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Tytuł:
Dyplomacja wietnamska wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych na przełomie lat 70. i 80. XX w.
Vietnamese diplomacy towards the United States at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1941367.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
dyplomacja wietnamska
polityka zagraniczna Stanów Zjednoczonych
wietnamsko-amerykańskie stosunki dwustronne
region Azji Południowo-Wschodniej
Vietnamese diplomacy
foreign policy of the United States
Vietnam-US bilateral relations
Southeast Asia region
Opis:
Po podpisaniu Porozumień Paryskich (27.01. 1973 r.), a następnie zlikwidowaniu reżimu Thieu (1975) i zjednoczeniu państwa (1976 r.) Wietnam podjął wysiłek dyplomatyczny w celu normalizacji stosunków wzajemnych. Prowadzone na ten temat rozmowy ostatecznie zakończyły się fiaskiem. Złożyło się na to wiele przyczyn. Konflikt między Zbigniewem Brzezińskim i Cyrusem Vancem nie sprzyjał efektywności rozmów. Zbigniew Brzeziński był przeciwnikiem jakiegokolwiek kompromisu w rozmowach z Wietnamem i uważał, że najpierw należy unormować stosunki z Chinami, a dopiero potem z Wietnamem. Chiny w okresie napiętych stosunków z ZSRR, w czasie afgańskiej interwencji, mogły być sojusznikiem dla niektórych dyplomatycznych akcji. Wietnam też zrobił kilka błędów. Błędem było wkroczenie wojsk do Kambodży, co spowodowało izolację Wietnamu i w konsekwencji uzależnienie się od ZSRR. Polityka Wietnamu w tym okresie była mało elastyczna. Wietnam dążył do uzyskania rekompensaty za straty wojenne, co kwestionowali amerykańscy negocjatorzy, wychodząc z założenia, że siłowe przejęcie władzy zwalnia stronę amerykańską z tych zobowiązań. Wietnam wycofał się z żądań, zmodyfikował swoją pozycję i nawet przekazywał cenne informacje o MIA, ale administracja amerykańska uznała, że to za późno, odkładając na dwadzieścia lat wzajemne uznanie i nawiązanie stosunków dyplomatycznych.
After signing Paris agreements (January 27th, 1973) and the suppression of the Thieu regime (1975) and unification of the state (1976), Vietnam took the diplomatic efforts to the purpose of normalization of mutual relationships. Eventually, the conversations ended in a fiasco, for a number of reasons. Conflict among Zbigniew Brzeziński and Cyrus Vance did not support the effectiveness of conversations. Zbigniew Brzeziński was an opponent of any compromise in talks with Vietnam and thought that at first the US should normalize relationships with China and only then with Vietnam. At the time of tension with the USSR during the Afghan intervention, China could have been an ally for some diplomatic shares. Vietnam also made a few mistakes. Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia was a big mistake. In consequence of this, Vietnam was isolated in the world area and became dependent on the USSR. The politics of Vietnam in this period was not very flexible. Vietnam sought compensation for war losses, what was questioned by the American negotiators. They assumed that the military takeover exempts the US from these obligations. Vietnam decided to withdraw the requests, modified its position and even communicated valuable information about MIA, but the American acknowledged that it was too late, putting off the mutual recognition and the reference for twenty years establishing diplomatic relations.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2018, 58; 235-250
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ho Chi Minh i wietnamska szkoła dyplomacji. Pragmatyczne podejście do tradycyjnej narracji
Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese School of Diplomacy. A Pragmatic Approach to the Traditional Narrative
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51095703.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Ho Chi Minh
Vietnam
political ideas
diplomacy
international relations
Wietnam
idee polityczne
dyplomacja
stosunki międzynarodowe
Opis:
The aim of the article is to define and analyze the specific, traditional features of Vietnamese diplomacy that are associated with the international activities of the first Vietnamese president, Ho Chi Minh (1890–1969). The basis of the Vietnamese leader’s official rhetoric is communist (Marxist-Leninist) ideology, which, adapted to Vietnamese realities, is often referred to as hoshiminism. Alongside communist ideas in Ho’s speeches and activities, patriotism and nationalism or sovereign decision-making should be mentioned. These are reflected in the documents of the recent 13th Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, a brief analysis of which in the context of contemporary diplomacy is presented in the article. The blending of global and regional trends, the ability to navigate the tangle of interests of the great powers, to extract as much benefit for oneself as possible from the contradictions of their interests, to build an image of a flexible, friendly, pragmatic state have all been adopted from the war period are characteristics reflected in the term used for Vietnam’s diplomacy today – ‘bamboo diplomacy’.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2023, XXVIII; 33-51
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Indochiny – trudna integracja
Indochina – an uneasy integration
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025129.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
This article sets out to present the evolution of integration ideas and the status of Indochina states’ integration at the turn of 20th century. Since the end of the 19th century the observed attempts of Indochina region’s integration can be considered unsuccessful. They have been naturally based on the geographic proximity of the Peninsula’s states. Initially, the idea was to create a federation, imposed by the colonial power – France. Another initiative, forced by political situation, was to unite the national liberation movements with communist Vietnam as a leader. Successive regional economic initiatives stimulated by the United Nations also turned out to be failures because they were selectively directed towards some states and didn’t contribute to creating a regional consciousness. It was as late as in 1990’s that the region’s integration process was initiated thanks to the solution of some problems and disputes in mutual relations, and an objective tendency to strengthen the regional ties. The creation of Indochina states’ regional subsystem proceeds in the framework of the Southeast Asia region with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as its organizational structure. The process of Indochina’s integration takes the most comprehensive form, consisting in an economic integration, designed to support trade liberalization and a stable socio-economic growth. Nevertheless, some activities have an uncoordinated nature. The Indochina states don’t aspire to create a uniform political or military structure. They cooperate in this field through the ASEAN initiatives. The activity of the former French Indochina’s leader, Vietnam, is also developing in this direction. Therefore, the main objective of the Mekong subregion is such an economic growth, that it could enter ASEAN free trade zone as planned, in 2008, and reinforce the regional structures under the circumstances of the globalization of contemporary international relations.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2006, IX; 190-206
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Modernizacja systemu społeczno-ekonomicznego Wietnamu
Modernization of the Vietnamese social-economic system
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2027328.pdf
Data publikacji:
2004-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
In 1986, during the 6th congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, the Party`s new secretary general Nguyen Van Lieu, announced the introduction of economic reforms program known as “doi moi”. The Vietnamese reforms resembled the Chinese transformation. The rules were simple – agricultural farms were to attain a higher level of independence, the land was to remain state property but was to be the subject of hereditary laws, and the tenancy agreements were to be signed for a period of 50 years. Vietnamese towns and cities were provided with foreign investments. Rejection of a closed and autarchic economy, introduction of market economy and joining the world financial system were to be the basic methods of economic development. The VCP remained in the key position. The 1992 constitution ensured the market economy, but also included Party`s leadership principle. The implementation and realization of the “doi moi” program has a positive influence on Vietnam`s social and economic development, especially those of its features like the support for multi sectoral economy and diversification of property forms, a bigger openness of the economy and its inclusion in the economic integration processes, diversification of economic partners and improvement of public services` quality. The change of secretary general of the ruling Communist Party of Vietnam which took place after the Party congress in March 2001 (former secretary Le Kha Phieu was replaced by Nong Duc Manh, advocate of the economic reforms` acceleration) indicates that the reforming process is irreversible. Nevertheless one must remember, that this process is a subject to various whirls and is characterized by lack of consistency. The problems which were defined at the beginning of the transformation remain unresolved. Political changes are still far behind the economic ones, unprofitable state-owned enterprises remain under state protection for fear of unemployment, the growth of disproportion between regions and social groups (especially between urban and rural populations), the high poverty ratio, the implementation of complicated tariffs, high export duties, licences and quantitative limitations without transparent rules. Vietnam became a member of South East Asia`s most important organizations: ASEAN, APEC, ASEM and normalized relations with its neighbours. At present joining the WTO has the highest priority in Vietnamese foreign policy, with the end of 2005 the most probable tim.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2004, VII; 179-197
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Paradiplomacy in Asia. Case Studies of China, India and Russia
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Bywalec, Grzegorz
Kamiński, Tomasz
Mierzejewski, Dominik
Słowikowski, Michał
Frankowski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/28328130.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
Asian regions and cities have become important international actors but the phenomenon of international engagement of regional and local governments in the Asian countries is still not sufficiently described and recognized in the scientific literature. So far, the research on paradiplomacy mostly concentrated on Europe and North America. However, as shown in this study, the regularities present in Western countries are not necessarily universal. The distinctive features of each Asia n country create quite unique contexts, in which sub-regional actors have to develop their international strategies. Same of those contexts were presented in this study in order to provide better understanding of the conditions of paradiplomacy in Asia.
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Książka
Tytuł:
Polacy-katolicy w Harbinie. W trosce o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej
Polish Catholics in Harbin. In an effort to preserve national identity
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Rodionova, Ksenia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28766359.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
stosunki międzynarodowe
Harbin
Kolej Wschodniochińska
Polonia
tożsamość narodowa
international relations
the East China Railway
national identity
Opis:
Podstawowym celem artykułu jest uzupełnienie wiedzy o działalności kolonii polskiej w Harbinie (Mandżuria) poprzez analizę niepublikowanych dokumentów archiwalnych dotyczących tego tematu. Dokumenty uzupełniają już istniejące publikacje, dotyczące roli Polaków w procesie planowania i budowy Kolei Wschodniochińskiej (KWŻD) oraz eksploatacji tej drogi handlowej z wykorzystaniem najważniejszego węzła kolejowego, którego architektami byli Polacy, Harbinu. Okres, którego dotyczy analiza, to koniec XIX – połowa XX w. Szczególna uwaga została zwrócona na dbałość Polonii harbińskiej o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej. Dużą rolę odgrywał przy tym Kościół katolicki oraz szkoły polskie założone w Mandżurii. Wartości, które towarzyszyły funkcjonowaniu instytucji edukacyjnych oraz religijnych oparte na zasadach tolerancji i akceptacji różnorodności oraz zaangażowanie Polaków w rozwój gospodarczy Mandżurii, mogą być ważnym elementem polskiego soft power wobec Chin i budowania wizerunku Polski.
The primary purpose of the article is to add to the knowledge of the activities of the Polish colony in Harbin (Manchuria) by analyzing unpublished archival documents on the subject. The documents supplement already existing publications on the role of Poles in the process of planning and construction of the East China Railway (KWZD) and the operation of this trade route using the most important railroad junction, whose architects were Poles of Harbin. The period covered by the analysis is the late 19th–mid-20th centuries. Particular attention was paid to the care of the Harbin Polish community to preserve its national identity. The Catholic Church and the Polish schools established in Manchuria played a major role in this. The values that accompanied the functioning of educational and religious institutions based on the principles of tolerance and acceptance of diversity, as well as the involvement of Poles in the economic development of Manchuria can be an important element of Polish soft power towards China and building the image of Poland.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2022, 11, 1; 107-124
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problem autonomii regionów Rosji w sferze aktywności międzynarodowej na przykładzie rosyjskiego Dalekiego Wschodu
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568574.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
paradiplomacy
the Russian Far East
region of East Asia
institutional conditions of the
international activity of Russia regions
Opis:
Modern states use any means necessary that are provided by foreign policy. At this point, states more often use new means to implement foreign policy – there are, in a broad sense, soft power policies – public diplomacy and promotion of state’s international interests. While tasks of traditional diplomacy that are connected with state’s political security and military security have to be implemented by state’s central organs, however, all the rest can be and are implemented by decentralized self-government authorities. These new forms of diplomatic activity developed, especially, after the Cold War ended and can be classified as paradiplomacy i.e. the involvement of sub-national actors (regions) of the national states in international relations. Russian regions, including the Russian Far East, establish these forms of activity. However, legal conditions are quite alike, the practice between regions differs from each other. The general conclusion, which emerges from the analysis, points to the fact that many decisions concerning paradiplomacy are made by federal authorities and the level of regional authorities’ activity in new millennium has decreased comparing to the 1990s. This conclusion also concerns the Russian Far East. The external surroundings of the Russian Far East – Asia-Pacific region is extremely active international actor. Russia looks with more concerns on the region and sees itself a strategic approach for further international activities. This approach is also important due to the Russian Far East international activity, however, any attempt at adding this region to East Asia integration concepts is inefficient. Problem is noted and the goal of Ministry of Foreign Policy of Russian Federation is to incorporate regional diplomacy to traditional diplomacy. In activity of regions is still ample potential, which is clearly noticeable. In 2013, the 5th program – The Far East and Trans-Baikal Socio-Economic Development Strategy to 2025 was adopted. However, there is a concern that this program may suffer the same fate as other unrealized programs to exploit potential and development of this region, if a few requirements, which are listed in paradiplomacy theoretical models, are not accomplished e.g. the strengthen of regional authorities. They are better in defining its needs and opportunities but they should efficiently cooperate with inhabitants living in these regions. However, the requirements are greater influence on their choice, greater trust and identifying with activities of authority.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2017, 1(12); 92-108
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Reformy oświatowe w Wietnamie. Zarys uwarunkowań
The educational reforms in Vietnam. Some conditions.
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2027439.pdf
Data publikacji:
2005-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
Right in October 1945, The Vietnamese Government established the Council of Educational Advisors which was given the task of preparing for educational reform. In July 1950 the project on educational reform was adopted. The educational system served the resistant war. The second educational reform was drawn up in 1979, after the national reunification, and launched in 1981. In the early 1980s, the education sector was bogged down in the aftermath of the post-war economic recession and ideological mistakes. Vietnam’s education sector needed to step up its renovation just as the national economy. In 1986 the process of doi moi (renovation) started. Nowadays the structure of the national education system is characterized by diversity. Vietnam’s Educational Law was officially passed in December 1998 and came into force in August 1999. It has 9 chapters with 110 articles. The Education Law stipulates the education system, its goals, curricula and teaching methods, investments in education and education management. The quality of education has been remarkably improved. However, the appropriate model of education has not been achieved still, professional qualifications of teachers must be improved and high level of technical training is only declared.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2005, VIII; 52-63
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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