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    Wyświetlanie 1-33 z 33
    Tytuł:
    System polityczny Socjalistycznej Republiki Wietnamu
    Political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2022685.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2009-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    The article describes peculiarities of the political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, a country which has been undergoing modernization, but certainly not as fast as the other spheres of social-economic life. Many of the shortcomings of the system were evoked and their elimination is postulated. The need for building a civil society: a broader participation of the Vietnamese in social, economic and political life, the necessity of a greater role played by private sector and its engagement in the financing of higher education and professional practice, as well as a further liberalization of commerce is called upon in the strategy. The Communist Party of Vietnam still plays a dominant role in the political system, and the elections to the National Assembly prove that there is no will of renouncing this model. Nevertheless, there were some attempts of change in this field. The party personnel has been rejuvenated. The new secretary general Nong Duc Manh started liberalizing the political system with great caution. The fact that he was reelected as secretary general at the 10th Congress, proves that the process of reforming the country is irreversible. On the other hand, we have to remember that this process is very unstable, shaky and characterized by a lack of consequence.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2009, XII; 40-58
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Russia in the process of constructing regional structures in Southeast Asia
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2142004.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-12-30
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    international relations
    regionalism
    Russia
    the region of Southeast Asia
    ASEAN
    Opis:
    The article aims to show the integration processes in Southeast Asia, with regard to the participation of Russia, and to determine the reason why Russia takes part in them. Based on the demonstration of the international process, two theses have been proven: (1) The project of establishing a Greater Eurasia with the participation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and ASEAN is a grandiose and strategic goal for Russia. The project is supposed to recall the traditional policy conducted by Russia, consisting of it playing the role of a bridge between Asia and Europe drawing China’s attention to this alternative proposal to the Chinese concept of the Belt and Road Initiative. (2) Russia is a player in the geopolitical game in Southeast Asia, even though it is perceived as the closest ally of China. Under the circumstances, where the relations with the EU have been destabilised, it is in the interest of Russia to further the integration and stabilisation of the region with its more active participation. Russia’s more active participation in regional integration is hampered by its low level of economic cooperation with countries in the region and its image: the activities of Russia are still perceived through the prism of the actions and interests of China, its strategic ally both on a regional as well as global scale.
    Źródło:
    Eastern Review; 2021, 10; 9-24
    1427-9657
    2451-2567
    Pojawia się w:
    Eastern Review
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Indochiny – trudna integracja
    Indochina – an uneasy integration
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025129.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2006-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    This article sets out to present the evolution of integration ideas and the status of Indochina states’ integration at the turn of 20th century. Since the end of the 19th century the observed attempts of Indochina region’s integration can be considered unsuccessful. They have been naturally based on the geographic proximity of the Peninsula’s states. Initially, the idea was to create a federation, imposed by the colonial power – France. Another initiative, forced by political situation, was to unite the national liberation movements with communist Vietnam as a leader. Successive regional economic initiatives stimulated by the United Nations also turned out to be failures because they were selectively directed towards some states and didn’t contribute to creating a regional consciousness. It was as late as in 1990’s that the region’s integration process was initiated thanks to the solution of some problems and disputes in mutual relations, and an objective tendency to strengthen the regional ties. The creation of Indochina states’ regional subsystem proceeds in the framework of the Southeast Asia region with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as its organizational structure. The process of Indochina’s integration takes the most comprehensive form, consisting in an economic integration, designed to support trade liberalization and a stable socio-economic growth. Nevertheless, some activities have an uncoordinated nature. The Indochina states don’t aspire to create a uniform political or military structure. They cooperate in this field through the ASEAN initiatives. The activity of the former French Indochina’s leader, Vietnam, is also developing in this direction. Therefore, the main objective of the Mekong subregion is such an economic growth, that it could enter ASEAN free trade zone as planned, in 2008, and reinforce the regional structures under the circumstances of the globalization of contemporary international relations.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2006, IX; 190-206
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wietnamska droga do niepodległości. Sytuacja polityczna w Wietnamie w latach 1945–1946
    The difficult path towards independence: political situation in Vietnam in the years 1945–1946
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028932.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2002-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    The World War II and the new political situation at its end offered to Vietnam real chances for independence. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and some of his advisers, supported Vietnamese aspirations, being deeply convinced that Indochina should no longer belong to France. Although these ideas were never included into the official documents, and his successor, president Harry Truman, did not promote them, they undoubtedly facilitated negotiations between France and Viet Minh leaded by Ho Chi Minh, and changed entire French policy towards Indochina. Such American statements strengthened Ho Chi Minh’s position in his struggle for independence. The Vietnamese leaders adopted a strategy of fait accompli: they initiated to build an independent state. On September 2nd, 1945 the Proclamation of the Independence was announced. It was followed by the decree on the parliamentary elections (September 8th, 1945), the elections themselves (January 6th, 1946), the establishment of the government (March 2nd, 1946), and the adoption of the Constitution (November 8th, 1946). They served as the proofs of the strength and stability of the new authorities. Under such conditions they initiated a diplomatic struggle for an international recognition, first of all by France. Ho Chi Minh himself sent numerous notes and letters to the governments of the USA, the USSR and Great Britain with requests for their support. However, immediately after the war the great powers, for various reasons, did not intend to initiate confrontation with France nor promote the anticolonial movements. The USSR and the USA adopted a policy of “neutrality” in this respect. Even China was interested first of all in strengthening of her own international position and in gaining some economic privileges from France. When the Guomindang forces (under General Lu Han) occupied Vietnam (in 1945–1946) they were perceived by the Vietnamese leaders rather as a threat to independence than an ally. On February 28th, 1946, an agreement was signed by two sides: France and Ho Chi Minh. It faced, however, highly critical reactions on the Vietnamese side, since it opened to France the way of return to Indochina. Ho Chi Minh himself also signed the agreement, and on this basis the French forces entered Haiphong on the March 6th, 1946, and Hanoi on March 9th. Further talks between Ho Chi Minh and the French authorities failed to produce a political agreement. Eventually on March 10th, 1946, the occupation of Indochina by all allied forces (introduced there to disarm the Japanese troops) ended, and the French army started to control all the major cities. Since this period Ho Chi Minh became the symbol of freedom and independence of Vietnam.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2002, V; 63-79
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Trudne pojednanie : dyplomacja w procesie normalizacji stosunków amerykańsko-wietnamskich
    Dyplomacja w procesie normalizacji stosunków amerykańsko-wietnamskich
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata.
    Współwytwórcy:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo. Wydawca
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Łódź : Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    Dyplomacja
    Polityka
    Monografia
    Opis:
    Bibliografia, netografia na stronach 289-306. Indeks.
    Dostawca treści:
    Bibliografia CBW
    Książka
    Tytuł:
    Rosja–ASEAN: nowe koncepcje współpracy i stare ograniczenia
    Russia-ASEAN: new concepts of cooperation vs. past limitations
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1935882.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-03-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    stosunki międzynarodowe
    Rosja
    ASEAN
    regionalizm
    Wielka Euroazja
    international relations
    Russia
    regionalism
    Greater Eurasia
    Opis:
    W artykule została przedstawiona ewolucja stosunków Rosji ze Stowarzyszeniem Narodów Azji Południowo-Wschodniej ASEAN, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem relacji współczesnych. W drugiej dekadzie XXI w. Rosja zintensyfikowała kierunek azjatycki swojej polityki zagranicznej. W opinii wielu ekspertów ta polityka przekłada się w zbyt oczywisty sposób na relacje z Chinami, przez co Rosja może uzależnić się od tego mocarstwa i być postrzegana jako niesamodzielny gracz regionalny. Podejmowane są zatem działania, aby zdywersyfikować partnerów. ASEAN jest jednym z bardziej perspektywicznych, choć jednocześnie trudnych kierunków. Perspektywicznych ze względu na dynamikę rozwoju oraz aktywne uczestnictwo w regionalnych, jak również transregionalnych działaniach, trudnych, bowiem mimo deklaracji rozwój stosunków między ASEAN i Rosją postępuje powoli. Nową koncepcją rosyjską, która ma ożywić współpracę a jednocześnie pokazać, że Rosja może być niezależnym graczem regionalnym, jest projekt Wielkiej Euroazji, który jest zgodny z aktualnymi trendami „nowego regionalizmu”.
    The article examines the evolution of political ties between Russia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the special regard to contemporary relations. In the 2nd decade of the 21st century Russia intensified the “Asian direction” of its foreign policy. A lot of political pundits claim that this strategy has an impact on relations with China, and can lead to the growing reliance on Beijing. Therefore Russia, which may be perceived as a dependent regional player, takes actions to diversify political partners. Southeast Asia is one of the most prospective but difficult regions to establish a network of alliances. Prospective – because of its dynamic development, and participation in regional and transregional initiatives. Difficult, cause despite many declarations, improvement of the relations between the ASEAN and Russia has been advancing at a slow pace. The concept of Great Euroasia, which is a typical trend of “new regionalism”, can revive cooperation, making Russia independent regional player.
    Źródło:
    Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2019, 61; 207-224
    1505-2192
    Pojawia się w:
    Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Problem autonomii regionów Rosji w sferze aktywności międzynarodowej na przykładzie rosyjskiego Dalekiego Wschodu
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568574.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    paradiplomacy
    the Russian Far East
    region of East Asia
    institutional conditions of the
    international activity of Russia regions
    Opis:
    Modern states use any means necessary that are provided by foreign policy. At this point, states more often use new means to implement foreign policy – there are, in a broad sense, soft power policies – public diplomacy and promotion of state’s international interests. While tasks of traditional diplomacy that are connected with state’s political security and military security have to be implemented by state’s central organs, however, all the rest can be and are implemented by decentralized self-government authorities. These new forms of diplomatic activity developed, especially, after the Cold War ended and can be classified as paradiplomacy i.e. the involvement of sub-national actors (regions) of the national states in international relations. Russian regions, including the Russian Far East, establish these forms of activity. However, legal conditions are quite alike, the practice between regions differs from each other. The general conclusion, which emerges from the analysis, points to the fact that many decisions concerning paradiplomacy are made by federal authorities and the level of regional authorities’ activity in new millennium has decreased comparing to the 1990s. This conclusion also concerns the Russian Far East. The external surroundings of the Russian Far East – Asia-Pacific region is extremely active international actor. Russia looks with more concerns on the region and sees itself a strategic approach for further international activities. This approach is also important due to the Russian Far East international activity, however, any attempt at adding this region to East Asia integration concepts is inefficient. Problem is noted and the goal of Ministry of Foreign Policy of Russian Federation is to incorporate regional diplomacy to traditional diplomacy. In activity of regions is still ample potential, which is clearly noticeable. In 2013, the 5th program – The Far East and Trans-Baikal Socio-Economic Development Strategy to 2025 was adopted. However, there is a concern that this program may suffer the same fate as other unrealized programs to exploit potential and development of this region, if a few requirements, which are listed in paradiplomacy theoretical models, are not accomplished e.g. the strengthen of regional authorities. They are better in defining its needs and opportunities but they should efficiently cooperate with inhabitants living in these regions. However, the requirements are greater influence on their choice, greater trust and identifying with activities of authority.
    Źródło:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2017, 1(12); 92-108
    2084-3291
    Pojawia się w:
    Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Modernizacja systemu społeczno-ekonomicznego Wietnamu
    Modernization of the Vietnamese social-economic system
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2027328.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2004-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    In 1986, during the 6th congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, the Party`s new secretary general Nguyen Van Lieu, announced the introduction of economic reforms program known as “doi moi”. The Vietnamese reforms resembled the Chinese transformation. The rules were simple – agricultural farms were to attain a higher level of independence, the land was to remain state property but was to be the subject of hereditary laws, and the tenancy agreements were to be signed for a period of 50 years. Vietnamese towns and cities were provided with foreign investments. Rejection of a closed and autarchic economy, introduction of market economy and joining the world financial system were to be the basic methods of economic development. The VCP remained in the key position. The 1992 constitution ensured the market economy, but also included Party`s leadership principle. The implementation and realization of the “doi moi” program has a positive influence on Vietnam`s social and economic development, especially those of its features like the support for multi sectoral economy and diversification of property forms, a bigger openness of the economy and its inclusion in the economic integration processes, diversification of economic partners and improvement of public services` quality. The change of secretary general of the ruling Communist Party of Vietnam which took place after the Party congress in March 2001 (former secretary Le Kha Phieu was replaced by Nong Duc Manh, advocate of the economic reforms` acceleration) indicates that the reforming process is irreversible. Nevertheless one must remember, that this process is a subject to various whirls and is characterized by lack of consistency. The problems which were defined at the beginning of the transformation remain unresolved. Political changes are still far behind the economic ones, unprofitable state-owned enterprises remain under state protection for fear of unemployment, the growth of disproportion between regions and social groups (especially between urban and rural populations), the high poverty ratio, the implementation of complicated tariffs, high export duties, licences and quantitative limitations without transparent rules. Vietnam became a member of South East Asia`s most important organizations: ASEAN, APEC, ASEM and normalized relations with its neighbours. At present joining the WTO has the highest priority in Vietnamese foreign policy, with the end of 2005 the most probable tim.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2004, VII; 179-197
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    The State and Catholics in Vietnam
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/42940101.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2024-06-30
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Vietnam
    religious freedoms
    history of Vietnamese Catholicism
    political science of religion
    Opis:
    The article falls within the political science of religion, a “transactional” perspective. A critical point at stake here is preserving the political system, which officially draws on socialist ideas, and Hochiminhism, which consists of the deferring of liberal democracy. A historical background of the emergence of Catholicism in Vietnam has been shown, which proves that Catholics operated under the shadow of anti-national and anti-patriotic accusations. This narrative was additionally strengthened during Indochina’s war when the ruling Communist Party required consolidation around nationalist and communist ideas. The change brought by the reform of Doi Moi, which on the first plan put up economic liberalization followed by greater tolerance and openness, but without changing the party system. Catholics enjoy greater freedom; they can also join the Communist Party, which, in return, expects stabilization and support for the political system. New forms of cooperation with religious groups have been developed. However, some of them are still criticized, including limitations related to the registration of religious groups and control by the state apparatus.
    Źródło:
    Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2024, 2(53); 31-43
    0208-7375
    Pojawia się w:
    Polish Political Science Yearbook
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Reformy oświatowe w Wietnamie. Zarys uwarunkowań
    The educational reforms in Vietnam. Some conditions.
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2027439.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2005-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    Right in October 1945, The Vietnamese Government established the Council of Educational Advisors which was given the task of preparing for educational reform. In July 1950 the project on educational reform was adopted. The educational system served the resistant war. The second educational reform was drawn up in 1979, after the national reunification, and launched in 1981. In the early 1980s, the education sector was bogged down in the aftermath of the post-war economic recession and ideological mistakes. Vietnam’s education sector needed to step up its renovation just as the national economy. In 1986 the process of doi moi (renovation) started. Nowadays the structure of the national education system is characterized by diversity. Vietnam’s Educational Law was officially passed in December 1998 and came into force in August 1999. It has 9 chapters with 110 articles. The Education Law stipulates the education system, its goals, curricula and teaching methods, investments in education and education management. The quality of education has been remarkably improved. However, the appropriate model of education has not been achieved still, professional qualifications of teachers must be improved and high level of technical training is only declared.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2005, VIII; 52-63
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Vietnam Game Between USA and China
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/648506.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    Vietnam foreign policy
    U.S.
    China
    diversification strategy
    multipolarisation of partners
    Opis:
    Vietnam tries to respond to changing international situations, while attempting to stay in accordance with its own ambitions. China and the USA, the two superpowers, are the most important partners of Vietnamese strategy, which is determined by these two countries. The most important economic partner and ideological ally is China. But both sides have some serious problems to resolve such as maritime disputes. The situation imposes the need to seek counterbalance, a reliable ally who provides protection for its own interests. So Vietnam looks to balance improved relations with China while seeking deeper and multidimensional relations with the USA. The United States offers many advantages that are attractive to Vietnam. Inevitably, economic ties and new projects e.g. TPP, political, cultural and scientific cooperation make up these advantages. However, the United States can only provide support for the Spratly and Paracel Islands’ dispute and improving cooperative measures in the South China Sea with the presence of U.S. naval vessels and dialogue that assists Vietnam defense. Vietnam has again become an element in the American strategy of pivoting to Asia.
    Źródło:
    International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal; 2018, 22, 1
    1641-4233
    2300-8695
    Pojawia się w:
    International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    The ASEAN’s Attitude to the South China Sea Dispute after the Verdict of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague
    ASEAN wobec sporu na Morzu Południowochińskim po orzeczeniu trybunału arbitrażowego w Hadze
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1179054.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    international relations
    South China Sea dispute
    Law of the sea
    ASEAN
    Vietnam
    stosunki międzynarodowe
    konflikt na Morzu Południowochińskim
    prawo morza
    Wietnam
    Opis:
    The South China Sea is the most inflammable area in the region of Southeast Asia due to its natural resources, commercial and political importance. The ASEAN countries directly involved in the dispute have conflicting interests, mainly related to their relationship with China, a pretender for the whole area. Therefore, attemps to settle the dispute are not successful. On July 12, 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague issued a verdict taking into account the Law of the Sea, in which it accepted the Philippines’s arguments and rejected China’s claims based on historical arguments against the islands in the South China Sea. China did not take part in the trial and found its sentences non-binding but at the same time it has entered into a dialogue with ASEAN on the code of conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. The purpose of the article is to discuss how the parties are involved in the conflict, progress towards signing the Code of Conduct for the Parties in the South China Sea and the attitude of ASEAN countries to this conflict. Due to the degree of dependence of economies on Chinese influence, and relations with other powers, mainly the US, the behavior of individual countries is different. Hence the problem with the organization’s cohesion and attempts to break the deadlock, which have been unsuccessful so far. The basic research hypothesis that will be verified is to maintain the status quo in the South China Sea in the long run. At the same time, it was noted that Vietnam is prepared for long-term actions, based on diplomatic tools combined with a tough attitude, to solve problems related to the sovereignty of disputed areas. ASEAN will have to face up with the issues more consistently, by making greater use of quiet diplomacy. The theoretical basis of the article is Hurrell’s theory of neorealism, which analyzes, among other things, the principles and objectives of regional organizations in the international environment. Hurrell assumes that all regional organizations cannot be understood differently from their regional balance of power and regional dominant forces policy and ASEAN’s attitude proves this point of view.
    Morze Południowochińskie jest najbardziej zapalnym obszarem w regionie Azji Południowo-Wschodniej, ze względu na jego zasoby naturalne, znaczenie handlowe i polityczne. Państwa ASEAN, bezpośrednio zaangażowane w spór mają sprzeczne interesy, związane głównie z ich relacjami z Chinami, pretendentem do całego tego obszaru. Dlatego też podejmowane próby uregulowania sporu nie przynoszą rezultatów. W dniu 12 lipca 2016 r. Trybunał Arbitrażowy w Hadze przyznał rację Filipinom w sporze z Chinami w oparciu o Prawo Morza i odrzucił racje historyczne Chin. Chiny nie brały udziału w postępowaniu i nie uznały wyroku, ale jednocześnie podjęły dialog z ASEAN nad Kodeksem Postępowania Stron na Morzu Południowochińskim. W artykule przybliżone są powody, dla których te rozmowy przedłużają się. Obecnie najbardziej zdeterminowanym członkiem ASEAN, który wszelkimi dyplomatycznymi metodami dąży do uregulowania sporu jest Wietnam. Celem artykułu jest omówienie w jaki sposób strony są zaangażowane w konflikt, jakie są postępy dotyczące podpisania kodeksu postępowania stron na Morzu Południowochińskim oraz postaw członków ASEAN wobec konfliktu. Ze względu na stopień uzależnienia gospodarek od wpływów chińskich oraz relacji z innymi mocarstwami, głównie USA zachowania poszczególnych państw są różne. Stąd problem ze spójnością organizacji i niemożnością przełamania impasu w tej sprawie. Podstawową hipotezą badawczą, która zostanie zweryfikowana jest utrzymanie status quo na Morzu Południowochińskim w perspektywie długoterminowej. Jednocześnie odnotowano, że Wietnam jest przygotowany na długofalowe działania, z zastosowaniem środków dyplomatycznych w połączeniu z twardą postawą. ASEAN będzie musiał stawić czoła tym problemom w sposób bardziej konsekwentny, wykorzystując w większym stopniu cichą dyplomację. Teoretyczną podstawą artykułu jest teoria neorealizmu Hurrella, który analizuje między innymi zasady i cele działania organizacji regionalnych w środowisku międzynarodowym. Hurrell zakłada, że wszystkie organizacje regionalne nie mogą być rozumiane inaczej niż przez pryzmat równowagi sił i polityki sił dominujących i postawa ASEAN udowadnia ten punkt widzenia.
    Źródło:
    Przegląd Strategiczny; 2020, 13; 215-227
    2084-6991
    Pojawia się w:
    Przegląd Strategiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ho Chi Minh i wietnamska szkoła dyplomacji. Pragmatyczne podejście do tradycyjnej narracji
    Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese School of Diplomacy. A Pragmatic Approach to the Traditional Narrative
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51095703.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Ho Chi Minh
    Vietnam
    political ideas
    diplomacy
    international relations
    Wietnam
    idee polityczne
    dyplomacja
    stosunki międzynarodowe
    Opis:
    The aim of the article is to define and analyze the specific, traditional features of Vietnamese diplomacy that are associated with the international activities of the first Vietnamese president, Ho Chi Minh (1890–1969). The basis of the Vietnamese leader’s official rhetoric is communist (Marxist-Leninist) ideology, which, adapted to Vietnamese realities, is often referred to as hoshiminism. Alongside communist ideas in Ho’s speeches and activities, patriotism and nationalism or sovereign decision-making should be mentioned. These are reflected in the documents of the recent 13th Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, a brief analysis of which in the context of contemporary diplomacy is presented in the article. The blending of global and regional trends, the ability to navigate the tangle of interests of the great powers, to extract as much benefit for oneself as possible from the contradictions of their interests, to build an image of a flexible, friendly, pragmatic state have all been adopted from the war period are characteristics reflected in the term used for Vietnam’s diplomacy today – ‘bamboo diplomacy’.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2023, XXVIII; 33-51
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Dyplomacja wietnamska wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych na przełomie lat 70. i 80. XX w.
    Vietnamese diplomacy towards the United States at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1941367.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018-06-30
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    dyplomacja wietnamska
    polityka zagraniczna Stanów Zjednoczonych
    wietnamsko-amerykańskie stosunki dwustronne
    region Azji Południowo-Wschodniej
    Vietnamese diplomacy
    foreign policy of the United States
    Vietnam-US bilateral relations
    Southeast Asia region
    Opis:
    Po podpisaniu Porozumień Paryskich (27.01. 1973 r.), a następnie zlikwidowaniu reżimu Thieu (1975) i zjednoczeniu państwa (1976 r.) Wietnam podjął wysiłek dyplomatyczny w celu normalizacji stosunków wzajemnych. Prowadzone na ten temat rozmowy ostatecznie zakończyły się fiaskiem. Złożyło się na to wiele przyczyn. Konflikt między Zbigniewem Brzezińskim i Cyrusem Vancem nie sprzyjał efektywności rozmów. Zbigniew Brzeziński był przeciwnikiem jakiegokolwiek kompromisu w rozmowach z Wietnamem i uważał, że najpierw należy unormować stosunki z Chinami, a dopiero potem z Wietnamem. Chiny w okresie napiętych stosunków z ZSRR, w czasie afgańskiej interwencji, mogły być sojusznikiem dla niektórych dyplomatycznych akcji. Wietnam też zrobił kilka błędów. Błędem było wkroczenie wojsk do Kambodży, co spowodowało izolację Wietnamu i w konsekwencji uzależnienie się od ZSRR. Polityka Wietnamu w tym okresie była mało elastyczna. Wietnam dążył do uzyskania rekompensaty za straty wojenne, co kwestionowali amerykańscy negocjatorzy, wychodząc z założenia, że siłowe przejęcie władzy zwalnia stronę amerykańską z tych zobowiązań. Wietnam wycofał się z żądań, zmodyfikował swoją pozycję i nawet przekazywał cenne informacje o MIA, ale administracja amerykańska uznała, że to za późno, odkładając na dwadzieścia lat wzajemne uznanie i nawiązanie stosunków dyplomatycznych.
    After signing Paris agreements (January 27th, 1973) and the suppression of the Thieu regime (1975) and unification of the state (1976), Vietnam took the diplomatic efforts to the purpose of normalization of mutual relationships. Eventually, the conversations ended in a fiasco, for a number of reasons. Conflict among Zbigniew Brzeziński and Cyrus Vance did not support the effectiveness of conversations. Zbigniew Brzeziński was an opponent of any compromise in talks with Vietnam and thought that at first the US should normalize relationships with China and only then with Vietnam. At the time of tension with the USSR during the Afghan intervention, China could have been an ally for some diplomatic shares. Vietnam also made a few mistakes. Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia was a big mistake. In consequence of this, Vietnam was isolated in the world area and became dependent on the USSR. The politics of Vietnam in this period was not very flexible. Vietnam sought compensation for war losses, what was questioned by the American negotiators. They assumed that the military takeover exempts the US from these obligations. Vietnam decided to withdraw the requests, modified its position and even communicated valuable information about MIA, but the American acknowledged that it was too late, putting off the mutual recognition and the reference for twenty years establishing diplomatic relations.
    Źródło:
    Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2018, 58; 235-250
    1505-2192
    Pojawia się w:
    Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wietnam – ewolucja sytuacji regionalnej i stosunki z mocarstwami. W cieniu sporu na Morzu Południowochińskim
    Vietnam – evolution of the situation in the region and its relations with the powers. In the shadow of the dispute in South China Sea
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441460.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    wietnamska polityka zagraniczna
    rola Wietnamu w regionie
    rola mocarstw w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej
    Vietnamese foreign policy
    Role of Vietnam in the region
    role of powers in Southeast Asia
    Opis:
    Introduction of Doi Moi economic reforms at the 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam was successful owing to the changes in the field of the foreign policy. The main rationale in this policy was multilateralization and improvement and intensification of the economic cooperation and political ties with the great powers. The political attention has continued to be focused on the East Asia region, primarily on the ASEAN. In this scheme Vietnam plays proactive role. Countries from the region remain the biggest source of investments, being directly interested in maintaining regional stability and multilayered cooperation. Regardless of the ability to accomplish political goals, Vietnam seeks to enhance its position through the cooperation with the major regional economies. However, the policy of being a friend of all countries has its limitations. The most pertaining among them is the South China Sea dispute which induces Vietnam’s greatest diplomatic effort vis-a-vis China. However, in the practical terms, even the verdict of the Hague Tribunal stating that China cannot claim the disputed islands on the basis of the historical arguments did not contribute to any important change in the matter. Although the verdict meets the Vietnamese expectations, yet it did not spark enthusiasm within all of the Vietnam’s allies, including Russia and Australia. For all these states and Vietnam itself, China is an important political and economic partner. To sharpen relations with China would not be a desired solution for any of these states. Thus, one may consider the South China Sea as a problem to be solved between the United States and China, around which more or less voiced sympathies of the regional players are being focused. In its endeavour Vietnam is backed by the United States, although the American and Vietnamese interests are not always confluent. Growth of pro-American sympathies is evident in the social surveys. However, Vietnam’s other regional partners and experts in regional security are rather reserved as to the political intentions of the United States. Notwithstanding those determinants and complex network of relationships, the dispute constitutes a great threat to the regional security.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2017, XX; 162-175
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polacy-katolicy w Harbinie. W trosce o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej
    Polish Catholics in Harbin. In an effort to preserve national identity
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Rodionova, Ksenia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28766359.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    stosunki międzynarodowe
    Harbin
    Kolej Wschodniochińska
    Polonia
    tożsamość narodowa
    international relations
    the East China Railway
    national identity
    Opis:
    Podstawowym celem artykułu jest uzupełnienie wiedzy o działalności kolonii polskiej w Harbinie (Mandżuria) poprzez analizę niepublikowanych dokumentów archiwalnych dotyczących tego tematu. Dokumenty uzupełniają już istniejące publikacje, dotyczące roli Polaków w procesie planowania i budowy Kolei Wschodniochińskiej (KWŻD) oraz eksploatacji tej drogi handlowej z wykorzystaniem najważniejszego węzła kolejowego, którego architektami byli Polacy, Harbinu. Okres, którego dotyczy analiza, to koniec XIX – połowa XX w. Szczególna uwaga została zwrócona na dbałość Polonii harbińskiej o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej. Dużą rolę odgrywał przy tym Kościół katolicki oraz szkoły polskie założone w Mandżurii. Wartości, które towarzyszyły funkcjonowaniu instytucji edukacyjnych oraz religijnych oparte na zasadach tolerancji i akceptacji różnorodności oraz zaangażowanie Polaków w rozwój gospodarczy Mandżurii, mogą być ważnym elementem polskiego soft power wobec Chin i budowania wizerunku Polski.
    The primary purpose of the article is to add to the knowledge of the activities of the Polish colony in Harbin (Manchuria) by analyzing unpublished archival documents on the subject. The documents supplement already existing publications on the role of Poles in the process of planning and construction of the East China Railway (KWZD) and the operation of this trade route using the most important railroad junction, whose architects were Poles of Harbin. The period covered by the analysis is the late 19th–mid-20th centuries. Particular attention was paid to the care of the Harbin Polish community to preserve its national identity. The Catholic Church and the Polish schools established in Manchuria played a major role in this. The values that accompanied the functioning of educational and religious institutions based on the principles of tolerance and acceptance of diversity, as well as the involvement of Poles in the economic development of Manchuria can be an important element of Polish soft power towards China and building the image of Poland.
    Źródło:
    Eastern Review; 2022, 11, 1; 107-124
    1427-9657
    2451-2567
    Pojawia się w:
    Eastern Review
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Paradiplomacy in Asia. Case Studies of China, India and Russia
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Bywalec, Grzegorz
    Kamiński, Tomasz
    Mierzejewski, Dominik
    Słowikowski, Michał
    Frankowski, Paweł
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/28328130.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Opis:
    Asian regions and cities have become important international actors but the phenomenon of international engagement of regional and local governments in the Asian countries is still not sufficiently described and recognized in the scientific literature. So far, the research on paradiplomacy mostly concentrated on Europe and North America. However, as shown in this study, the regularities present in Western countries are not necessarily universal. The distinctive features of each Asia n country create quite unique contexts, in which sub-regional actors have to develop their international strategies. Same of those contexts were presented in this study in order to provide better understanding of the conditions of paradiplomacy in Asia.
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Książka
    Tytuł:
    Badanie polityki zagranicznej państwa. [T. 1], Wymiar europejski
    Współwytwórcy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata. Redakcja
    Ciesielska-Klikowska, Joanna. Redakcja
    Kosmynka, Stanisław. Redakcja
    Wydawnictwo Rambler. Wydawca
    Polskie Towarzystwo Studiów Międzynarodowych. Wydawca
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Warszawa : Polskie Towarzystwo Studiów Międzynarodowych : Rambler Press
    Tematy:
    Unia Europejska (UE)
    Polityka zagraniczna
    Materiały konferencyjne
    Opis:
    Informacja o tomie 1 książki we wstępie.
    Zawiera materiały z VI Ogólnopolskiej Konwencji Polskiego Towarzystwa Studiów Międzynarodowych, Łódź, 9-10 listopada 2016 r.
    Dostawca treści:
    Bibliografia CBW
    Książka
    Tytuł:
    Badanie polityki zagranicznej państwa. [T. 2], Stany Zjednoczone, Azja Wschodnia, Bliski Wschód & Ameryka Łacińska
    Współwytwórcy:
    Matera, Paulina (1974- ). Redakcja
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata. Redakcja
    Bania, Radosław (1968- ). Redakcja
    Stelmach, Michał. Redakcja
    Wydawnictwo Rambler. Wydawca
    Polskie Towarzystwo Studiów Międzynarodowych. Wydawca
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Warszawa : Polskie Towarzystwo Studiów Międzynarodowych : Rambler Press
    Tematy:
    Bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe
    Polityka zagraniczna
    Materiały konferencyjne
    Opis:
    Informacja o tomie 2 książki we wstępie.
    Zawiera materiały z [VI] Konwencji Polskiego Towarzystwa Studiów Międzynarodowych, [Łódź, 9-10 listopada 2016 r.].
    Dostawca treści:
    Bibliografia CBW
    Książka
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