i działalności ugrupowania, a także aktywności innych organizacji prawicowych (czy też narodowościowych) Autor ma zamiar scharakteryzować możliwości oddziaływania tego zjawiska na bezpieczeństwo narodowe Polski oraz Polaków – w kraju i na Ukrainie.
This study is to present the so-called problem of the revival of the Ukrainian nationalism, mostly associated with the Ukrainian opposition group and political party – the Right Sector. On the basis on the analysis of documents, journalism and the group’s activity, as well as the activity of other right-wing organizations (or nationalistic organizations) the author intends to describe the impact of this phenomenon on the national security of Poland and Polish citizens - in Poland and Ukraine.
Źródło:
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem; 2016, 1(6) Kryzys ukraiński i jego znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego: aspekty militarno-polityczne; 109-118
2353-6306
Pojawia się w:
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O cywilizacyjny awans Polski Roman Dmowski wobec idei modernizacji Polski 1918–1939
For a civilizational development of Poland. Roman Dmowski in the face of the idea of modernization of Poland 1918–1939
Autorzy:
Kapica, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519383.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
modernization of Polish
Polish nationalism
nationalist political thought
Opis:
The Roman Dmowski’s propositions of modernization of interwar Poland (1918–1939) can not be considered in terms of theories of modernization created after 1945 as a coherent, logic systems. For Dmowski the modern (modernized) Poland would be a „efficient” state with capitalist economy, free market and the respect for private property, with reduced social legislation, with developed industry and agriculture, with a strong middle class, with restricted bureaucratic machine; a national state with restricting the rights of national minorities, with low number of Jews, with the limiting the powers of the legislature and a strong executive, with association polishness with catholicism and strong emphasis on the presence of catholic religion in social life. Some ideas of Dmowski were not bad (e.g. save money and reduction of excessively developed bureaucratic machine, the development of industry and agriculture, the fight against speculation), however, the proposals were often too vague or unclear or were remarkably oriented to the free market and for this reason had no chance of implementation and popularity in the atmosphere of the 20s and 30s in interwar Poland (e.g. proposal of reduction excessively developed social legislation), some of proposals were expressly anti-Semitic. Similarly, in the area of the Polish political system and political life Dmowski offered „positive” solutions (recovery and moralisation of Polish political life, raising the niveau of political culture of the Polish political elites and Polish society, strengthening of executive power) and „negative” proposals (association polishness with catholicism and his instrumental use, desire to make Poland a national state, desire to move away from the rule of parliamentary, postulate of removing the excess of the Jewish population in Poland). The least controversial were proposals in the sphere of social and mental modernization of the Polish society (attachment to the rule of law, the cultural and civilizational raising of lower strata and classes, care for a family – according to Dmowski important institution for society, increasing hard work / diligence of the Polish population, learning of positive competition or skills competition, development of the awareness of the Polish population concerning social and economic problems, emphasis on its own – Polish creativity). It is impossible unambiguously assess all Dmowski’s proposals of Poland’s modernization – they were characterized by – similar to entire creative achievements of Dmowski – some „duality” – controversional ideas were mixed with interesting concepts, sometimes original.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2013, 10(17); 9-43
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
New Urban Middle Class and National Identity in Poland
Autorzy:
Galent, Marcin
Kubicki, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929961.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-10-01
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
social identity
nationalism
urban culture
multiculturalism
social change
Opis:
This article discusses the question of the emergence of new forms of collective identities brought about by the recent social and cultural changes and their influence on Polish national identity. Specifically, it attempts to analyse those evolutionary changes which have been transforming the character of this identity from an exclusive, ethnic model towards a pluralistic, civic one. The article aims to show that the most significant agent of these processes is a new urban middle class whose growing role in the Polish society challenges traditional national discourses. The article advances a thesis that we are witnessing an emergence of a new platform of identification which significantly blurs the overwhelming contours of traditional national identity and instead strengthens on the one hand local identification and on the other, a cosmopolitan one.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2012, 179, 3; 385-400
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nacjonalistyczne koncepcje wychowania we współczesnej myśli narodowo-radykalnej
Nationalist Concepts of Upbringing in Contemporary Radical National Thought
Autorzy:
Figiel, Dominik
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/459882.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
nationalism
nation, nationality upbringing
national – radicalism
National Rebith of Poland
catholic traditionalism
Szczerbiec
Third Way
national movement
Opis:
National upbringing is concentrated around 20th century national concepts and often adopts radical approaches. Nationalism, which in its essence is an ideological movement, today is perceived in a very negative way: by putting people at its forefront, it emphasizes their autonomy. Polish nationalism is grounded in religion, more specifically, in Christianity with its traditionalist foundation. Today, Polish nationalism, as a national movement, balances between the national and the radical. One of its most established national formations is the National Rebirth of Poland, which presents its views, including national upbringing, in the journal "Szczerbiec". Its postulates are based on the Third Way theory. In this paper, I focus on the 20th century concepts of national education and the reception of those concepts in the contemporary national movement. My main aim is to present contemporary views about the formation of national education which does not identify itself with notions such as racism, anti-Semitism or ethnical, racial or national hatred. I also present nationalism as an idea, an ideology aimed at unification, preservation of tradition and the development of an individual, rather than the pursuit of alienation and the reinforcement of antagonistic attitudes leading to hatred. Nationalism traditionally carries a negative connotation associated with Nazi and fascist ideologies. However, nowadays it adopts a very different attitude: it advocates social movement and cultural exchange of experience, and thusis now called by some the "last bastion of hope". Therefore, it becomes necessary to cast new positive light on nationalism and its aspirations, and refrain from perceiving it as a destructive movement.
Źródło:
Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk; 2012, 2
2084-1426
Pojawia się w:
Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 26

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