Wszystkie pola: crime/delinquency - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Ocena rządowego projektu ustawy o ochronie danych osobowych przetwarzanych w związku z zapobieganiem i zwalczaniem przestępczości (druk sejmowy nr 2989) w świetle dyrektywy Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) 2016/680
Assessment of the governmental Bill on the Protection of Personal Data Processed in Relation to the Prevention of and Fighting Crime (Sejm’s Paper no. 2989) in the light of the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council (EU) 2016/680
Autorzy:: Jaroszyński, Tomasz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2211954.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Kancelaria Sejmu. Biuro Analiz Sejmowych
Tematy:: personal data protection
bill
crime/delinquency
European Union
Opis:: The bill does not contain proposals of provisions extending the subject of the act implementing the European Union law or beyond the framework of the Directive 2016/680. The bill includes proposals for provisions that may be considered incompatible with the European Union law or that incompletely implement acts of this law. In this regard, it would be required to improve the bill during further legislative proceedings.
Źródło:: Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS; 2018, 4(60); 87-94
1896-9852
2082-064X
Pojawia się w:: Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Międzywojenna polska debata kryminologiczna-poszukiwanie społecznych przyczyn przestępczości i sposobów jej zwalczania
Criminological debate in interwar Poland. Search for social causes of crime and measures of fight with crime
Autorzy:: Rodak, Mateusz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698490.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2009
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość w II Rzeczpospolitej
zapobieganie przestępczości
historia kryminologii
history of crime and delinquency
crime prevention
Opis:: This article is an attempt of a summary of the debate, pending in Poland in the interwar period, on the issues related to the etiology and methods of preventing and / or controlling crime. Analyzing these two highly interrelated and interdependent problems, the author decided to take into consideration the clear-cut division in criminology prevailing in the interwar period and to reflect it in the structure of the article. Thus, the text is divided into two parts. The first part discusses the causes of crime, the second the criminal policy. However, the text is not an analysis of all the causes of crime. The author focuses on discussion of the interwar views on the social causes of crime held by persons or institutions related, on various different levels, to criminology. Accordingly, the section on criminal policy includes response to crimes being, at least in theory, a result of social causes. The autor of the article faced the problem to attempt to collect and present ideas on social causes and method of preventing and / or combating crime published in the interwar period. The study covers articles and books, in which the above-mentioned problems have been discussed both by scientists (criminologists, lawyers, doctors, psychologists, and sociologists) and laymen (journalists, publicists, community workers, and politicians). In this text, the attempts to analyze the opinions expressed by the latter of the aforementioned groups is a significantly new thing. The views of people not directly related to the academic community at that time were rarely taken into the consideration while discussing criminological theoretical considerations of the interwar period. The point of departure of this text is assumption of the thesis that in the interwar debate on the broad issue of crime, the views which favoured social factors in generating crime were significantly dominant. It should be recalled that on the other side of the dispute there remained a theory of special importance of so-called endogenous factors. It was argued that the specific psycho - physical construction of a man makes him predisposed to become a criminal. This was an aftermath of a C. Lombroso’s theory, already modified in the interwar period. It should be noted that his theory in Poland was not received unquestioningly. However, the dispute between supporters of exogenous and endogenous factors took place in interwar Poland. A strong trend was a school trying to combine the two trends, taking into account the reasons of both parties as typically they did not exclude. This should be regarded as a unique achievement of the Polish criminology of the interwar period.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2009, XXXI; 101-145
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Cross-border: juvenile delinquency and crime a paradoxical nexus for social transformation
Autorzy:: Ogbonnaya, Dickson
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933339.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-06-30
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: Cross-border
Juvenile delinquents
Crime
and Social transformation
Opis:: Talented youths such as students, professionals, information technology experts, entrepreneurs, cultural workers, and others are now more internationally mobile in the world economy as a delinquent response to new opportunities (and risks) that are offered by globalization. This trend has been reinforced by the greater information flow on economic opportunities and life-styles in different cities and countries across the globe and by lower transportation costs. The burden of this paper is a critical examination of the various dimensions of delinquent international mobility of human capital and its developmental implications on source nations (often developing countries), recipient nations (often rich countries), and on international crime and development. The work is also interested in empirical solution to risk factors against youthful talents and possibilities as imperatives for social mobilization and transformation in a globalized world. The theoretical model for this work shall connect neo-Marxist critical perspective and comparative advantage theory viewed in the light of parsonnian social order model. Finally, the paper will critique social transformation problematic associated with youthful talents not developed and mobilized. Through resourceful literature and empirical models as stated earlier, the possible solutions will emerge. My expectation is to highlight the need for an adequate and cooperative policy response that balances the human resource needs of the source countries and of the receiving countries considering the fact that ethical standards for recruitment and compensation schemes are possible tools to deal with this phenomenon.
Źródło:: Reality of Politics; 2021, 16; 78-92
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:: Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Children and Young Persons as Offenders and Victims of Offences and Crime Prevention at School in the Slovak Republic
Autorzy:: Emmerová, Ingrid
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26176329.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013-06-30
Wydawca:: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:: delinquency and crime
offences committed by juveniles
crime statistics
prevention
social pedagogue at school
Opis:: The article deals with the problem of juvenile delinquency and crime as well as with the problem of crime against juveniles. The author presents official statistics since 2006, on the numbers of offences committed by juveniles in the Slovak Republic, as well as on the numbers of convicted young persons serving their sentence and the term of their sentence. It also gives details of crime against juveniles in the Slovak Republic. The article is an interim output of the project VEGA No. 1/0168/12 Professionalization of Prevention of Socio-pathological Behaviour in School in the SR from the aspect of the profession of social pedagogue – the current state, problems and comparison with foreign countries.
Źródło:: The New Educational Review; 2013, 32; 119-130
1732-6729
Pojawia się w:: The New Educational Review
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: VÝCHOVA A PREVENCIA MLADISTVÝCH VO VZŤAHU KU KRIMINALITE A ICH VÝZNAM
Autorzy:: Renáta, Ďurkechová,
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/891712.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018-08-21
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:: Crime
juvenile delinquency
teen
youth
social deviance
education
prevention
legal awareness
Opis:: Seminar work titled Education and prevention of juvenile crime in relation to its importance and analyzes the current situation of this issue with respect to both domestic and foreign literature. Seminar paper defines the various fundamental concepts such as crime, juvenile delinquency and the concept of socio-ethical, criminal law and sociology. It deals with the resolution of label youth, juvenile, child of criminal and sociological perspective. Finally, it highlights the importance of education and the prevention of juvenile crime in relation to the level of legal awareness to adolescents.
Źródło:: Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2014, 15; 63-79
2299-4033
Pojawia się w:: Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Juvenile delinquency rates in Ukraine in 2016–2017
Autorzy:: I, Minchenko, Serhii
V, Shcherbakova, Hanna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/891556.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-10-07
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:: juvenile delinquency
crime in Ukraine
juvenile
crime determinants
counteracting crime
Opis:: The article presents current tendencies related to juvenile delinquency in Ukraine based on data from the 2016–2017 period. Quantitative juvenile delinquency indices differ substantially from quantitative adult crime indices. This is primarily caused by the fact that the former apply to a four-year period (14–18 years of age), while the latter apply to the period after reaching the age of majority. Differences between juvenile and adult crime also manifest in the form of e.g. the nature and degree of social harm inflicted by the crimes, which is determined by the age of the perpetrators. Their age is not only related to the socio-psychological profiles of offenders, but also their position in society (which is why juvenile delinquency does not encompass e.g. economic crimes, professional offences etc.). The article presents the fundamental determinants of juvenile delinquency, based on the premise that a thorough analysis of crimes committed by persons under 18 years of age is necessary to effectively combat the phenomenon in Ukraine. The article also identifies the major methods currently used to prevent and counteract this type of crimes.
Źródło:: Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2019, 34; 96-104
2299-4033
Pojawia się w:: Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: "Kryminalne" aspekty przestępczości podatkowej
Criminal aspects of tax delinquency
Autorzy:: Wilk, Leszek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698482.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2009
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość podatkowa
polityka kryminalna
tax delinquency
crime prevention
Opis:: There is a common opinion that fiscal offence has no criminal character but is merely an administrative offence and consists only of petty deeds of little social noxiousness. This opinion is not accurate with regard to basic types of tax crimes which very often are varieties of common frauds or forgery that may seriously endanger financial transactions of a country or local government. They are characterised by the fact that the tax procedures and legal structures are faked or falsely initiated and employed to commit or de facto to camouflage offences of criminal character. One example could be tax fraud involving simulation of a series of transactions which have no real economic of commercial significance and serve to fake alleged tax obligations and to initiate the procedure of VAT and ultimately to obtain from the Treasury substantial amounts of unjust VAT refunds under false pretences. These are in fact ordinary criminal offenses committed with the use of tax refund procedures. Possibility of moving VAT free goods between countries of the European Union with the lack of adequate monitoring mechanisms in the Member States resulted in a dangerous increase in the number of organized frauds, which are simply regarded as a mechanism “embedded” in the EU VAT system. They are referred to as tax carousels or carousel frauds. Tax law, its mechanisms, and its procedures are sometimes used not only for this type of criminal extortion of property from the tax authorities but also as for a so-called money laundering and legalization of illegal incomes. Generally, tax offences shows more and more close links with strictly criminal offences, it is becoming more and more organised, professionalism of the perpetrators is increasing, and even a growth in brutalization of such crimes can observed. This should change a traditional approach to tax crime.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2009, XXXI; 209-221
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Sytuacyjne zapobieganie przestępczości
Situational Crime Prevention
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699050.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1994
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: zapobieganie przestępczości
przestępczość
kryminologia
przestępca
crime prevention
delinquency
criminology
offender
Opis:: Disappointment in crime prevention based on the etiological approach led to a closer analysis of the circumstances of the offence, its physical conditions, and the resulting motivations of the offender. Whatever his inborn or socially acquired criminal predispositions, object and opportunity are necessary for an offence to take place. Advocates of the situational approach in criminology argue that a potential offender generally does not act on an impulse: instead, he more or less consciously analyses the situation and decides to commit the offence at a given time and place and against a given target. This is the basic assumption of situational crime prevention. Situational crime prevention resolves itself into reduction or liquidation of the physical opportunity to commit an offence, and extension of the probability of apprehension of the offender. This can be done in three different ways. First, the guard over the target can be extended or intensified, or the potential offender can be made to believe that, while dwelling in a given place, he is under incessant surveillance by the police or other competent persons, or by the inhabitants or users of a given object or area. Second, the target can be made less open to crime: special circumstances make it less easily accessible (or completely inaccessible), and theft can no longer yield the expected profit to the offender. This procedure is called target hardening. Third, various organizational steps can be taken that change the environment of crime: new ciercumstances arise and situation in which an offence might take place is changed. The above three methods of situational crime prevention have different efficiency. Their actual efficiency depends on a variety of factors related to the methodology of the crime prevention program and to cultural conditions. As regards programs basied on increased surveillance, the most efficient are those which involve the local population who are allowed both passively to watch over their area of residence, and actively to participate in its protection. What is considered a particulary effective method of situational crime prevention is target hardening where access to the target is made difficult through a variety of physical obstacles. Not as obvious is the efficiency of another target hardening measure where valuable objects are marked so as to make it difficult for the offender to gain by his theft and to increase the probability of his apprehension. Such measures, called operation identification, prove highly efficient in some countries but are next to ineffective in others. Thee ffects here depend largely on the efficiency of the police. Whith a low detection rate of thefts, the marking of objects cannot possibly yield the expected results. It has been found in studies of offenders’ processes of deciding that their decision to commit an offencis based on the factors that condition, first, the physical opportunity (access to the object) nad second, the offender’s safety. The idea of situational crime prevention has many followers who stress the relative easiness of the application of the suggested methods and their efficiency. The opponents argue that,while it many perhaps contribute to preventing definite offences at a definite time and place, situational crime prevention does not actually prevent crime. What it leads to is displacement of crime. The offence is committed anyway but perhaps in another time or place, by other means, or against another target. Despite all the reservations concerning displacement of crime, it msot be stated that situational crime prevention often proves effective; what is more, it requires neither prolonged programs nor entangled methods of manipulating society. Admittedly the offender is not reformed; yet a definite offence is not committed in a definite place, and the target remains safe. This makes situational prevention as important an element of crime prevention programs as the generally recognized social methods.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 7-20
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Biologiczne inhibitory przestępczości
Biological Crime Inhibitors
Autorzy:: Mościskier, Andrzej
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698856.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość
socjobiologia
genetyka
genetyczne uwarunkowania przestępczości
delinquency
genetic determinants of crime
sociobiology
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 155-167
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Integracja-marginalizacja-kryminalizacja, czyli o przestępczości cudzoziemców w Polsce
Integration-marginalisation-criminalisation; delinquency of foreigners in Poland
Autorzy:: Klaus, Witold
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698961.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2010
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: migracje
przestępczość cudzoziemców
wiktymizacja cudzoziemców
kryminologia kulturowa
migrants and crime
cultural defence
refugees and delinquency
Opis:: 21st century is said to be the century of migration. Owing to the newest technologies people migrate easier and quicker. They also decide to change their place of residence more often – now not only within their countries but also outside it. Greater European integration and resulting increased facility in travelling within the EU facilitate this process. Yet, the most important cause of migration is the drive to improve living conditions. This is the main reason why foreigners from across the globe come to Europe – better life for them and their families. At present in the old EU countries migrants already constitute ten percent of society or even considerably more (according to UN data 14.1% in Spain, 13.1% in Germany, 10.7% in France, 10.4% in the UK), while in Poland this percentage is only 2.2% (although according to more credible OECD data, in 2008 it was as little as 0.2%). The number of foreigners legally residing in Poland permanently in 2009 was 92,500 (Office for Foreigners data), and the number of foreigners legally working in the country was almost 175,000 (Ministry of Labour and Social Policy data). One should also take into account a considerable number of foreigners residing in Poland illegally, estimated by researchers to be between 50 and 450 thousand. Moreover, the Border Guard data show an increase in the number of visitors to Poland – in 2009 7,2 million foreigners crossed Polish borders (which is a 5% increase compared to 2008). However, there are also threats related to migrations and they are of interest to sociologists and criminologists. Foreigners often remain on the margin of society and, as it happens in all marginalised social groups, some of them can turn to crime. Criminal activity of foreigners can be diverse, majority of it being common crimes committed against other foreigners. Organised crime crossing national borders is also a problem, particularly its most dangerous variety, human trafficking. Migrations involve also a clash of cultures which can lead to many previously unknown crimes (like e.g. honour murders, juvenile marriages, or reappearance of vendetta murders). Foreigners as “aliens” in the society often evoke fears, one of them being fear of serious crime – 2008 opinion poll by CBOS indicated that over 90% of Poles are afraid of such treat from foreigners. Yet fear of immigrants has much more in common with unrest and social instability brought by immigrant to the lives of residents than with actual risk of crime. It is worth to recall that one of first criminological studies carried out already in 1920s by Clifford Shaw indicated that crime is related to environment people live in, not to their race or nationality. Looking at the statistics, one may have an impression that [in Poland] there is no problem with foreign delinquency. Suspected foreigners in the peak moment in 2001 constituted 1.3% of all offenders and in 2008 only 0.41%.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 81-155
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Demoralizacja i czyny karalne wśród nieletnich – dynamika i rozmiary
Demoralization and Juvenile Delinquency – the Dynamics and Dimensions
Autorzy:: Noszczyk-Bernasiewicz, Monika
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371533.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016-12-13
Wydawca:: Fundacja Pedagogium
Tematy:: demoralizacja
przestępczość nieletnich
dynamika i rozmiary przestępczości
demoralization
juvenile delinquency
the dynamics and dimensions of crime
Opis:: This paper provides data concerning the dimensions, dynamics and structure of demoralization as well as criminal acts committed by minors over the period 2000–2014 in Poland. The presented results of analyses are the Author’s own elaboration of the data from the Statistics Department of the Ministry of Justice in Warsaw. The statistical data presented herein show the decreasing number of juvenile delinquents from 25,667 to 16,388 juveniles (i.e. by 36.1%) and an increase in demoralization issues from 8,878 to 15,524, i.e. by 74.9% in the years 2000–2014. It can be said that the number of offenses committed in society by juveniles tends to be going down, but this decrease is inadequately low when compared to the reducing number of individuals in this age group. Over the period 2000–2014 the total number of 13–17-year old teenagers decreased by as much as 40%.
W artykule zaprezentowano dane dotyczące rozmiarów, dynamiki oraz struktury demoralizacji i czynów karalnych popełnionych przez nieletnich w latach 2000–2014 w Polsce. Prezentowane wyniki analiz są opracowaniem własnym danych Departamentu Statystyki Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości w Warszawie. Prezentowane dane statystyczne pokazują spadek liczby nieletnich przestępców z 25 667 do 16 388 sprawców czynów karalnych (tj. o 36,1%) oraz wzrost w zakresie demoralizacji z 8 878 do 15 524, tj. o 74,9% w latach 2000–2014. Można stwierdzić, że liczba czynów karalnych popełnianych w społeczeństwie przez nieletnich ma tendencję spadkową, ale spadek ten jest nieadekwatny do obniżenia się populacji tej kategorii wiekowej. W okresie 2000–2014 ogólna liczba osób w wieku 13–17 lat spadła aż o 40%.
Źródło:: Resocjalizacja Polska; 2016, 11; 145-162
2081-3767
2392-2656
Pojawia się w:: Resocjalizacja Polska
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: Konsumpcja a przestępczość nieletnich
Consumption and juvenile delinquency
Autorzy:: Szafrańska, Elżbieta
Szafrański, Jerzy
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/452349.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
Tematy:: consumption
juvenile
crime
threats
victim
konsumpcja
nieletni
przestępczość
zagrożenia
ofiara
Opis:: Juvenile delinquency is a serious social problem. For a long time experts in diff erent areas (law, criminology, sociology, psychology, medicine) have been trying to fi nd solutions that would reduce juveniles’ involvement in criminal activity and various social pathologies which accompany crime. Unfortunately, they have been rarely successful. Th is publication is a criminological and victim logical discussion of juvenile delinquency in the context of satisfying needs, both material and non-material ones. A situation where a person’s needs have not been satisfi ed as desired poses a considerable threat to the individual. Human organism may develop various psychosomatic health disorders which lead to very serious diseases or even death. Being unable to satisfy their needs, particularly material ones, in a legal way, juveniles turn to crime. Research shows that juveniles’ eff orts to fulfi ll their needs may result in their victimization by both young and adult off enders.
Zjawisko przestępczości wśród nieletnich jest poważnym problemem społecznym od wielu lat. Naukowcy różnych dziedzin (prawa, kryminologii, socjologii, psychologii, medycyny) próbują znaleźć rozwiązania, które spowodują ograniczenie udziału nieletnich w zachowaniach przestępczych oraz związanych z nimi innymi zjawiskami patologicznymi. Niestety, udaje im się to tylko w niewielkim stopniu. W niniejszej publikacji, autorzy podjęli rozważania kryminologiczne i wiktymologiczne, dotyczące zjawiska przestępczości nieletnich w kontekście zaspokajania potrzeb zarówno materialnych, jaki niematerialnych. Sytuacja, w której potrzeby jednostki nie zostaną zaspokojone zgodnie z jej wymaganiami, rodzi dla niej poważne zagrożenia. Organizm ludzki narażony jest na zaburzenia psychosomatyczne, prowadzące do bardzo poważnych chorób, a nawet śmierci. Nieletni, często nie mając możliwości zaspokajania potrzeb w sposób legalny, w szczególności potrzeb materialnych, wchodzą na drogę przestępczą. Badania naukowe dowodzą, że działania podejmowane przez nieletnich w celu zaspokajania potrzeb powodują, że mogą stać się ofi arą przestępstwa, zarówno ze strony rówieśników, jak i dorosłych.
Źródło:: Journal of Modern Science; 2015, 25, 2; 11-31
1734-2031
Pojawia się w:: Journal of Modern Science
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:: Dezorganizacja społeczna a przestępczość
Social disorganization and crime
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699249.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1988
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: dezorganizacja społeczna
przestępstwo
przestępczość
rodzina
kontrola społeczna
gang
dewiacja
podkultura młodzieżowa
przestępstwo przeciwko życiu
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
zachowanie
social disorganization
crime
delinquency
family
social control
deviation
youth subculture
crime against life
social maladjustment
behaviour
Opis:: The notion of social disorganization, rather seldom used in sociology today, used to have a broad application in the American sociology of the 1920-1940s, in particular in the analysis of effects of such social processes as mass migrations, urbanization and industralization. The term of social disorganization was given to the negative effects of social changes related to these processes. Presently, this term is sometimes used in the analysis of the contemporary highly developed societes when discussing the stability of their cultural systems and the functioning of their basic social institutions. There are also in sociology many definitions of social disorganization; generally, it may be defined as the state of a disturbed social balance resulting from a social change first and foremost. What is the value of this term for a criminologist? Irrespective of the type of definition of social disorganization applied, one of its basic determinants is considered to be crime both as a mass phenomenon and as an individual act. Therefore this term is used in sociology since a long time to designate social phenomena that are rather varied for that matter. Traditionally, the term "social disorganization’’ meant in criminology social situation f und in the so-called delinquency areas which emerged in the period of vehement development of American cities as a result of mass migrations in search of livelihood. In traditional handbooks of criminology, a generalization of experimental findings concerning the processes that take place in delinquency areas is usually called the theory of social disorganization. Not long ago, a work by R. Kornhauser was published which is an attempt at a new approach to the development of the sociological theory of crime. In the work, two basic analytic models of investigation of crime conditions are distinguished. One of them is the model of social disorganization interpreted as a relative lack of a formulated system of values in a given culture and as a disturbed relationship between culture and the social structure. Two theoretical approaches can be distinguished here which are derived from the notion of social disorganization. They are: the model of social control and the model of strain. According to the first of them, disorganization results in the weakening of social control which manifests itself in disturbances either of the process of socialization or of the functioning of the basic social institutions, being thus conductive to the emergence of a delinquent or otherwise deviant behaviour. Acording to the second of the above-mantioned approaches, social disorganization brings about the rise of pressure towards delinquent behaviour, the strain resulting from the divergence between the socially formed aspirations and the expectations as to their realization. According to the authors of this classification, the main representatives of the social control trend are Thrasher as well as Shaw and McKay, and of the strain one-Merton, Cohen who derived his theoretical discussion from Merton's conception of anomy, and Cloward and Ohlin. The notion of social disorganization is also referred to in works of other theoreticians of criminology, such as for instance Sutherland and Sellin. They both refer to the results of the societies's cultural differentiation, that of the structure of norms in particular. Cultural diffrentiation, which is one of the effects of social disorganization, may sometimes - in extreme cases – assume the form of a conflict of cultures, i.e. of a state of fundamental conflict between the systems of norms and values of the separate social groups. Social disorganization cannot be treated as an explicitly defined and measurable social phenomenon. Instead, we can measure some situational determinants of disorganization which can be applied in studies of such social processes as migrations, vehement urbanization, rapid industrial development of regions with no industrial traditions, socio-economic crises, etc., on the one hand, and in studies of a disturbed functioning of social institutions that are particularly important for the society (the family in particular) on the other hand. In Poland, there is quite a rich tradition of investigating some aspects of social disorganization, as for instance studies of the effect urbanization and industrialization have on crime, of the symptoms of disorganization in urban environment, and above all of various aspects of family disorganization and their connection with delinquency. The notion of social disorganization, though susceptible of various interpretations, nevertheless seems useful in criminology as it makes it possible to combine into a syndrome the various traits of certain social situations that are conductive to delinquent behaviour.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1988, XV; 9-32
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępczość na terenie Warszawy. Analiza ekologiczna
Delinquency in the Warsaw Area. Ecological Analysis
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699288.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1976
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: nieprzystosowanie społeczne
przestępczość
Warszawa
patologia społeczna
klasy społeczne
social maladjustment
crime
Warsaw
social pathology
social classes
Opis:: This work is devoted to an analysis of the territorial differentiation of crime and delinquency in Warsaw and the establishment of the factors, conditioning it from the socio-economic and demographic point of view. The various Polish studies on the problem of delinquency in a big city milieu (differing substantially from one another, regarding the range of the phenomenon studied as well as the research methods used) point to the differentiation of the terrain of the big cities, subjected to studies, as to the degree of intensification of delinquency. One often comes across opinions that Warsaw, because of its war and post-war history, is not a typical city, where there could exist conditions for an unhampered influence of general ecological laws. During the Second World War Warsaw was utterly destroyed and efforts were made, when the city was being rebuilt, so that the various regions of the city would be uniform from the social point of view. The general balance of losses amounted in 1945 to approximately 70% of the city's buildings, and almost 100% of the most valuable complexes of buildings of the mid-town had been destroyed. Before the outbreak of the war in 1939 Warsaw had 1,282,000 inhabitants and when the city was liberated in 1945 only 162,000 people inhabited the capital, of whom 22,000 lives on the left bank of the river (mainly in the suburbs); in 1975 Warsaw had 1,300,000 inhabitants. According to estimates 700,000 Warsaw residents were killed and the remaining inhabitants were after the collapse of the Warsaw Uprising tin 1944 driven out of the city. Due to this deportation the Varsovians scattered all over the country and only part of them returned in 1944 to Warsaw. It is estimated that the main wave of return to Warsaw of its prewar inhabitants took place up to the year 1950, when the number of prewar Varsovians in Warsaw amounted to 500,000 (out of a total of 750,000). Thus, the remaining part of the residents of Poland's capital was a population either made up of migrants or due to the natural increase in population, or because new territories were incorporated into Warsaw. A stop was put to the initial spontaneous migration movement of the population from other regions to Warsaw in 1954 through the introduction of registration restrictions; this was caused by the fact that the building of new houses could not cope with the rate of growth of the population. The introduction of restrictions, checking the migration movement was not combined with putting the brake to the increase in employment, which brought in its wake an enormous, steady growth of the number of people daily commuting to work in Warsaw, sometimes from quite distant regions. Summing up, one could say that contemporary Warsaw is a city, which after almost complete destruction during the war has at a rapid rate been rebuilt, remodelled and markedly expanded as compared with its prewar shape. In principle, with the exception of relatively small parts of the city, present-day Warsaw cannot be compared with prewar Warsaw. It is being emphasized in studies, that a typical feature of postwar Warsaw is the lack of territorial segregation of the newcomers among the population, something which could be noticed in the city before the Second World War and is true today also of cities in Western Europe, America or other continents. In this city there are now no districts of traditional Varsovians and districts of the new-comers, especially from the countryside. The social changes in postwar Warsaw find their expression in the levelling of class and economic divisions between the population in the various residential areas. Social differences between the various districts also disappear at a rapid rate. It was the aim of the new social policy to shuffle the inhabitants from the social point of view, but partial studies conducted and observations revealed not only remnants of prewar aspects but also processes of some sort of selection, at the root of which lie once again economic reasons, as well as more complex psychological reasons. One of the factors differentiating the city as a whole, is the phenomenon of delinquency. This is being revealed by partial studies, of the delinquency in Warsaw, conducted during the course of the past 20 years, and concerning the various groups of offenders (mainly juvenile delinquents). The studies, to which this work is devoted, concentrate on the intensity of delinquency in the various regions of Warsaw. We have in mind here the differentiation of the city from the point of view of the intensity of various kinds of offences as well as the intensity of the number of delinquents inhabiting the various districts. Discussing the differentiation existing in the city in regard to delinquency we shall base ourselves on the administrative division of the city into districts, taking into account smaller regions, too i.e. what is called town planners’ regions. The table illustrates some of the characteristic features of these districts. These districts differ substantially from the point of view of socioeconomic features. And thus Praga North (VI) and Wola (IV) are the districts, with the biggest concentration of industry while the largest number of people employed in industry live in Praga North and Praga South (VII). The population of the various districts also differs in regard to their educational level: the highest percentage of people with at least secondary school education lives in Mid-town (district I), that with the lowest educational level in Praga North (VI). To this short characteristic should still be added that both Praga districts, situated on the right bank of the Vistula River were least destroyed during the war and there are more prewar Varsovians living there than in other districts. Especially in Praga North (VI) can be found regions which remained unchanged almost till now and which before the war were inhabited by the “lumpenproletariat” and a relatively large percentage of delinquent elements. The second division of the city used here was that into 79 town planners’ regions. This division was arranged for purposes of town planning and made it possible to set apart areas which were homogeneous from the urban and economic point of view. In our analysis this made it possible for us to set apart within each district some smaller regions, marked by a special intensification of delinquency. This study is based on statistical material of a dual type. We deal here with the official police statistics (containing data on the cleared up offences) for the various years between 1953-1973 (and in some cases also data from court records) as well as data especially collected by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, concerning almost all the offences reported to the police or which were revealed during investigations in 1968. This research was initiated in 1971, but material concerning the year 1969 could not be taken into consideration because of the amnesty nor that of 1970, which was the first year when the new penal code had become binding. During the course of the research- data were registered on special questionnaires, taken from the police investigation records, regarding offences committed in the area of Warsaw reported to the police in 1968 as well as the addresses of people, suspected of having committed them. When gathering these data certain types of offences of a specific nature were not taken into consideration, such as traffic, or fiscal offences or malfeasances in office. The analysis finally covered 82.4% of all the offences reported to the police in Warsaw in 1968, i.e. a total of 20,960 offences. The number of suspected individuals amounted to 12,257. Before the presentation of the results of the studies it should be recalled that, as is generally known, statistical data do not reflect the real extent of delinquency, not all the information about some the committed offences as being reported to the police and the officials entitled to prosecute. The dark number of offences that remain unrevealed, is everywhere a serious problem when examining the dimensions of delinquency. Presenting data regarding delinquency in Warsaw we want to start with a short comparison between delinquency in Warsaw and that of other cities in Poland. The intensity of offences committed in the area of Warsaw has markedly surpassed the average figure for delinquency in the whole of Poland. During the postwar period the gap between the figure for Warsaw and that of the whole of Poland was greater than before. While in 1938 there were 219.6 registered offences per 10,000 inhabitants of Warsaw (168.7 for the whole country), in the years 1965-1967 this coefficient amounted to 247.7 (142.3 for the whole country). The greater difference between the intensity of delinquency in Warsaw and the entire country can be explained mainly as being due to the large migration, following the almost complete destruction of Warsaw during the war. But for a number of years already, there is no longer a noticeable tendency for an increase in the difference of the dimensions of delinquency between Warsaw and the rest of the country. Comparing with other cities in Poland the number of reported offences in Warsaw is rather high, though it is by no means the highest (Warsaw is the largest city in Poland, the only one that has over one million inhabitants). The delinquency rates (i.e. the number of offences in relation to that of the inhabitants) as well as its structure are in Warsaw similar to an entire group of cities, with over 200,000 inhabitants. It should be emphasized that there are only slight differences between big and small towns as regards the intensity of delinquency, though there can be noticed a distinct difference in the structure of delinquency. While Warsaw - just as the remaining cities in Poland - is marked by a considerable number of offences against property, offences against the person are distinctly much more frequent in small towns. The above-mentioned facts are related to offences registered in police records. The situation is different if one takes into account the number of people convicted for offences committed in the area of Warsaw. But in this case one should separately discuss convictions of people above 17 and of juveniles (between 10 .and 16, i.e. who are under age). Criminality of persons above the age of 17, who constitute approximately 82% of the total of persons convicted for offences, is relatively low as compared with other towns. Thus in the years 1971-1973 there 72.8 of the convicted offenders per every ten thousand of inhabit-years were ants above 17, while this coefficient for all the cities and towns in Poland amounted to 85.1. However, juvenile delinquency adopts in Warsaw especially large dimensions. In the years 1971-1973 the coefficient of convictions of juvenile delinquents amounted in Warsaw to 128.6 per 10,000 inhabitants between 10 and 16 years, while the average every coefficient of all the towns amounted to 89.5. The general picture of delinquency in Warsaw as compared with other towns in Poland is as follows: a large (though not the largest) number of offences committed, a very large number of convictions of juveniles and a small number of convictions of adults. Striking in this picture are the remarkable differences between indices related to reported offences on the one hand and indices of convictions of adults on the other hand, which is not noticed to such an extent in other cities and towns. Not taking into account here the problem of the dark number of unrevealed offences, one has to reckon with the probability of a larger average number of offences committed on an average by the individual perpetrator from city areas than is the case with those from other areas, due to the anonymity in a city crowd. We start our analysis of the differences regarding the dimensions of delinquency in the Warsaw area with a presentation of the intensity of this phenomenon in all seven administrative districts of the city, taking into account the place where the offence was committed. Use was made of police records from the years 1965, 1968 and 1971. These data reveal that only two districts differed as to the intensity of delinquency, while delinquency in the remaining districts was on an even level. Thus, the highest coefficients of registered offences per 10,000 inhabitants were found in the Mid-town district (the average coefficient of the three above-mentioned years was 377.3) and the Praga North district (average coefficient 325.4). However, in the remaining five districts the average coefficients of delinquency remained in a relatively narrow range from 159.0 to 218.4. Also from the point of view of the structure of the offences committed, only the two above-mentioned districts Mid-town and Praga North were marked by specific features. The Mid-town district is characterized by a particularly high percentage of offences against individual property and by petty offences against the person, as a rule committed under the influence of alcohol. Praga North distinguishes itself by the especially great extent of offences against the socialized property and by the more serious offences against the person. All Warsaw districts are large administrative units, each one of which is inhabited by approximately 200,000 people and they perform simultaneously various 'socio-economic functions; nevertheless Praga North and Mid-town districts reveal in this respect quite separate features, which is undoubtedly connected with the larger dimensions of delinquency. The Mid-town district situated in the centre of the city, is the only one that has no suburban areas, occupies the smallest area and has decidedly the greatest density of population. From the functional point of view it is the commercial, entertainment and transportation centre of Warsaw. In this area are the largest department stores, cinemas and other entertainment places, there also cross the urban and suburban transportation and traffic routes. The Praga North district on the other hand distinguishes itself from other districts neither by the size of its territory nor the density of population, it also has suburban areas. But part of it performs nevertheless the role of a commercial and entertainment as well as transportation centre for that part of the city, which is situated on the opposite bank of the river than the Mid-town district. In addition to this the Praga North district was one of the two districts of Warsaw that were least destroyed during the last war and retained part of the old buildings of a low standard, inhabited by the former residents, mainly by workers. Not without significance, too, is the fact that the Praga North district includes one of the most industrialized territories of Warsaw. The statements made above are related to large territorial units, namely the administrative districts of the city. Studied, too, were differentiations in the intensity of offences committed within each district, on the basis, as mentioned before, of the division of the city into town planned regions. It turned out, that the coefficients of delinquency in the various regions as well as the absolute figures of offences reported, make one reach unanimous conclusions. The largest extent of reported delinquency was found in two types of regions: in the central regions of the entire city or of particular districts as well as in regions with a concentrated industry. However, the smallest dimensions of this phenomenon are noted in suburban regions, which perform above all the functions of residential and recreational areas. Mention was made above of the differences in intensity of delinquency in Warsaw as the place where the offences were committed.. Now we wish to pass over to a discussion of the place of residence of people suspected of having committed offences. Analyzing data on the intensity of delinquency in relation to place of residence (the number of the perpetrators of offences in relation to the number of inhabitants of a given area, in the respective age groups), for the various districts, regarding juvenile delinquents (from 10 to 16 years), young adults (17-20) and adults (21 and above), it was found that the largest number of offenders live in Praga North. The sequence of other districts arranged according to the intensity of delinquency depends on the given age group. In the case of juveniles, Zoliborz takes second place and the Mid-town third. Note, that as far as young adults and adults are concerned the Mid-town has the smallest number of them living there. An illustration of these statements are the coefficients of suspected inhabitants of a given district, in the given age groups as compared with the total population of that age. Thus, the coefficients pointing to the number of juvenile, young adult and adult delinquents domiciled in the given area, are the highest for Praga North, amounting in this district, respectively to: 20.1, 25.1 and 9.1 (per 1,000 inhabitants of the given age groups). In the Mid-town district are much lower coefficients than those mentioned before: 11.3 for young adults and 4.8 for adults. Thus we see, that the Mid-town, which as far as the place where the offence was committed, belonged, together with Praga North, to the districts where the number of offences committed was highest. Nevertheless the Mid-town has the lowest number of young adult and adult delinquents living there. Thus the number of juvenile delinquents living there is rather high in the Mid-town district, but this is understandable, if one takes into account the fact that juvenile delinquents as a rule commit offences in the direct neighbourhood of their place of residence. On the other hand, it should be stressed that in Praga North, which distinguishes itself also by a high number of offences committed and outdistances even more the remaining districts as regards the number of offenders who have their domicile in this district. The difference found in the number of offenders with domicile in the various districts as compared with the differentiation of these districts regarding the offences committed there can also be noticed when one takes into account the structure of delinquency. For the sake of simplicity in this analysis offences have been divided into five categories: against the person, against the authorities and public offices, against the property, robberies and “others”. When we compare the coefficients regarding the number of offenders with domicile in a given district the number of offenders living there per the total number of inhabitants of the district in the age group 10 years and more (ratio 1:1,000), it has been revealed that most persons suspected of having committed robbery and offences against property can be found in Praga North. In the case of those who committed offences against the person first place is taken by Żoliborz. An analysis of the structure of delinquency of persons in various age groups indicates that a larger percentage of juveniles suspected of having committed offences against the person are living in the Mid-town than in other districts, and that a high percentage of persons suspected of having committed offences against property among young adults and adults live in Praga North. Striking in all the age groups is the particularly high percentage of persons suspected of offences against property among those living outside Warsaw. The next problem that has to be dealt with in the ecological analysis of delinquency is that of the “mobility” of the offenders living in the various districts of Warsaw. In other words, to what extent the offenders living in a given district commit offences in this district and to what in other districts. It is known that juveniles as a rule commit offences in the direct neighbourhood of their domicile, and that is why in their case one may not expect special “spatial mobility”. Despite this, though 75-90% of the juvenile delinquents living in each district commit offences there (excluding the Mid-town where this percentage is higher), nevertheless it can be clearly noticed that juveniles, committing offences not in their own district do that most frequently in the Mid-town district. This is true especially of that part of Warsaw situated on the left bank of the Vistula; in both districts Praga North and Praga South on the other bank of the river a slightly larger percentage of “wandering” juveniles commit offences in the district on the same side of the river than in Mid-town. But 'the differences in this case are minimal and do not blur the general picture of the Mid-town as a district with the largest centration of delinquency committed there by juveniles inhabiting other districts. This is true especially if one takes into account juveniles from outside of Warsaw, of whom as many as 27.5% commit offences in Mid-town. As to young adults, the same conclusions may be drawn, regarding their “delinquent mobility” as in regard to juveniles, but with two exceptions. First, young adults more frequently than juveniles commit offences outside the district where they live, secondly, almost the same percentage of young adults living outside Warsaw commit offences in Praga North (22%) as in the Mid-town (21.3%). In other districts these percentages are markedly lower. As far as delinquency of adults is concerned, the Mid-town is marked by the greatest concentration of offences committed outside the place of residence, while Praga North is the site where most frequently offences are committed by adults, living outside Warsaw. It seems that the latter phenomenon is connected with the fact that in this district there are two large railway stations. The concentrating role of the Mid-town and to a lesser extent of Praga North - can also be noticed if one takes into account the various types of offences. Those living in various districts who commit offences against the person, against authorities and public offices, as well as offences against property, if they commit these offences outside the district of their domicile, do that most frequently in the Mid-town (in the case of offences against property this concerns left-bank part of Warsaw). Note, that the perpetrators of robbery do it mainly in the district where they live and in the case of this category of offenders no concentrating role of the Mid-town is being observed. Note the interesting ecological phenomenon that the Vistula River constitutes some sort of barrier, cutting through the channel of “delinquency mobility”. While offenders living in the five districts of Warsaw, situated on the left bank of the river most frequently committed offences in the Mid-town (in cases when such offences were committed outside the district of their domicile), those who lived in the two districts on the right bank more often committed offences in the neighbouring district, situated on the same bank of the river and not in the Mid-town. The data presented above on the place of residence of certain categories of offenders in the various districts and their “mobility” in connection with the offences committed by them, lead to the unequivocal conclusion, that the differentiation of Warsaw districts from the point of view discussed here makes it possible to divide them into two groups. The first group are the Mid-town and Praga North, each one of which has its clearly defined specific features, while the second group is made up of the remaining districts, which as a rule are similar regarding delinquency. The further part of this work discusses the connections between the demographic and socio-economic character of 'the various districts and the extent of delinquency on their territory approached from the point of view of the site where the offences were committed as well as the domicile of the perpetrators studied with the use of factor analysis. Taken into account in this analysis were 7 variables related to delinquency and 19 variables defining the above-mentioned characteristic features of the district. As a result of the analysis two independent factors were set apart. The first of them defines the district in the following way: a large number of adults living in this district who are suspected of having committed offences, the extent of alcoholism among the residents, a population earning their living in industry, a large percentage of the population with a low educational level, higher infant mortality than somewhere else, the concentration of industry in this district and a lower housing standard than elsewhere. The second factor defines the district in the following way: a high concentration of delinquency in general, juvenile delinquency and that of adults (here it is a question of the site where the offences were committed and not of the domicile of the offenders), a large number of juveniles living there, suspected of having committed offences, high sales figures of alcohol, concentration of trade, better access to social services rendered to the population. Thus we see that factor I defines city regions, characterized by remnants of the past social and urban neglect. It is striking that precisely those regions where there is a concentration of the features making up an undoubtedly negative milieu (alcoholism, low housing standard, higher infant mortality than elsewhere) are simultaneously inhabited by a majority of young adults and adult offenders. However, at the same time those regions in which juveniles are residing and offences are being committed (by adults and juveniles) are of a different character. These latter regions are defined by factor II, regarding the Mid-town district with its features of commercial and entertainment centre. To the syndrome of variables, making up this factor, do not belong any traits which could characterize unfavourable environmental conditions (as an urban milieu). Nevertheless, precisely with this factor in connected the concentration of delinquency committed by adults and juveniles as well as the concentration of juvenile delinquents’ domicile. Among those Warsaw districts which are being defined by factor I, first comes Praga North and the last place is occupied by the Mid-town district. The order in which districts are arranged as defined by factor II is: first comes the Mid-town and then Praga North. Thus one notes a certain duality as regards Praga North, which being a commercial and entertainment centre of 'that part of the city, situated on the rigiht bank of the river, is characterized by the appearance, side by side, of terrains with modern big city buildings and regions with a very low standard of housing, and frequently one and the other are in closest neighbourhood. Connected with this is also a substantial differentiation as regards the population from the point of view of socio-demographic features. Undoubtedly it is precisely the dual nature of this district which explains the high place occupied by it among districts which come under the above-mentioned factors. Note also the fact that - in contradistinction to the case of adults - both aspects of juvenile delinquency, i.e. the domicile of the juveniles as well as the site where they commit the offences, are connected with the same “mid-town” factor. While the fact that the majority of offences are being committed in mid-town regions which are the commercial and entertainment centres of the city, seems understandable, due to the greater influx of people, the anonymity of the human crowd, etc., it may be surprising, that it is the domicile of the majority of the juvenile delinquents and not the regions marked by the remnants of social and urban backwardness, as is the case with adults offenders. But it should be borne in mind, that we are realing here with all the reported juvenile delinquents, irrespective of the degree of their demoralization. One may assume, that juveniles with a high degree of demoralization live in the same regions as the adult delinquents. In turn juveniles who are less demoralized have undoubtedly, in case their domicile is close to the commercial and entertainment centres, more opportunities to avoid the control of the adults, which is also connected with more convenient conditions for the committment of petty offences against property, typical of juvenile delinquents.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1976, VII; 141-263
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Forensic Aspects of Juvenile Crime in Poland. From a Juvenile to a Criminal — The Road to Demoralisation
Autorzy:: Bembas, Ireneusz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375035.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:: criminal acts
juvenile delinquency
forensic science
Opis:: The article refers to the forensic aspects of juvenile delinquency in Poland, and at the same time, is an attempt to draw attention to the problem of juvenile delinquency, because in the activities of state authorities aimed at preventing or reducing the number of criminal acts, attention is focused primarily on adults who commit crimes. It is important to highlight the problem and to draw attention to juvenile delinquency, as static data show a decrease in juvenile delinquency. This decreasing trend of the number of offences committed by juveniles is only illusory as, after taking into account the decrease in the number of people born, juvenile delinquency shows an upward trend. The article presents the most common determinants of juvenile delinquency, and then, on the basis of these determinants, proposes preventive actions, indicating the areas in which the undertakings of state authorities aimed at reducing juvenile delinquency should be concentrated.
Źródło:: Internal Security; 2020, 12(1); 113-123
2080-5268
Pojawia się w:: Internal Security
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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