Wszystkie pola: Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych (Uniwersytet Warszawski) - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Tytuł:: Przemysław Osiewicz, ‘Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Between Ideology and Pragmatism’, Routledge, New York/Abingdon, 2020
Autorzy:: Sadowski, Radosław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343738.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 192-196
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 19.

Tytuł:: Energy security as a research area of international security
Autorzy:: Misiągiewicz, Justyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343781.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: energy security
securitization
international security
energy market
theoretical approaches
Opis:: The research objective of the study is to analyse the essence and specificity of energy security in the light of research on international security. Thus, various theoretical approaches, useful in the analysis of energy security issues, were taken into account. The analysis allows us to conclude that energy security issues take into account long-term development trends as well as unpredictable events related to the functioning of energy market and energy technology. Thus, unexpected, sudden phenomena resulting from the dynamics of the international environment gain in importance. The dilemma related to non-linear thinking often ignores a variety of solutions that, taken together, can cause a radical turn in the energy security concept and its evolution.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 116-134
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 20.

Tytuł:: Russian-Chinese cooperation and competition in Afghanistan and its implications for Central Asia
Autorzy:: Aliyev, Nurlan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343769.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Russia
China
Afghanistan
Central Asia
the Taliban
Opis:: This paper aims to explore current and perspective trends of relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It also analyzes whether the withdrawal of the U.S. and the subsequent Taliban takeover helped—and continues to help—strengthen the two powers’ positions in the region and what kind of challenges and benefits they face. The paper examines the hypothesis that the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban’s return to power added to Russia and China’s benefits in the region. The research uses content analysis regarding official documents, political and military elite speeches, interviews, and reports to explain Russia and China’s official positions and policies regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia. Relations between the two powers as regards Afghanistan and Central Asia are comparatively analyzed. The paper uses the neorealist approach, which is fit for explaining relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, regional security is now the business of the regional powers, mainly China and Russia. Now they should bear the responsibilities and share the burdens. There is probably more ground for competition after eliminating the threats in Afghanistan and especially in Central Asia for Moscow and Beijing. However, Russia and China will continue to try to align their interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia, especially if their relations with U.S. remain at the current level or worsen in the coming years. Based on the findings, this paper argues that, on the one hand, Russia and China continue to try to take advantage of the instability in the region by stepping up their security and economic influences in Central Asia. However, their stabilizing efforts in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the U.S., ironically may increase competition between China and Russia.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 94-115
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 21.

Tytuł:: Processes of globalisation and small and medium-sized cities
Autorzy:: Szpak, Agnieszka
Modrzyńska, Joanna
Dahl, Michał
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343735.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: small and medium-sized cities
globalisation
city networks
Opis:: Progressive urbanization, economic integration, and development of modern technologies lead to the emergence of a new generation of globally networked cities attracting capital, ideas and people. Size is not the most significant factor influencing the importance of a city. At least equally important are innovation, activity in city networks, the activity of the inhabitants and the quality of life. 15 years ago, Taylor et al. suggested that “it is no longer possible to talk of ‘non-global’ cities”. The research problem of this paper corresponds with the statement, addressing the question whether and how small and medium-sized cities show their manifestations of globalization. The hypothesis is that cities, regardless of size, show some signs of it. Such manifestations may be classified as political, economic, socio-cultural, and other. The conclusions confirm that the hypothesis has been positively verified. As a result of the application of probability sampling methods, the cities chosen for examination include the European cities of Aarhus (Denmark), Basel (Switzerland), and Tallinn (Estonia) as they are representative for numerous small and medium-sized cities.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 69-93
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 22.

Tytuł:: A neoclassical-realist analysis of Japan’s stance on cross-strait relations
Autorzy:: Żakowski, Karol
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343777.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Japan
cross-strait relations
foreign policy
neoclassical realism
Opis:: Since 1972, Tokyo has maintained official diplomatic relations with Beijing, while stressing the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. Based on governmental documents and decision-makers’ political declarations, this article examines Japan’s approach towards cross-strait relations since the 1990s. It applies the perspective of neoclassical realism by analyzing both the international determinants (independent variables) and the domestic factors (intervening variables) behind Tokyo’s approach to ‘One China’ policy. The article tries to answer the question why different Japanese governments reacted in various ways to cross-strait frictions and rapprochement. It is argued that the level of Tokyo’s involvement in the Taiwan problem was dependent both on international and domestic factors. Growing concerns about China’s military buildup, coupled with a gradual demise of pro-Beijing faction in the Liberal Democratic Party, pushed Japan towards containing the People’s Republic of China (PRC) while ameliorating relations with Taipei. As Sino-Japanese relations deteriorated, Tokyo became less inclined to lecture Taiwan against provoking Beijing and more willing to support Taipei’s international initiatives. At the same time, Japan started perceiving cross-strait rapprochement not only as a factor stabilizing the regional security system, but also as a potential threat to national security.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 6-24
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 23.

Tytuł:: Zbigniew Brzeziński : myśl, działanie, dziedzictwo
Współwytwórcy:: Pochylska-Sokołowska, Anna. Redakcja
Śledź, Piotr. Redakcja
Walkowiak, Anna (stosunki międzynarodowe). Redakcja
Oficyna Wydawnicza Aspra-JR. Wydawca
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych. Instytucja sprawcza
Data publikacji:: 2019
Wydawca:: Warszawa : Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR
Tematy:: Brzeziński, Zbigniew (1928-2017)
Polityka
Politycy
Stosunki międzynarodowe
Biografia
Materiały konferencyjne
Opis:: Materiały z międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Zbigniew Brzeziński: myśl, działanie, dziedzictwo, przeprowadzonej na Wydziale Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych UW w dniach 20-21 października 2017 r.
Dostawca treści:: Bibliografia CBW

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Skocz do pozycji: 24.

Tytuł:: The gridlock of the Trans-Himalayan railway: China’s strategic calculations about Nepal
Autorzy:: Bhattarai, Gaurav
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343740.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Trans-Himalayan Railways
South Asia
BRI
India
China
Nepal
Opis:: Although discussion about connecting Chinese railways to Nepal borders first surfaced in the year 1973, it could not make any headway until the political change of 2006 in Nepal, when the idea of linking Tibet with Kathmandu resurfaced again. However, political instability in Nepal further thwarted it, at least until Nepal faced the Indian blockade in 2015 and had to look for ways to diversify its trade and transit. Thus, for Nepal, China’s railways offer an escape from its dependence on India for trade and transit. But, for Beijing, it offers a strategic gateway to enter South Asia, which is India’s conventional sphere of influence. Although Nepal and its northern neighbor China have agreed to connect Nepal’s capital Kathmandu with the Tibetan Autonomous Region of China through railways, the materialization of such a game-changer is not free from challenges. Against the same backdrop, the objective of this study is to discover various challenges faced by the trans-Himalayan railways including political, bureaucratic, economic, and environmental challenges, and to concurrently identify how the geopolitical challenge tops the list, halting Nepal’s ambition to ‘bridge’ India and China and instead aggravating the possibility of becoming a burden to both the Asian giants. While the available literature on China and South Asia is mostly concentrated on Belt and Road (BRI) projects, ‘debt trap’ narratives, and geopolitical rivalry between India and China, this study would be a new attempt to understand how China’s aim to get connected with South Asia via land is not free of impediments. Using the qualitative method, this study reviews the geopolitical challenges confronted by the trans-Himalayan railway in the context of territorial disputes between India and China in the Himalayan region and the U.S.-Indian strategic partnership to contain the rise of China and its ambitious connectivity projects.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 44-70
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 25.

Tytuł:: The shape of the international order: the case study of AUKUS
Autorzy:: Uz Zaman, Rashed
Yasmin, Lailufar
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343742.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: AUKUS
Indo-Pacific
Quad
International Order
China's Rise
Opis:: This article argues that in the 21st century, international order has not only become unstable but also shortterm in nature and issue-based, which has led to the emergence of a number of alliances whose functionality can be questioned. A number of alliances are being formed and are in existence but without any clear goals and objectives. This hypothesis is applied to understand the nature of the recently formed AUKUS—Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States’ alliance in the Indo-Pacific region. The paper, taking the framework of international order, argues that AUKUS would be one such alliance that has started with a lot of promises but its fundamental proposition to counter the rise of China in the Indo-Pacific region—although it does not mention the name of the country—is impractical. Given the economic rise of China as well as the example of the Five Eyes (FVEY) of intelligence sharing mechanism of the Anglophone countries formed during the early years of the Cold War, the AUKUS may survive the test of time but it also may exist as an example of the patterns of the current international order—that is another alliance without a clear path. This article also takes into account of the reaction of the Southeast Asian nations and criticisms against AUKUS in Australia. It points out how Australia’s security should be viewed more comprehensively.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 180-191
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 26.

Tytuł:: Cyber Technology and the European Union’s Gestaltian Approach to China
Autorzy:: Hasmath, Reza
Berzina-Cerenkova, Una
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343768.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: cyber technology
institutionalism
values
realpolitik
Huawei
European Union
China
Opis:: Contemporary European Union (EU) and China relations are marked by a simultaneously beneficial, conflictual and competitive partnership. This is aptly evident in the cyber technology realm. This paper contends that the European Union’s gestaltian approach towards China can be understood with the aid of three theoretical positions: (1) an institutional perspective; (2) as a values-based actor; and, (3) a realpolitik dimension. The arguments advanced in the paper, ultimately imply that the EU’s approach towards China can provide various EU domestic and global actors’ space to exploit contradictions, notably when it comes to cyber technology diplomacy. This has the attendant effect of fostering future fissures in the EU’s overall engagement with China.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 111-120
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 27.

Tytuł:: The idea of a fragile state: Emergence, conceptualization, and application in international political practice
Autorzy:: Ficek, Ryszard
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343744.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: fragile state
International Relations
military conflicts
aid organizations
Third World
Opis:: This paper studies the concept of a ‘fragile state,’ its origins, uniqueness, and the circumstances determining the changing dynamics of the presented subject, as well as the possibility of its application in the practice of International Relations (IR). The analysis of the conceptualization process, as well as the instrumental treatment of the idea of state’s fragility structures by decision-makers responsible for shaping foreign policy - especially in the context of the global development and security strategy - underlines the complexity and incoherence of the fragile state’s concept, which is currently considered as one of the most ‘wicked problems’ of the modern world, often torn by numerous brutal military conflicts. The author of the piece uses the term ‘fragile state’ to describe not only the form and conditions of disintegration of the state’s political and social ties and the dismantling of its state-legal infrastructure, but also analyzes issues related to the economic collapse, poverty, hunger, humanitarian disasters, armed conflicts, as well as numerous cases of elementary civil liberties and human rights violations. The article argues that deepening the comprehending of the fragile state’s idea, along with emphasizing its conceptual vagueness and complexity, concerning the ‘politically correct’ discourse on the problems of ‘fragility’ and states’ weakness, is necessary for a better awareness of the ambiguous and the perplexing nature of state power operating within the most politically unstable and insecure regions of the so-called ‘Third World.’
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 93-110
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 28.

Tytuł:: The impact of COVID-19 on the Persian Gulf: the realist perspective
Autorzy:: Grabowski, Wojciech
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343779.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: realism
COVID-19
Persian Gulf
Middle East
pandemic
coronavirus
China
U.S
Opis:: This article aims to show the impact of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on international relations and state policy in the Persian Gulf through the prism of realism theory. COVID-19 became a game changer for the domestic politics of the Persian Gulf countries and for the balance of power in that subregion. The application of realism reveals the statecraft of the Arab Persian Gulf during the pandemic to be a struggle for power and its consolidation. Therefore the hypothesis of the article holds that the authoritarian Arab Gulf states used the global COVID-19 pandemic crisis to consolidate and strengthen regime power and conduct humanitarian/mask/COVID-19 diplomacy toward the regimes most affected by the pandemic, shifting the geopolitical landscape. The first part of the article presents the general assumption of the analysis and the theoretical framework. The second and the third respectively discuss domestic and foreign policies of the Arab Persian Gulf states in the face of the pandemic, highlighting strengthening authoritarian tendencies and authoritarian bilateral cooperation. The fourth part relate to the Gulf Cooperation Council and its reaction on COVID-19. The last part draws on the theoretical framework adopted in the article offer conclusions that answer research questions.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 157-179
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 29.

Tytuł:: New accents in the U.S.-Iran relations. The perspective of Joe Biden’s administration
Autorzy:: Czornik, Katarzyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343771.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: The United States
Iran
the Middle East
Joe Biden
Ebrahim Raisi
Opis:: The main aim of this article is to determine the leading interests and objectives, both articulated and unarticulated, in Joe Biden’s Iran policy, as well as to present the determining factors which could lead to a potential reorientation of American policy towards this state. The article also aims to identify elements of continuity and change in Biden’s Iran strategy as compared to the Trump administration. The main hypothesis of the article assumes that contrary to the Trump administration, Joe Biden has given priority to dialogue and diplomacy with Iran. However, the dialogue is not unconditional and does not constitute a sum of compromises on the part of the United States (U.S). The paper points that the objective of Joe Biden’s administration is to introduce new accents through partial departure from the strategy pursued by the Trump administration focused on sustaining purposefully and deliberately hostile relations with Iran, intentionally presented as a backlash state, which allowed the U.S. to favour and strengthen its allies and Iran’s adversaries in the Middle East – Israel and Saudi Arabia. The two leading goals in the new administration’s policy towards Tehran are to persuade Iran’s authorities to return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which would become a platform for negotiating a new nuclear agreement, and to stop Iran’s support for Shia militias in Iraq and Syria. The key factor to determine the success or failure of such strategy is the victory of an ultraconservative candidate Ebrahim Raisi in the presidential election in 2021.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 25-41
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 30.

Tytuł:: Deterrence, resilience, and engagement: Tokyo’s response to the Ukraine war and Russia-China alignment
Autorzy:: Nagy, Stephen
Nguyen, Hanh
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343773.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: The Ukraine invasion
Japan
Russia
China
Russia-China alignment
Opis:: Russia’s unprovoked attack against Ukraine entails significant implications to Japan’s security and its surrounding environment. How is Japan responding to Russia’s use of force? What are the drivers of its responses? This case study examines official speeches by Japanese leaders and government senior officials, government announcements, opinion polls, and analyses by Japan experts to understand Tokyo’s perceptions and responses to Moscow’s military attack against Kiev. Seen from Tokyo, the invasion of Ukraine is not only an attack against the rules-based international order but also a manifestation of Japan’s security concerns regarding China’s growing military capabilities and closer Russia-China alignment, especially the potential use of military force to change the Indo-Pacific region’s power balance. This article also finds that Tokyo’s response to Russia-China alignment and the Ukraine invasion continues to be wedded to an approach is characterized by a mixture of engagement, resilience, and deterrence, aiming at both Russia and the growing Russia-China alignment.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 180-198
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 31.

Tytuł:: How Indian foreign policy negotiates federalism: a case study of the role of the constituent states
Autorzy:: Chatterjee, Shibashis
Maitra, Sreya
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343770.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Federalism
foreign policy
West Bengal
Assam
Northeast
domestic politics
Opis:: India’s centre-heavy federalism suffered dual downturns in the 1990s, with the tides of globalization and economic liberalization challenging the sanctity of borders and the incidence of coalition politics increasing the salience of regional equations and demands. But Indian foreign policy in the 1990s remained the almost exclusive preserve of the Centre, ruled by several coalitions of political parties like the National Front (1989–1996), United Front (1996–1998). As Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s popular yet controversial regime is poised at the middle of its second term in 2022 (beginning in 2019), the continued showcasing of the Centre’s leadership in foreign policy decisions, high-profile bilateral and multilateral engagements, bold collisions with uneasy neighbours, are only matched with the unilateralism exhibited within the borders. Given the oft-reported instances of acute voices of assertions by the states on various issues ranging from illegal and forced migration, resource-sharing, or economic development involving neighbouring countries, a stock-taking is needed, to explore how genuinely federal is India’s foreign policy. In other words, the role of the constituent states in leveraging influence and bargaining for their due share of active involvement as stakeholders, merits critical academic intervention. When tested against real cases, two observations can be made. The dynamics shaping federalism and foreign policy may not just involve the Centre and the states but involve local/regional factors and influences from across international borders as well. Second, there is no causal link between the nature of the government in power at the Centre, Union-state political equations, and the imperatives across the borders between provinces and neighbouring countries. This study examines three case studies; West Bengal, Assam, and the Northeast, to reveal that foreign policy operates within the constitutionally designed structures of federalism in India by negotiating recurrent complexities of politics and deceives regional stakeholders or states with narratives of inclusiveness.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 199-229
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 32.

Tytuł:: Improving national strategic foresight with the use of forecasting tournaments and its implications for the study of international relations
Autorzy:: Kleňha, Jan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343765.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: national strategy
foresight
forecasting tournament
Delphi method
deliberation
prediction
consensus
Opis:: Improving national strategic foresight can help the formation of more robust and informed policies, including foreign policy. Predicated upon the theory behind peer-prediction elicitation methods such as Reciprocal Scoring, we combined two foresight methods - Forecasting tournaments and a Delphi method - into a design in which a forecasting tournament predicted the results of a Delphi. Experts in a Delphi could take into account the arguments of participants from a prior forecasting tournament and thus make better-informed decisions. This methodological article aims to validate the feasibility of this design. It describes how we implemented it for identifying and prioritizing global megatrends as part of a strategic foresight project for the Czech government. We found this design practically applicable, while the forecasting tournament also seems to improve the ability of participants to predict a group consensus. Similar combinations of foresight methods could be used to enhance the study of international relations.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 71-92
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 33.

Tytuł:: Regional dimension of international environmental cooperation: the European Union environmental policy and its relations with its neighbors in the case of Russia
Autorzy:: Zaslavskaya, Natalia
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343739.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Environmental cooperation
European Union
Russia
regional cooperation
environmental policy
Opis:: This article aims to examine factors influencing the development of international environmental cooperation and the roles of particular actors participating in environmental cooperation. In general, the majority of international actors agree with the importance of environmental protection but demonstrate different visions in terms of necessary measures. The final result depends on their capability to find common ground. It is assumed that the EU, with its strong environmental policy, realizes the importance of transborder coordination of environmental measures and tries to promote environmental cooperation. Russia was a serious challenge to the EU in terms of environmental security due to its geographic proximity, its severe environmental problems, and its harmful influence over environmental situation in the EU member states. The EU policy towards Russia demonstrates how the EU promotes environmental cooperation and ensures improvement of the environmental situation in the neighboring states. This paper will answer the following research questions: what factors determine the motivation of international actors participating in environmental cooperation; how the EU environmental traditions and decision-making procedures influence its external environmental activities; and how the EU tries to influence Russian environmental policy.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 24-43
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 34.

Tytuł:: Perception in the USA of the Polish authorities’ efforts to strengthen the Polish-American alliance in the 21st century
Autorzy:: Jureńczyk, Łukasz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343772.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Polska
the United States
military alliance
NATO
war in Ukraine
Opis:: In the 21st century, the USA has been perceived in Poland as the main external guarantor of security. For this reason, Poland’s security policy is clearly pro-American, and the Polish authorities strive for the closest possible allied relations with the USA, both in the multilateral and bilateral dimension. These activities are in line with the concept of an offensive bandwagon, the more so that Poland rarely benefits from its strong support for the USA, going beyond traditional allied commitments within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The aim of the article is to present and analyze the activities of the Polish authorities to strengthen the alliance with the USA in the context of their perception by scientists and experts from the USA. Experts and scientists believe that Polish authorities are legitimately striving to tighten the alliance with the USA, given its role in Europe and the world. However, the Polish-American alliance is clearly asymmetric, and Poland should not count on special treatment from the USA. Nevertheless, the war in Ukraine offers a chance to raise Poland’s importance in the European policy of the USA.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 135-156
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 35.

Tytuł:: The fog of enlargement and the agony of accession: the European Union and Serbia in the light of a reform document
Autorzy:: Samardžić, Slobodan
Kovačević, Bojan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343736.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: European Union
crisis
Serbia
accession process
Monnet method
differentiated integration
Opis:: The 2009 public debt crisis onset triggered a fundamental constitutional transformation of the European Union (EU). What is the link between this transformation and the enlargement policy? The authors of the article seek an answer to this question. The main thesis is that the method of impersonal authoritarianism in dealing with the Eurozone crisis spilled over into the EU enlargement policy. On the one hand, we consider the systemic reasons for turning the enlargement policy into an instrument of geopolitical control of the states on the outer periphery. On the other hand, the problem is considered from the point of view of Serbia’s interest as an EU membership candidate country. The authors conclude that opening space for innovation and flexibility in relations would be in the mutual interest of the EU and candidate countries. The analysis of the new enlargement policy reform proposal examines the readiness of European leaders to open the door for a new type of relations with the candidate countries that would correspond to today’s European reality of the historical interregnum.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 7-23
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 36.

Tytuł:: New generation free trade agreements as a driver of institutional change: A case of Vietnam
Autorzy:: Boguszewski, Mariusz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343774.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-29
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Vietnam
institutional change
New Generation Free Trade Agreements (NGFTAs)
EU-Vietnam FTA (EVFTA)
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)
Opis:: According to new institutional economics, institutional change is a precondition to economic change and is caused by multiple forces. In addition to path dependence, and strategic policy direction of the country, there are external forces which might have a path-breaking effect. This paper investigates the role of new generation free trade agreements (NGFTAs) in the process of institutional change using the case of Vietnam. It focuses on the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) as the most advanced trade agreements ever concluded between developed and developing economies. The findings are based on selected new generation provisions of the CPTPP and EVFTA that confirmed limited success in formal institutional change, no visible impact on the informal part of the institutional setting, and a lack of enforcement incentives. However, institutional change might be achieved by market shifts that activate businesses. These entities, for example, enforce intellectual property rights, modern corporate governance standards or labor rights protection that might cause the spill-over effect into a broader spectrum of economic actors. Thus, they might cause a shift in informal norms triggering incremental changes leading to successful institutional change. NGFTAs might be considered indirect facilitators of this process because they promote a friendly business environment and increase Vietnam‘s investment attractiveness.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2022, 58; 42-68
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 37.

Tytuł:: The changing dynamics of the political economy in South and Southeast Asia and their impact on the security of ethno-religious minorities: a case study of Bangladesh and Myanmar
Autorzy:: Bagh, Dipannita Maria
Das, Tapas
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343734.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Bangladesh
Myanmar
Islamization
Maha Bama nationalism
Ethno-religious minorities
Opis:: At the geographical confluence of South and mainland Southeast Asia, connecting three economically vibrant regions of South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia, are located two asymmetric neighbours, the predominantly Buddhist Myanmar and the predominantly Muslim Bangladesh. Although at the exterior both neighbours seem to be distinct in topography, racial composition, and socio-cultural practices, they share similar post-colonial histories and nation forming trajectories, marked by decades of military dictatorship and struggles towards democracy, culminating in similar communal and ethno-religious politics. Initially these policies stemmed from a promise to secure the interests of the majority of the population but have over the decades evolved into regulating minorities’ access to the benefits of citizenship and human rights, thereby rendering the ethno-religious minorities helpless. This paper seeks to comprehensively study the aftermath of the struggle for liberation, post-colonial history and the process of nation-building, to understand how and why ethno-religious identity gained fundamental stature in state politics, and its impact on the security of ethno-religious minorities.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 121-139
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 38.

Tytuł:: The rise and fall of China’s ‘Peaceful Rise’: Implications for US-China geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific
Autorzy:: Kwun-Sun Lau, Raymond
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343737.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Indo-Pacific
Belt & Road Initiative (BRI)
US-China relations
Geopolitical competition
Strategic distrust
assertive nationalism
Peaceful rise/Peaceful development
Chinese/China Model
Opis:: Strategic competition and rivalry between the United States and China has become a paradigm of international relations in the past decade. Central to this growing strategic distrust between Washington and Beijing is the tug of war between the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, the role of China’s ‘peaceful rise/peaceful development’ strategy and assertive nationalism characteristic of Chinese foreign policymaking in creating an atmosphere of tension and misunderstanding between Beijing and Washington have been largely overlooked. This paper, therefore, seeks to understand the relationship between the rise and fall of China’s ‘peaceful rise/peaceful development’ concept, the emerging prominence of assertive nationalism in China’s foreign policy making and a deteriorating US-China relations with deepening strategic mistrust between the two major powers through a comparative-historical analysis of China’s BRI and the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy. Rather than demonstrating China’s commitment to its ‘peaceful rise/peaceful development’ to the world, this paper argues that Beijing’s offensive to defend China’s national interests in a confrontational manner is an indication that an increasingly confident Chinese leadership no longer feels the need for reassuring the world that China's ‘rise’ is peaceful and non-threatening in nature. This could embolden Beijing to defy (if not explicitly challenge) the ‘rules-based international order’ upheld/defended by Washington, thereby spelling the end of China’s ‘peaceful rise/peaceful development’ strategy.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 159-179
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 39.

Tytuł:: Treaty on Open Skies in a regional context: The implications of the US and the Russia’s decisions to withdraw from the treaty for the security of South Caucasus and Georgia
Autorzy:: Suwara, Ewa M.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31343741.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-07-26
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Studiów Międzynarodowych
Tematy:: Treaty on Open Skies
arms control
USA
Georgia
South Caucasus
Russia
Opis:: The Treaty on Open Skies has been an important legal instrument contributing to global arms control in recent years. Signed in 1992, the Treaty on Open Skies allows the monitoring and collection of data on military potential through observation flights over one another’s territories, thus becoming a confidencebuilding and transparency measure among its signatories. The recent decisions by the US and Russia to withdraw from this agreement impact the security situation globally and regionally. They reflect a gradual erosion of the architecture of arms control that has been introduced since the end of the Cold War. Georgia remains the only state in the South Caucasus to be a signatory to this Treaty. It is also the only state in the region to remain (since 2008) in a conflict with Russia. While striving to join the EU and NATO, it lies on the land of strategic importance to Russia and other regional and global players. The main objective of this publication is to discuss the importance of the Treaty on Open Skies, considering its specificity from a regional perspective, and to assess the implications of the withdrawals of the US and Russia from the Treaty on security in Georgia and in the South Caucasus. Using a descriptive approach and legal-political analysis, the author discusses the creation, functioning, and causes of the breakdown of this legal-institutional system, while looking at its importance for global arms control and security related consequences it may trigger for the region. A closer look at the South Caucasus highlights the author’s belief in the Treaty’s critical role in the region and the importance of preserving its existence.
Źródło:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations; 2021, 57; 140-158
0209-0961
Pojawia się w:: Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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