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Tytuł:
Piotr Zaremba jako "onomasta"
Piotr Zaremba as an "onomastic expert"
Autorzy:
Afeltowicz, B.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/370437.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Zachodniopomorski Uniwersytet Technologiczny w Szczecinie. Wydawnictwo Uczelniane ZUT w Szczecinie
Tematy:
językoznawstwo
onomastyka
Zaremba Piotr
Szczecin
linguistics
onomastics
Opis:
Artykuł miał na celu ukazanie pierwszego polskiego prezydenta Szczecina jako człowieka z zainteresowaniami onomastycznymi. Argumentów dostarczyła publikacja Wspomnienia prezydenta Szczecina 1945-1950 (Poznań 1977), z której wykorzystano zapiski Piotra Zaremby z pierwszego roku jego prezydentury, od 28 kwietnia 1945 r. Prześledzono w nich proces obejmowania polskiej władzy nad miastem ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem postępującego rozwoju polskiego nazewnictwa urbanonimicznego. Zwrócono uwagę na specyfikę ówczesnych aktów nominacyjnych, twórców nazw miejskich oraz typy motywacji towarzyszących kreacji nazw. Przeprowadzona analiza prowadzi do wniosku, że Piotr Zaremba miał świadomość wagi dokonujących się zmian nazewniczych oraz posiadał dużą wiedzę onomastyczną.
The article was intended to show the first Polish President of Szczecin as a man with onomastic interests. As an inspiration and a source of research the author used Wspomnienia prezydenta Szczecina 1945-1950, Poznań 1977 (Memories of President of Szczecin). Especially, records of Piotr Zaremba of the first year of his presidency, from 28/04/1945 were used. The author of the paper was following the process of embracing Polish authority over the city with particular emphasis on the progressive development of Polish urban names. Special attention is paid to the nature of contemporary acts of nomination, the creators of the urban names and types of motivation accompanying the creation of names. The accomplished analysis leads to the conclusion that Piotr Zaremba was aware of the naming changes importance and that he has an extensive onomastic knowledge.
Źródło:
Przestrzeń i Forma; 2014, 22/3; 131-142
1895-3247
2391-7725
Pojawia się w:
Przestrzeń i Forma
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Piotr Zaremba i generacja 1910
Piotr Zaremba and generation 1910 Summary
Autorzy:
Telec, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375465.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
Piotr Zaremba
Józef Kisielewski
autobiography
generation 1910
Szczecin
autobiografia
pokolenie 1910
Opis:
Autor skrótowo opisuje relacje pomiędzy koncepcją pokolenia (szczególnie pokolenia literackiego) w naukach społecznych a tzw. pokoleniem 1910 – grupą polskich pisarzy, wśród których znajdowali się m.in. Czesław Miłosz, Jerzy Andrzejewski czy Jerzy Putrament. Choć nie daje się odnaleźć poetyki wspólnej dla wszystkich członków generacji 1910, autor wskazuje – za Teresą Walas i Martą Wyką – dwa traumatyczne doświadczenia, które wszyscy urodzeni około pierwszej dekady XX wieku podzielają – katastrofizm „społeczny”, wywołany przez ekonomiczną i polityczną rzeczywistość międzywojnia oraz tragiczne doświadczenie wojenne. Obydwa te przeżycia są obecne w biografii Piotra Zaremby, urbanisty i pierwszego prezydenta powojennego Szczecina. Co jednak zaskakuje, bardzo trudno jest odnaleźć w jego autobiograficznym dorobku bezpośrednie odniesienia do członków generacji 1910. Jest tylko jeden znaczący wyjątek – Józef Kisielewski, polski reporter i pisarz, którego Zaremba wspomina w swoich tekstach kilkukrotnie. Autor, na przykładzie Ziemia gromadzi prochy, najważniejszej książki Kisielewskiego, wskazuje polityczne i ideologiczne wątki, które widoczne są w jego poglądach na historię Pomorza oraz pełnią ważną rolę w jego politycznych decyzjach.
The author briefly describes the relations between the concept of a generation (especially literary generation) in social sciences and so called „generation 1910” – a group of Polish writers, with Czesław Miłosz, Jerzy Andrzejewski and Jerzy Putrament amongst them. Although it’s impossible to find similar poetics for all members of the generation, the author pinpoints – after Teresa Walas and Marta Wyka – two traumatic experiences they share: “social” catastrophism, caused by economic and political reality of interwar period, and tragic war experience. Those two experiences are present in the life of Piotr Zaremba, planner and the first president of postwar Szczecin; but, surprisingly, it’s hard to trace direct references to authors of 1910 generation in his autobiographical output. There’s however one significant exception: Józef Kisielewski, polish reporter and writer, who is mentioned couple of times by Zaremba. The author shows, that Kisielewski’s most important book, Ziemia gromadzi prochy (Earth Gathers the Ashes), contains political and ideological thoughts crucial for Zaremba views on Pomerania’s history and important for his practical decisions as a politician.
Źródło:
Autobiografia Literatura Kultura Media; 2014, 3, 2; 165-176
2353-8694
2719-4361
Pojawia się w:
Autobiografia Literatura Kultura Media
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
TADEUSZ ZAREMBA 1940–2013
Autorzy:
Marian, Sołtysiak,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/433314.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Krajowy Ośrodek Badań i Dokumentacji Zabytków
Tematy:
Tadeusz Zaremba
remembrance
museum worker
conservator
pedagogue
Painter
marine painter
Opis:
Tadeusz Zaremba – a highly versatile museum worker, conservator, pedagogue, painter, with particular penchant for marine paintings, and a sea traveller – passed away. Having graduated from the Faculty of Fine Arts at the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń, in 1968 he started working for the Mazovian Museum in Płock where he organised and headed a conservation workshop, the first one in the Warsaw region. In 1973, he was appointed Deputy Director of the Museum, and in 1977 – its Director, the position which he kept for 27 years. Although he did not resign from conservation, he was mostly involved in the preventive conservation. Further, his professional assignments involved arranging exhibitions, including the exposition “Polish Art 1900–1975” organised at the Secession Association in Vienna on the occasion of the Innsbruck Winter Olympic Games held in 1976. He organised several dozen Secession-related exhibitions in Poland, and a number of exhibitions of the Płock collection in Europe, including Arezzo and Indelheim. In addition to the above activities, Tadeusz Zaremba was a painter, predominantly a marine painter; he took part in 52 exhibitions and organised 5 individual ones. In 2002, he organised his presumably greatest exhibition entitled “Influence of Secession on Polish Contemporary Visual Arts”. The exhibition presented his own paintings as well. He worked hard and with dedication, with a view to preserving cultural heritage, pursuing this goal with deep respect and high expertise. He passed away as one of those who have made our life richer, thanks to their work and talent.
Odszedł Tadeusz Zaremba – wszechstronny muzealnik, konserwator, pedagog, artysta malarz, z zamiłowania marynista, oraz podróżnik morski. Po studiach na Wydziale Sztuk Pięknych UMK w Toruniu, w 1968 r. rozpoczął pracę w Muzeum Mazowieckim w Płocku, został organizatorem i kierownikiem pracowni konserwatorskiej, pierwszej w województwie warszawskim. W 1973 r. powołano Go na stanowisko wicedyrektora tego muzeum, a w 1977 r. został jego dyrektorem; funkcję tę pełnił przez 27 lat. Z uprawiania konserwatorstwa nie zrezygnował lecz zajmował się raczej konserwacją zapobiegawczą. Zajmował się również aranżacją wystaw, między innymi projektował ekspozycję „Sztuka polska 1900 – 1975,” zorganizowaną w Towarzystwie Secesja w Wiedniu z okazji Olimpiady Zimowej w Insbrucku w 1976 roku. Zorganizował kilkadziesiąt wystaw secesji w Polsce oraz wiele wystaw płockiej kolekcji w Europie. Organizował między innymi wystawy w Arezzo i Indelheim. Tadeusz Zaremba jednocześnie uprawiał malarstwo, głównie marynistyczne; brał udział w 52 wystawach, zorganizował 5 wystaw indywidualnych. W 2002 r. zorganizował, bodajże swoją najważniejszą, wystawę pt. „Wpływ secesji na współczesną plastykę polską”. Eksponował na niej również swoje dzieła. Pracowicie i ofiarnie, z szacunkiem i znawstwem służył zachowaniu dorobku dziedzictwa kultury. Odszedł, jako jeden z tych, którzy pracą swoją i talentem czynili nasze życiebogatszym.
Źródło:
Muzealnictwo; 2014, 55; 243-245
0464-1086
Pojawia się w:
Muzealnictwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Piotr Zaremba (1910–1993). Biography to be unveiled
Autorzy:
Krasucki, Eryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1590948.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
Western Pomerania
Szczecin
Piotr Zaremba
biografistyka
Pomorze Zachodnie
Opis:
Piotr Zaremba (1910–1993) był pierwszym powojennym prezydentem Szczecina, urbanistą i planistą o międzynarodowej sławie, również autorem fascynujących wspomnień dotyczących pierwszych lat powojennych. Był też zwycięzcą kilku plebiscytów, specyficznej zabawy wieńczącej koniec poprzedniego wieku. Werdyktem uczestników został uznany za „szczecinianina stulecia” i „Pomorzanina stulecia”. Zadziwia więc brak obszernej biografii byłego rektora Politechniki Szczecińskiej i jednego ze współtwórców Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego, choć byłoby to opracowanie dające współczesnym niemałą wiedzę na temat istotnych problemów XX-wiecznej historii. Nie tylko regionalnej, ale ogólnopolskiej i europejskiej. Poprzez omówienie wybranych wątków: rodzinnego, urbanistycznego i politycznego, autor artykułu stara się pokazać z jednej strony bogactwo materiału źródłowego wiążącego się z życiorysem Piotra Zaremby, z drugiej zaś możliwość wieloaspektowego oświetlenia poszczególnych jego fragmentów. Stara się w większym stopniu mnożyć pytania, niż udzielać ostatecznych odpowiedzi. Aby te się pojawiły niezbędna jest obszerna książka biograficzna. W drugiej części tekst stawia sobie więc za cel przeanalizowanie przyczyn, dla których poważny namysł biograficzny w odniesieniu do Piotra Zaremby nie istnieje, pomimo tego, że jest on dla Szczecina i Pomorza Zachodniego postacią emblematyczną. Autor śledzi także, czy badany przypadek jest czymś wyjątkowym dla zachodniopomorskiej biografistyki, charakteryzując stan pisarstwa biograficznego w odniesieniu do osób istotnych dla powojennej historii regionu. Wydaje mi się to pytaniem szczególnie uzasadnionym w sytuacji, kiedy biografistyka – po latach zaniedbań w tym obszarze – staje się w Polsce od pewnego czasu niezwykle popularnym gatunkiem piśmiennictwa historycznego, dającym historykom możliwość wyjścia ze swoim przekazem daleko poza krąg wyznaczany przez środowiska akademickie. Artykuł opiera się na szerokiej kwerendzie archiwalnej, odnosząc się nierzadko do dokumentacji niebędącej jak dotąd w obiegu naukowym.
Piotr Zaremba (1910–1993) was the first post-war president of Szczecin, an internationally renowned urban planner and planner, and the author of fascinating memories of the first post-war years. He was also the winner of several plebiscites, a specific game crowning the end of the previous century. The verdict of the participants was recognized as “Szczecin of the century” and “Pomerania of the century”. It is therefore astonishing that there is no extensive biography of the former rector of the Szczecin University of Technology and one of the co-founders of the University of Szczecin, although it would have been a study that would have given contemporary people considerable knowledge about the important problems of 20th century history. Not only regional, but also national and European history. By discussing selected threads: family, urban and political, the author of the article tries to show, on the one hand, the richness of source material connected with Piotr Zaremba’s biography and, on the other hand, the possibility of multi-faceted lighting of its individual fragments. He tries to multiply the questions more than to give final answers. For these to appear, an extensive biographical book is necessary. In the second part of the text, therefore, the aim of the text is to analyse the reasons why serious biographical reflection on Piotr Zaremba does not exist, despite the fact that he is an emblematic figure for Szczecin and Western Pomerania. The author also follows whether the case under examination is something exceptional for the West Pomeranian biography, characterising the state of biographical writing in relation to people relevant to the post-war history of the region. This seems to me to be a particularly justified question in a situation where biography – after years of neglect in this area – has for some time become an extremely popular genre of historical writing in Poland, giving historians the opportunity to go far beyond the circle set by academic circles with their message. The article is based on a wide range of archival queries, often referring to documentation that has not been in scientific circulation so far.
Źródło:
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski; 2020, 4; 49-80
0552-4245
2353-3021
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
W odpowiedzi Januszowi Żarnowskiemu
Autorzy:
Zaremba, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/603132.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Źródło:
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych; 2013, 73
0080-3634
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kazimierz Askanas - mecenas sztuki
Autorzy:
Zaremba, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/968096.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe Płockie
Źródło:
Notatki Płockie. Kwartalnik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego; 1998, 43, 1 (174)
0029-389X
Pojawia się w:
Notatki Płockie. Kwartalnik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
"Żeby chociaż świat wiedział" : obrona Warszawy 1939 : powstanie sierpniowe 1944
Autorzy:
Zaremba, Zygmunt (1895-1967)
Współwytwórcy:
Zaremba-Blatonowa, Olena. Opracowanie
Kunert, Andrzej Krzysztof (1952- ). Opracowanie Recenzja
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Warszawa
Tematy:
Zaremba, Zygmunt (1895-1967)
Obrona Warszawy (1939)
Powstanie warszawskie (1944)
Kampania wrześniowa (1939)
Opis:
Zapiski z płonącej Warszawy : broszury Zygmunta Zaremby wzbogacają naszą wiedzę o obronie stolicy we wrześniu 1939 roku i o powstaniu warszawskim .
Dostawca treści:
Bibliografia CBW
Książka
Tytuł:
Zygmunt Zaremba w konspiracji socjalistycznej Wolność -- Równość -- Niepodległość
Autorzy:
Dunin-Wąsowicz, Krzysztof (1923-2013).
Powiązania:
Zygmunt Zaremba (1895-1967): materiały z ogólnopolskiej sesji naukowej / pod red. Andrzeja F[eliksa] Grabskiego i Jerzego Kukulskiego Piotrków Trybunalski, 1997 S. 55-70
Współwytwórcy:
Grabski, Andrzej F. Redakcja
Kukulski, Jerzy. Redakcja
Tematy:
Zaremba, Zygmunt
Dostawca treści:
Bibliografia CBW
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Listy 1946-1967
Autorzy:
Zaremba, Zygmunt (1895-1967)
Współwytwórcy:
Pomian, Andrzej (1911-2008). Recenzja
Zaremba-Blatonowa, Olena. Opracowanie
Friszke, Andrzej (1956- ). Opracowanie
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Warszawa
Tematy:
Zaremba, Zygmunt Witalis (1895-1967) biografia
Robotnicza Brygada Obrony Warszawy 1939 r.
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (1892-1948) biografie recenzja
Opis:
Współorganizator Robotniczej Brygady Obrony Warszawy we wrześniu 1939 r. Współzałożyciel PPS-WRN.
Dostawca treści:
Bibliografia CBW
Książka
Tytuł:
Nieznane wspomnienia zapomnianego działacza ludowego
Unknown memories of a forgotten peasant activist
Autorzy:
Misiejuk, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/634812.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Ośrodek Pamięć i Przyszłość
Tematy:
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
Władysław Zaremba
Polish Peasants' Party
Władyslaw Zaremba
Opis:
Władysław Zaremba was one of the leaders of the Polish Peasants’ Party in country and abroad, a member of the Polish government-in-exile during WW2, and a deputy to State National Council. However, he is almost completely forgotten nowadays. Historians were not aware of the fact that, while he was an expatriate in USA in 1965–1966, Władysław Zaremba wrote down his memoirs. The typescript was commandeered from Zaremba by the SB (the secret police) when he came back to the country in 1967 and was never returned to him. Establishing the Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej) gave many researchers an access to the former SB files, among which were Władysław Zaremba’s accounts. The aim of the author of the article is to introduce the reader to information regarding Zaremba’s political and social activity. The author also gives a brief characteristics of the memoirs, by specifying when and how they came into being, and discusses their content through the style of the testimony. An analysis of the typescript brings a conclusion, that it is the key to the history of the Galician countryside, peasants’ movement and Poland’s political history, but even more so – to understanding Władysław Zaremba – a peasant, social activist and politician – himself.
Źródło:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej; 2011, 1; 105-120
2719-7522
2084-0578
Pojawia się w:
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O zasadzie Dirichleta
Sur le principe de Dirichlet
Autorzy:
Zaremba, S.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2011582.pdf
Data publikacji:
1908
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe Warszawskie
Źródło:
Prace Matematyczno-Fizyczne; 1908, 19, 1; 123-129
0867-5570
Pojawia się w:
Prace Matematyczno-Fizyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O zasadzie Dirichleta
Sur le problème de Dirichlet
Autorzy:
Zaremba, S.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1991051.pdf
Data publikacji:
1898
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe Warszawskie
Źródło:
Prace Matematyczno-Fizyczne; 1898, 9, 1; 131-138
0867-5570
Pojawia się w:
Prace Matematyczno-Fizyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Stanisław Zaremba (1863–1942). Fragmenty biografii w 120-lecie doktoratu
Stanisław Zaremba (1863–1942). Fragments of his biography on the 120th anniversary of his doctorate
Autorzy:
DOMARADZKI, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/520636.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Umiejętności
Opis:
Since the times of Jan Śniadecki (1756–1830), two chairs of mathematics have functioned at the Jagiellonian University. In the 19th century, the most outstanding Professor of Mathematics was Franciszek Mertens (1840–1927) who headed one of the chairs in the years 1865–1884. At the turn of the 20th century, the two chairs were headed by prominent mathematicians: Kazimierz Żorawski (1866–1953) and Stanisław Zaremba. It is thanks to them that work in modern mathematics was started in the then partitioned Poland. On November 30, 1889, Stanisław Zaremba defended at the Sorbonne University his doctoral thesis entitled Sur un problème concernant l’état calorifique d’un corps homogène indéfini. Consequently, he received the degree “De Docteur ès Sciences mathématiques”. The specific name: “Degree of doctor of mathematics” was important for normally the name “Doctorat de l’Université” was bestowed on foreigners. The subject of the thesis was the problem put by the Paris Academy of Sciences in 1858, and the thesis advisers were eminent French mathematicians E. Picard (1856–1941) and G. Darboux (1842–1917). The latter wrote: “Naturally, Faculty always takes a little more leniency towards the works presented by foreign students. Mr. Zaremba did not benefit from this good opportunity. His thesis would be accepted in any case, even if presented by a Frenchman.” These exceptional reviews were found at the National Archives of France by Dr. Zofia Pawlikowska-Brożek and Stanisław Domoradzki. This article presents the reviews of Zaremba’s dissertation in Polish translation. It also recalls the less-known teaching and organizational activities of Professor Zaremba for the sake of Polish and international mathematical communities. The reviews of Stanisław Zaremba’s thesis inspired the late Professor Andrzej Pelczar (1937–2010) to recount Stanisław Zaremba’s doctorate – on its 120th anniversary – at a meeting of the Commission on the History of Science of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences. The scientific achievements of Professor Stanisław Zaremba have been discussed in one of the last Andrzej Pelczar’s papers: Stanislaw Zaremba, 120th anniversary of obtaining Ph.D. at the Paris University, Copernicus Center Reports no. 1, 2010, http://www.copernicuscenter.edu.pl/images/stories/copercenter/report-e-book.pdf.
Źródło:
Prace Komisji Historii Nauki PAU; 2012, 11; 79-102
1731-6715
Pojawia się w:
Prace Komisji Historii Nauki PAU
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ars musica w krakowskich traktatach muzycznych XVI wieku
Autorzy:
Witkowska-Zaremba, Elżbieta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1788306.zip
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1788306.pdf
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1788306.mobi
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1788306.epub
Data publikacji:
1986
Wydawca:
Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne
Opis:
The Cracow Plainsong Treatises of the first half of the 16th century represent a virtually unknown though very important part of Polish musical literature in the period. They are the only texts of their time which, in addition to their precepts on the practice of music, also provide answers to such basic questions as: What is music? What makes a musician? What is the subject of the study of music? What is the derivation and what is the purpose of music? The answers to these questions formulated in the plainsong treatises established some of the foundations of musical knowledge about music and went some way towards shaping a common view of its nature and function. The primary sources for the reconstruction of this view are as follows: 1. Stefan Monetarius Epitoma utriusque musices. Cracow, Fl. Ungler 1515. Liber primus (de musica chorali). 2. Sebastian of Felsztyn Opusculum musicae compilatum noviter. Cracow, J. Haller 1517 (referred to as Sebastian of Felsztyn I). 3. Sebastian of Felsztyn Opusculum musicae noviter congestum. Cracow, Fl. Ungler, 1524-25, H. Victor, 1534 and 1536 (referred to as Sebastian of Felsztyn II). 4. Marek of Płock Hortulus musices. 1517-1518, ms. Bibl. of the Bernardines of Poznan. 5. Marcin Kromer Musicae elementa. H. Vietor 1532. 6. Anonymous plainsong treatise from the Ossolineum Library, ms. 2297/I of the first half of the 16th century (referred to as Anonym Ossol. 2297/I). 7. Anonymous plainsong treatise from the Jagiellonian Library, ms. 2616, from the first quarter of the 16th century (referred to as Anonym BJ 2616). The term “plainsong treatise” indicates that liturgical music, in this case Gregorian chant, is the subject to which the Cracow treatises are devoted. Their purpose within the system of music instruction that prevailed at the time may be compared to the function performed by liturgical music in creative composition in Latin Europe up to and including the 16th century: just as the plainchant melodies, or those modelled upon liturgical sources, were used in the “cantus firmus” form as the basis of polyphonic compositions, so the theoretical principles of plainsong elucidated in the plainsong treatises constituted the foundation of musical knowledge. It may therefore be said that the plainsong treatises were in fact textbooks devoted to the fundamental principles of music, a presentation of “rudimenta artis musicae”. The statement that “musica plana” is “fundamentum musicae mensuralis” appears in theoretical texts from the 13th to the 16th century. The implication is therefore that not only did “musica plana” form the foundation of mensural music but that knowledge in the area was of great importance because, together with “musica mensuralis”, it formed the practical aspect of instruction in music, called “musica practica”. The musical scale, the intervals and the church modes, that is melic elements, were expounded within the framework of “musica plana”, as were elements of musical notation concerning pitch or the relationships between notes: the key system and the principles of diastematic notation. The main didactic purpose of the “musica plana” textbooks was to train singers who would perform “cantus choralis” correctly. The textbooks therefore concentrated on solmization, a method designed to develop practical mastery of musical intervals considered the basis of' “ars canendi”. But questions of “musica plana” alone did not exhaust the problems taken up by the plainsong treatises. Since they were primers by desingn, the treatises also offered general information on music: the definition and classification of music, the etymological derivation of the term “musica”, information about the “inventors” of music and an explanation of the distinction made between “musicus” and “cantor”. The volumes often opened with a panegyric on music in verse form — “laudes musicae”, “encomia musicae” etc. — that spoke of the power and the usefulness of “ars musica”. These questions were sometimes treated as a subject of music theory. The material of the plainsong treatises was therefore extended to include “musica theorica” — a branch of music whose main purpose was cognitive and not “musica practica” as in the case of “musica plana”. Although in the first half of the 16th century information on “musica theorica” was frequently included in the plainsong treatises, it was not yet common practice. The information was at times confined to the definition and classification of music. At other times it was completely left out. The Cracow authors, however, considered theory an integral part of the “musica plana” handbook. The sum of knowledge contained in the plainsong treatises covered two groups of problems. The first, general problems (generalia), was an introduction to methodology and aesthetics. The second group touched on problems of “ars canendi”; these were detailed (singularia) questions concerning only one branch of musical instruction, notably “musica plana”. A striking feature of the treatises written by the Cracow theorists is the use and the definition of musical terms. The ambiguity of the terms arises not only from the fact that one term was used in several different and alternative meanings but also because the meanings ascribed to one term were ostensibly derived one from the other and consequently came to represent a broad but vaguely outlined concept. Because of the ambiguity or rather ambivalence regarding its meaning, a single term can be given different and at times radically contradictory interpretations. On the other hand, because of the broad range of interpretations the ambiguous or “elastic” terms may be treated as keys that open the door to a conceptual system where they perform the role of a binding agent that ties the separate elements togetner. One such term is “ars”. The different meanings of the term arise, it seems, from the relationship in which “ars” is placed to its opposite, “nature”. The term “ars” may be taken to mean “the study and the discovery of nature”. Thus defined “ars” is equivalent to the consciousness of nature which is acquired with the discovery of its laws. The proponent of this meaning of “ars” is Pythagoras, “inventor musica apud Graecos”, “princeps numerorum”, and “investigator proportionum”, its subject being “numerum sonorum”. That explains why “musica artificialis” could stand for the science “de numero sonoro”. The discovery of the laws of nature enables us to imitate it: “musica artificialis”, the branch of learning devoted to “numerum sonorum”, is at the same time “debita modulandi scientia”: the study of ”sonant numbers” is conducted “propter melodiam constituendam”. Standards of procedure may be formulated on the basis of the discovered laws of nature. “Ars liberalis” provides the foundation for the formulation of the “ars canendi” principles. “Ars” may therefore be designated “collectio praeceptorum”: it is “ars docens” derived from “ars” which “quaesivit et invenit”, and as such is equivalent to “scientia”. “Ars” as “collectio praeceptorum” is “ars scientiae”. That is why “musica artificialis/regularis” may also be designated as a collection of standards that regulate music or as music regulated by standards. The two concepts of “ars”, seemingly poles apart, in that one was conceived as a study of nature while the other was regarded as a set of standards that regulate human activity, form the dichotomy “theorica — practica” that permeates virtually every aspect of the “generalia”. Since the concepts exist side by side, the terms “ars” and “scientia” are used interchangeably in the definition of musical terms. The two terms are conjoined by the concept “musicus adaequatus”, the ideal musician who combines theoretical knowledge with practical skills. “Ars” may finally be superior to “nature”: a musician equipped with “ars” stands above the “cantor” who is guided solely by his “naturali quodam sensu”. As may be proved by the examples illustrating “effectus musicae”, the discovery of the laws of nature enables us to manipulate it: Pythagoras, “princeps numerorum” — could induce and shake off sleep through music. “Ars” can even vanquish “nature”. Orpheus, “inventor huius artis apud gentiles”, “musicae expertissimus”, triumphed over death and vanquished nature when, thanks to his music, he rescued Euridice from Hades. Intended “in laudem Dei” music makes mortals immortal, converts sinners into saints, people into angels; while still remaining “scientia” it lays claim to the title “ars pulcherrima”. The instrument of “ars canendi”, as explained within the framework of “singularia”, is “vox”. The term could signify “instrumentum naturale”, i.e. “vox humana”, as well as a solmizational syllable. The Cracow theorists began the exposition of the principles of “ars canendi” by explaining the term “vox”. According to their explanation, the solmizational syllables seem to be derived from “instrumentum naturale” so that the distinction between the two meanings of the term “vox” was obscured. It seems that “genus diatonicum”, recognized as the most natural for the human voice formed the link between these two meanings. The hexachord, composed of voces ut-re-mi-fa-sol-la which combine all three groups of diatonic fourths, is an exponent of the diatonic scale. A similar relationship is found between the two meanings applied to the term “cantus”: “cantus” as “modulatio vocis” and “cantus” as “hexachordum”. “Voces”, when arranged in hexachords and superimposed on the “model” scale Γ-ee, revealed their interval structure. They transformed the abstract “litterae” into “claves” — keys that opened up the “nature” of singing. By adding hexachords from g, c, f beyond the extreme tones 1' and ee, that form the framework of the “model” scale, the “clavium” scale could be extended at will while preserving the interval structure. By transposing the hexachords to any optional tone scale, the “clavium” scale could be transposed with its “naturalis disposition” preserved, as required by the rules governing tone transposition (scala ficta), or “condensed” with new semitones. The “condensation”, achieved by introducing “voces fictas”, transformed “genus diatonicum” into “genus chromaticum” understood as “diatonicae progressionis condensatio”. The essence of thinking in terms of hexachords may be seen to lie in the “generative” function of the hexachord. Because of its role in revealing the interval structure, “voces” was regarded as “intervali nomenclatura”. The principles governing the use of “voces”, the basis of “ars canendi”, meant that the proportions studied by “speculativa” music remained inviolate. “Voces” constituted the final link in the transformation of abstract numerical proportions into real tones remaining at specific distances from each other measured with the aid of “modus”. “Modus”, the next term with many connotations, referred to “mensura localis” and “temporalis” alike, as if linking through numerical proportions, “in quibus modi fundantur”, the two branches of “ars canendi” — “musica plana” and “musica mensuralis” — with “ars, cuius subiectum est numerus sonorum”. Within the framework of “musica plana”, “modus” represented the “ascensus” and “descensus” — “arsis” and “thesis” — designating a single interval or a specific arrangement of intervals which formed “systema toni”; in the second meaning “modus” was e qual to the octave species. In both cases “modus” was given a virtually identical etymological derivation. According to the “repercussionis” concept, “modus” could also constitute the identification quality of a tone. In the “quantitatis” category, “modus” is modified as “modus peculiaris” into the “qualitatis” category: it becomes a specific melody recognizable by the tone and as such enters the sphere of specific expressive properties of which “tonus” is the exponent. “Tonus” could affect the human psyche through its ascribed attributes of expression. The ”causa finalis” of music was therefore attained through the agency of tone defined as “finis et principium artis musicae”: in accord with its “utilitas”, music was capable of influencing human emotions and, by the same token, man’s inner harmony. The plainsong treatises of the first half of the 16th century contain no exposition on the subject of direct relationships between the expressive qualities of tone and man’s inner harmonycovered by the term “musica humana”. To show these relationships, it is necessary to examine more extensive texts such as the anonymous treatise marked BJ 1927 and Musica practica by Ramos de Pareja. Anonym BJ 1927 posed the following question in the title of the chapter on the expressive properies of tones (quoted earlier): “How do people of different complexions (temperaments) become fond of various Modes?” In his reply, based on the views of Boethius and Guido of Arezzo, the author states that musical preferences are linked not only with the region in which the given people live (the peoples of the East delight “in levioribus modis et quasi femineijs cantibus” while the western nations — in “nec nimis asperis nec nimis levibus modulationibus”) but also with the innate “qualitas vel complexio” (one, in accord with his temperament, seeks tenderness and gaiety in singing, another — dignity and solemnity, etc.) Anonim BJ 1927, k. 236r-236v: „...sciendum, quod sicut diverse sunt gentes, ita etiam utuntur modis et varijs cantibus seu cantilenis delectantur. Omnes nempe origentales gentes quasi levioribus modis et quasi femineis cantibus gaudere noscuntur. Occidentales vero asperis et fractis cantilenae saltibus vescuntur, mediterranae autem gentes nec nimis asperis nec nimis levibus modulationibus oblectantur, sed quadam modulatione habita ex utraque parte temperatum cantum efficiunt, nec femineas resonant blanditias nec barbaricis vexantur asperitatibus. Non solum autem tam diverse gentes sed etiam unius gentis homines pro insita sibi qualitate vel complexione variis pascuntur modulationibus. Unus enim in cantu nil aliud nisi mollitiem et lasciviam iuxta habitudinem suae mentis descenderat. Alius gravibus tantum et sobriis cantibus demulcetur. Alius vero, ut amens, incomptis vexationibus pascitur et iste gravibus, ille vero acutis discurrere gaudet”. . Ramos de Pareja also cites the opinion of Boethius when he argues in the chapter “in quo musicae mundanae, humanae ac instrumentalis per tonos conformitas ostenditur” that the four modes — protus, deuterus, tritus and tetrardus — correspond to the four human temperaments: phlegmatic, choleric, sanguine and melancholic. Furthermore authentic tones stimulate the emotions typifying a given temperament and the plagal tones by contrast have a soothing effect on these emotions. The Pythagoreans, who were familiar with this rule and who knew that the whole structure of our soul and body rests upon musical harmony, had the ability to use music for therapeutic purposes' Bartholomé Ramos de Pareja Musica practica. Bononiae 1482, p. 43-44. . In Cracow this view was propagated by Jerzy Liban of Legnica although he did not classify music according to the Boethian categories Jerzy Liban De musicae laudibus oratio. Cracoviae 1540; k. E2v-F2r. . The Cracow authors defined “musica humana” not only as an inner harmony but also as actual musical sounds produced by the “vox humana”. In Sebastian of Felsztyn the two meanings of the term are still kept separate. In other texts, however, there are indications of a tentative link between the two meanings, so that we might view the term “musica humana” as in some senses uniting “vox” and “tonus” — the ultimate question of “musica plana”. According to the definition quoted by Sebastian of Felsztyn (II) and modelled on the formulas applied by Wollick, Adam of Fulda and Anonym BJ 568, “musica humana” would be a “passive state”: an inner harmony subject to the effects of “musica sonora”. But according to the concept “musica humana/vox”, professed by Anonym Bartha and the concept “musica harmonica” presented by Anonym BJ 1927 and Gaffurius, that inner harmony may manifest itself in action: it can become sonant harmony, externalized and produced through the “vox”. “Per vocem”, Anonym Bartha states, “anima est agens”. Anonym BJ 1927 and Gaffurius derived “harmonica” music from “harmony” created by “corpus humanum” as a system of different instruments and elements of the inner harmony externalized in an appropriate manner by “vocis modulatio”: “Hec enim [sc. harmonia], Anonym BJ 1927 and Gaffurius maintain, “ex animo et corpore motum facit, ex motum sonum, ex sono verbum et modulationem”. We may say consequently that “musica humana, quae vocem humanam requirit” would be the embodiment of the inner harmony, “a harmony in action”; when the harmony assumes the shape of a melody it affects “musica humana”, “quae in corpore et anima est situata”. “For as the melody runs on”, Sebastian of Felsztyn repeats after Wollick, “a person feels refreshed and invigorated and whereas he takes the greatest pleasure in the consonance of modulations so he recoils when anything on that harmony is spoiled.” The system of concepts outlined above marks the main points of the framework around which the Cracow plainsong treatises of the first half of the 16th century were built. The extent to which this framework is brought to bear on the individual treatised depends very much upon the models, that is the sources, from which the Cracow authors took the material they compiled in their works. The Cracow theorists remained within the sphere of orientation that was dominant in Latin Europe at the time, an orientation linked with the names of two leading theorists of the late 15th century and the early 16th century, Adam of Fulda and Franchin Gaffurius. The concepts of Adam of Fulda reached Cracow through the agency of theorists of the Cologne school. However, one cannot exclude direct knowledge of the treatise of Adam of Fulda in every case: certain fragments of the texts, most notably of Anonym BJ 2616, would strongly indicate that the author had access to the original. The Cologne school of theorists, whose treatises, by all indications, the Cracow theorists made use of, were above all: Nicolaus Wollick (Opus aureum), Udalricus Burchard (Hortulus musicae) and Andreas Omitoparchus (Micrologus musicae activae). Sebastian of Felsztyn made greatest use of them, especially in his Opusculum musices noviter congestum. The treatise may be assumed to be a version of Opusculum musicae compilatum updated by borrowing from the latest developments in the teaching of “musica plana”. Contacts between the Cracow theorists and the Cologne school are known to have existed as early as the second decade of the 16th century. Monetarius and quite possibly Marek of Plock had access to the treatises of Cochlaeus and Burchard. This fact would testify to a lively interchange between Cologne and Cracow, considering that Epitoma by Monetarius appeared, as generally accepted, in 1515, and hence a year after the publication of Burchard’s Hortulus musicae, while the treatise of the same title by Marek of Plock was issued less than four years later. Wollick’s Opus aureum was known in 1517 at the latest, that is the year of publication of Opusculum musicae compilatum noviter by Sebastian of Felsztyn. Micrologus by Omitoparch, published for the first time in 1517, was known in Cracow prior to 1524, the year of the first printing of Opusculum musices noviter congestum, and so 15 years earlier than A. Chybinski believed. We may now identity those solutions to the questions taken up by the Cracow treatises which are based on the Cologne formulas. The beginnings of the Cologne school and its activity are linked with the person of Nicolaus Wollick, who, as K.-W. Niemöller demonstrates, propagated and developed the concepts of Adam of Fulda K.W. Niemöller Nicolaus Wollick (1480 1541) und sein Musiktraktat. „Beiträge zur Rheinischen Musikegschichte” Heft 13, Köln 1956, s. 276. . Wollick’s concept of separating “musica naturalis” from the subject of music and of concentrating solely on “musica artificialis” lay at the foundations of that school’s contribution. Wollick’s successors, Cochlaeus and Burchard, by replacing the division “musica naturalis — artificialis” by the division “musica theorica — practica”, where only “practica” is subject to further classification, proved that they considered „praxis” Jw., s. 259. the central problem of the science of music. The accent placed on “musica practica” contributed to the new attitude to the distinction “musicus — cantor” by raising the “cantor” to the rank of “musicus practicus”; the former meaning of that distinction was transferred to the division “musica usualis — regulata”, known to be a characteristic feature of the Cologne classification of music Jw., s. 260 i 281. . All the elements of that view may be found in the Cracow treatises. The division into “musica non sonora” and “sonora” and concentration on the last are a feature of nearly all the Cracow classification of music. Two of the Cracow classification frameworks are exact replicas of the classifications presented by Cochlaeus and Burchard. Stefan Monetarius took the same position as Cochlaeus on the question of “musicus — cantor”. The Cologne formulas are also evident in the area of the “singularia”. The proof lies in the exposition of the subject and the borrowings, most pronounced in the treatises of Marek of Plock and Sebastian of Felsztyn. However, individual questions are resolved in accord with widely accepted standards. Fewer references were made in Cracow to the treatises of Gaffurius. Credit for access to his Practica musicae is attributed to Monetarius, Jerzy Liban of Legnica and the anonymous author of the treatise Ad faciendum cantum coralem from the Tablature of Jan of Lublin. The fourth Cracow theorist to make wide use of the work of Gaffurius was Anonym BJ 2616; he borrowed not only from Practica but also from Theorica. The relation between Practica musicae and Epitoma by Monetarius is well known. Except for a few solutions in the “generalia” (such as the classification of music) and the exposition on the subject of the intervals, virtually the whole of Epitoma is inspired by the views set forth by Gaffurius. It is quite likely that Monetarius quoted Tinctoris and Giorgio Anselm after Gaffurius. The most important concept taken from Gaffurius is the idea of the unity of theory and practice expressed through the term “musicus adaequatus”, which Anonym BJ 2616 introduced in his treatise, and the commentary to the definition “actionis musices” quoted by Monetarius which argues persuasively that the actions of “rationis” and “scientiae” are futile if they are not supported by practice. The fact that Monetarius associated this commentary with the position taken by Cochlaeus on the question of “musicus — cantor” suggests that some of the concepts attributed to the Cologne school were in fact a reflection of a general tendency. The other “Gaffurian elements” that appeared in the Cracow treatises were the division “vox”, the exposition on proportions quoted by Anonym BJ 2616 and the treatment of the problems of the hexachord system presented by Monetarius such as “proprietas”, mutation, “musica ficta” the last of which, placed in the categories of “chromatici generis”, seems especially important; Monetarius also followed Gaffurius in his tonal classification of melodies. Anonym Ossol. 2297/I holds a singular position among the seven treatises that were analysed here. It is the only one that reveals clear ties with the formula used by the preceding generation of Cracow theorists. There is a similarity between “versus” related to “inventores musicae” and the treatment of the problem of conjunct motion given by the treatise and the exposition of Szydlowita, Anonym BJ 1927 and Anonym BJ 1859; the authors of these texts must have made use of the Opusculum monocordale by Johannes Valendrin (Hollandrin). Szydłowita’s Muzyka and the Anonym Ossol. 2297/I both give a description in verse form of the expressive properties of church tones and an exposition on “vox simplex” and “vox composita”: these elements are independent of Opusculum monocordale. The Ossol. 2297/I treatise reveals a convergence with the anonymous commentary to Opusculum monocordale indicating an unknown “second source” rather than borrowings; the division of musica in both texts into “usualis” and “artificialis” implies that “die Besonderheit” of the Cologne classification of music was known in Cracow through other earlier sources. Our conclusions regarding the inter-relations between the Cracow treatises of the first half of the 16th century must differ from Chybinski’s view which was based on the analysis of the Cracow mensural treatises. He did not find common elements in the individual treatises A. Chybiński Teoria menzuralna to polskiej literaturze muzycznej. Kraków 1911, s. 8. . Yet there are very many shared elements in the field of “musica plana”. Five of the seven treatises examined here — the treatise Anonym Ossol. 2297/I, Anonym BJ 2616, the two Opuscula by Sebastian of Felsztyn and Hortulus musices by Marek of Plock — reveal clear textual convergences. The shared elements are: Two of the elements of classification and the exposition of the subject of “modi” seem particularly important because they have no models outside the Cracow circle. Although some of the details, like the identification of “musica humana” with “musica vocalis” and the introduction for the term “musica practica” of the Augustan definition “musica est bene modulandi scientia”, also appear in texts put out by circles outside Cracow, the classification of music based on the scheme is certainly an original concept of the Cracow theorists. It expresses the same tendency as that represented by the division of music into “naturalis” and “artificialis” made by Adam of Fulda, a tendency the purpose of which was to concentrate the study of music on tonal phenomena. The transformation of that division into the juxtaposition “musica theorica — practica”, as represented by the classifications based on the formulas introduced by Cochlaeus and Burchard, gave priority to problems of a purely practical nature — “ars canendi” to which “ars componendi” was soon added, both embraced by the term “musica poetica”. Questions related to “musica theorica” were thus separated from “ars canendi”. This was reflected in the subjects taken up by the Cologne treatises where numerical proportions and measurements on the monochord are usually omitted K. W. Niemöller, op. cit., s. 261-262. . In the Cologne classification the central problem of the study of music is “musica practica ”. Meanwhile, the Cracow theorists — Anonym Ossol. 2297/I, Anonym BJ 2516 and Sebastian of Felsztyn, although they were moving in the same direction, had evolved a somewhat different concept. They took for their central problem not “musica practica” as opposed to “theorica” but “musica humana” to which “musica speculativa” was subordinated. “Musica speculativa” is taken to represent a strictly mathematical discipline with numerical proportions as its subject, deprived of the cosmological substance which was ascribed solely to “musica mundana”. “Musica humana”, defined at times as “quae vocem humana requirit et cantare artificialiter docet”, is held to be virtually identical with “ars canendi”. The idea of “musica speculativa” as one of the elements of “ars canendi” is reflected in the problems taken up in the treatises of Sebastian of Felsztyn and even more of Anonym BJ 2626, who devoted a good deal of attention to numerical proportion and measurements on the monochord. The textbooks thus seem to objectify the Gaffurian idea of the unity of theory and practice (the Gaffurian “musicus adaequatus” is both “practicus” and “speculativus” but not “theoricus”). Closely related to this treatment of “musica speculativa” is the Cracow concept of the theory of intervals: “modi” are linked with measures based on numerical proportions both by definition and etymology; the numerical proportion is the criterion of their division into “perfecti” and “imperfecti”. In their treatises Cochlaeus and Burchard examine intervals exclusively in practical terms. Cochlaeus uses the term “intervallum” to designate “the distance between high and low notes” thus directly invoking aural experience Johannes Cochlaeus Tetrachordum musices. Nurnbergae 1514, k. A4v. ; Burchard explains “modus” as the distance between two “voces” — solmizational syllables Udalricus Burchard Hortulus musicae practicae. Lipsiae 1518, k. B4r. . Anonym Ossol. 2297/I and Anonym BJ 2616 for their part define “modus” as a “proportionata” distance; Marek of Plock also subscribed to that view even though he proved to be an advocate of the Cologne classification of music. Despite the precedence given to “musica speculativa”, the Cracow theorists did not neglect the question of ”musica practica”. Furthermore, they examined the problems of solmization in greater detail perhaps than the Cologne theorists, illustrating individual rules with examples, something Burchard failed to do. The hexachordal system has been presented in the context of the tendences then in force whose purpose was to simplify mutations which were needed in the performance of mensural compositions. Marek of Plock in his treatment of “cantus” as a kind of “mode” and of “cantus naturalis” as a “mixtus”, hence as a secondary category to “durum” and “molle” (“cantus” therefore becomes virtually the equivalent of “scala dura” and “scala mollis”), foreshandows Sebald Heyden’s ostensibly dualistic concept of “cantus”. Are the classification of music and the concept of “musica speculativa” elements that impart a certain distinctive quality to the expositions of the three Cracow theorists, so relating them to the earlier held view in Cracow’s university circles ? Because of the negligible progress made in the study of 15th century music in Poland, it is possible to give only a hypothetical answer that by no means exhausts the problem in any way. We may base our conclusions only on observations made earlier. 1. The tendency to concentrate on tonal phenomena in the study of music was reflected by the classification of music made by Anonym BJ 568: the author of the introduction to the treatise Musica speculativa by Johannes de Muris regarded “musica mundana” as a domain of metaphysics, and “musica humana” as a domain of physics. This left the musicians with only “musica vocalis sive instrumentilis”. The Anonym BJ 568 manuscript, part of which was produced in Braunschweig about the year 1460 (the text discussed here quite probably belongs to this part) and part in Cracow about 1490, belonged to Leonard of Dobczyce, a lecturer in mathematical disciplines who was active at the Jagiellonian University toward the end of the 15th century; it may be assumed that it served as material for lectures on Arismetrica cum musica. 2. The original formula underlying the interpretation of “musica humana = quae vocem humana requirit” may have been the statement repeated after Izydor by Anonym BJ 1927 that “musica quae est in homine, vox appellatur”. The manuscript marked BJ 1927 remained in Cracow: the text dealt with here may have been a copy of Tractatus de simplici cantus produced in Prague in the early 15th century. The Prague copyist of the text was Stanislaw of Gniezno; the Cracow copy was made in 1448 by an unidentified copyist whose initials are N.P. de C. The copy was most probably made for teaching purposes. 3. The concept “musica speculativa” is clearly related to the problems taken up in the treatise Musica speculativa by Johannes de Muris, a standard text for lectures in music at the Jagiellonian University in the 15th and 16th centuries. Sebastian of Felsztyn pointed out this relationship. The formula for the definition of “musica speculativa” used by the three Cracow authors — Anonym Ossol. 2297/I, Anonym BJ 2616 and Sebastian of Felsztyn — comes very close to the definition given by Anonym BJ 1927. The texts listed above belong to the “Cracow tradition”. Actually the “Cracow tradition” is founded in musical “Latinitas” rooted “apud Graecos” and “apud Hebraeos”. It was also represented by the Cracow authors of the first half of the 16th century who also called themselves its “imitatores” and “sequaces”. They quoted the “inventors” and borrowed freely from all manner of “opusculi”, “rudimenti” and “musica”. They quoted Boethius, Augustyn, Izydor, Johannes de Muris, Guidon whom they knew only at “second hand”; they copied principally from the compilations made by Wollick, Cochlaeus, Burchard and Ornitoparch without attribution with one exception, namely the “princeps inter musicos aetate nostra”, as he was called in Cracow Jerzy Liban, op. cit., k. F3r: „Franchinus, qui aetate nostra inter musicos facile princeps extitit”. , Franchinus Gaffurius.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Książka
Tytuł:
Minimum-autocorrelation sequences
Последовательности с минимальной автокорреляцией
Ciągi minimalnej autokorelacji
Autorzy:
Zaremba, C.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/742309.pdf
Data publikacji:
1963
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Matematyczny PAN
Źródło:
Applicationes Mathematicae; 1963-1964, 7, 2; 195-203
1233-7234
Pojawia się w:
Applicationes Mathematicae
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
W rytmie granatowej maciejówki
Autorzy:
Zaremba - Adamczyk, Marian.
Data publikacji:
1936
Wydawca:
Łódź : nakł. Zarządu Koła P.O.W.
Tematy:
Warszawa Grób Nieznanego Żołnierza literatura
Zaremba-Adamczyk Marian Mogiła Nieznanego Żołnierza. Inscenizacja dramatyczna
Wiersz polski tematyka 1918-1939 r.
Poezja polska tematyka 1918-1939 r.
Opis:
S. 85-93, Mogiła Nieznanego Żołnierza. Inscenizacja dramatyczna.
Dostawca treści:
Bibliografia CBW
Książka
Tytuł:
Parlament Europejski a sprawa polska. Kilka uwag po ostatnich wyborach
Autorzy:
Zaremba, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421058.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Opis:
Artykuł zawiera uwagi dotyczące znaczenia ostatnich wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego dla rodzimej sceny politycznej. Autor rozróżnia pomiędzy polską i europejską stawką tych wyborów, uznając tę pierwszą za zdecydowanie bardziej uchwytną. Nie oznacza to, że kryzysowe tendencje w ramach instytucji europejskich pozostają bez wpływu na pozycje głównych graczy w tej kampanii. Nie ulega wszakże wątpliwości, że mamy tu do czynienia przede wszystkim z kolejną odsłoną rywalizacji pomiędzy dwiema głównymi si-łami politycznymi, przy czym utrzymująca się ciągle przewaga partii rządzącej może się stać o wiele bardziej problematyczna właśnie w kontekście nowych wyzwań na poziomie losów Europy.
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2014, 5, 11; 161-173
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
On Janmann-Zaremba time derivative
Autorzy:
Piskorek, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/748699.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Matematyczne
Tematy:
Constitutive equations
Applications to physics
Opis:
.
This is an extended discussion of the introduction and role played by the so-called co-rotational derivative (also called the Jaumann derivative in Germany and, rightfully, the Zaremba derivative in Poland) and other "objective'' time derivatives of geometrical objects as they appear in continuum physics. This is achieved in a somewhat abstract formalism starting with clearly defined "spatial" and "material" notions, the differentiable-manifold definition of deformation tensors, and the notions of parallel transport and Lie derivative. The notion of "objectivity'' (as common in continuum mechanics since the pioneering work of W. Noll) and Piola transformations follow next. The paper ends with a reminder on local balance equations and objective constitutive equations such as those of the time-rate type. It seems that the author does not know the famous book of J. E. Marsden and T. J. R. Hughes [Mathematical foundations of elasticity, corrected reprint of the 1983 original, Dover, New York, 1994; MR1262126], where most of the given material can be found.
Źródło:
Mathematica Applicanda; 1995, 24, 38
1730-2668
2299-4009
Pojawia się w:
Mathematica Applicanda
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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