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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 70
Tytuł:
Wielka transformacja
Autorzy:
Kopczyński, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1196860.zip
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1196860.pdf
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1196860.mobi
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1196860.epub
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Oficyna Wydawnicza Mówią Wieki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Książka
Tytuł:
Studia nad rodziną chłopską w Koronie w XVII-XVIII wieku
Autorzy:
Kopczyński, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1623076.zip
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1623076.pdf
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1623076.mobi
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/books/1623076.epub
Data publikacji:
1998
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Krupski i S-ka
Opis:
The subject of the study is a statistical analysis of peasant households, the developmental cycle of peasant family, and the life-cycle of an individual in the Polish countryside in the 17th and 18th centuries. The main objective is to identify an ideal type of peasant family in the Crown, and place that model in the European perspective. The methods and criteria of assessment adopted in the study follow an English project run by the Cambridge Group for History of Population and Social Structures. The basic sources of the present study are population censuses, tax registers and property inventories from various parts of Poland dating back to the period between the mid-17th and the end of 18th centuries. Chapter One is a review of the existing literature on the subject. Chapter Two analyzes peasant households from the Pomerania voivodship using poll tax registers from 1662 as a basic source. The registers are the oldest extant census materials covering the population of Poland (in the Pomerania voievodship 4,022 peasant households inhabited by 14,972 persons were registered). Unfortunately, poll tax registers do not cover children under 10 years of age and contain numerous omissions, typical of tax-oriented sources. Neither do they contain information on the ages of people. Despite those imperfections, they are a valuable source. Chapters Three to Five analyze sources dating back to the 18th century. They arc population censuses drawn up by Catholic clergy at the request of state authorities (the so called civilian-military commisions) between 1790 and 1791, covering the Radziejowice and Podgórze counties (powiat) in the Kujawy region (with 14,381 persons living in 2,081 households, 1,910 of which were peasant households). This material is supplemented by the lists of parish inhabitants (status animarum), drawn up by Catholic clergy for the needs of Catholic church in 1766 and 1777 For the purpose of comparison, we also use lists from 3 parishes in the Wieluń region in central Poland (of 1,886 persons, 317 farms), lists of inhabitants of the following parishes: Droszew 1791 (829 inhabitants, 120 houses), Szyszki 1792 (447 inhabitants, 75 houses), Szubin 1766 (494 inhabitants, 69 houses), Popowo 1777 (2,079 inhabitants, 294 households), Zabartowo 1766 (571 inhabitants, 76 houses). Szubin, Zabartowo and Pępowo registers were compiled for the purposes of the Catholic church. . All those sources quote inhabitants' ages. They are less specific at defining their property status, hence they only permit classification into major groups, such as farmers and cottagers. More specific property data are quoted by property inventories covering the Wielkopolska region of the second half of 18th century (21 inventories, 742 households, 4,689 inhabitants). Those inventories cover the families of serfs and their property, but fail to quote ages of particular individuals. The analysis of poll tax registers in Chapter Two shows that an average peasant hearth in Pomerania after the Swedish wars numbered 5.5-6 persons (no children under 10 years of age included) in wealthy peasant families, and 3 persons in cottager families (see Table 6). Taking into account a projected estimate of the number of children, following the proportions established for the end of the 18th century, it is possible to say that wealthy peasant households had 8 members, while cottager families 4.2 members The notion of household used in this study is equivalent to what P. Laslett referred to as houseful. . More than half of the inhabitants in wealthy peasant households were family members, the remaining 2.4 persons usually being servants and lodgers. In terms of the family structure Pomerania was dominated by nuclear family households, which accounted for 81% of all wealthy peasant households, and 84% of cottagers. The second in number were extended families (11% among wealthy peasants and 5% among cottagers), while multiple type families remained very rare (1.9% among wealthy peasants). Quite frequent were single member or non-family households (5,8% among wealthy peasants, but 10.3% among cottagers - see Table 10 rows 1-2 in column 1 and 3). Having corrected the data with estimated omissions, the proportion of an extended or multiple households increases to 12.5% among the wealthy peasants. Striking, and typical exclusively in the post-war period, was the frequent occurrence of single individuals (mainly widowers and widows) acting as heads of households (up to no less than 12.8% in a wealthy peasant household) In the 18th century populations studied in further Chapters, the proportion of single individuals running households was minimal and amounted to less than 6% in Kujawy among wealthy peasants (see Table 37) and to 13% among cottagers. . A considerable number of such households came into existence as a result of losses suffered in the course of wars in the middle of the century (1655-1659). Relatives to household heads were not a numerous group (accounting for 3.5% of the population). They appear in 15.4% of all wealthy peasant households and in 7.2% of cottager households Relatives inhabited both extended, multiple, and non-family types of households. Hence the number of households including relatives is higher that the respective numbers for extended and multiple households. . Forty-six per cent of those are ascendants, mainly live-in retired parents. As for the gender of relatives, women were prevalent; they inhabited households run by their adult sons (the sex ratio among relatives amounting to 48 men per 100 women). Almost half of the inhabitants in peasant families were servants. They lived in 73% of wealthy farms and 32% of cottagers' households. Put together, peasant and manorial servants accounted for 19 - 21% of all Pomeranian village inhabitants. One should add that the majority of cottage farms (which constituted 25 to 48% of all households - see Table 5), were obliged to provide labor for noblemen's manors or peasant households, which additionally contributed to the pool of peasant workforce available for hire. In effect, in spite of the large size of farms (of 1.5 to 2 lanei per 16 hectares) typical of Pomerania, it was not necessary to cumulate the family workforce and create families of complex structure. In fact, the Pomeranian peasant family was close in character to the Western and Central European types. Chapters Three to Five analyze 18th century population censuses and inventories of property. They permit not only static, but also dynamic analysis. Chapter Four is devoted to peasant households in the Kujawy region. The main conclusions from the investigation of this area are as follows: The size of a household is variable. There is a strong positive correlation between the socio-economic position of the household head and the size of the household. There is also a correlation between the size of a household and the age of its head (Table 19 shows average figures, while Table 20 the relationship between the number of inhabitants and the economic status of a household, and Table 27 the relationship between the age of the head of a household and the number of its members). Factors which have the strongest influence upon the mean household size are the numbers of children and servants. The number of relatives plays a smaller role because they were not numerous (see Table 21). An analysis of the composition of households in terms of their family structure does not allow for definitive conclusions because of the inaccuracy of the sources. Of importance are also local differences in the size of households, the amount of land for settlement and the policies of the manor lord. The main deficiency of population counts compiled for the lay authorities lies in the fact that they reduce the number of coresident siblings. The church sources and, partly, property inventories used in the study indicate the presence of this category of relatives. It seems however, that that their presence was temporary; nearly three fourths of the siblings were under 30 years of age. Property inventories, on the other hand, frequently omit older persons. Therefore, due to those inaccuracies, the proportion of households with relatives was somewhat greater than is suggested by the sources used in this chapter. From the point of view of the structure of households, two-generation nuclear families prevail in central Poland (Table 23 deals with Kujawy, while Table 24 quotes data for other regions). The percentage of extended and complex families ranges from 15% to 40%. The prevalent structure among complex families is an extended family with a single retired parent, usually mother. The least numerous families, composed of at least two married couples, usually have a souche-type structure (see Table 25). Chapter Five analyzes the life-cycle of an individual. In spite of some differences among communities studied, the main stages in the life-cycle remain similar. In all populations childhood ends with the leaving of the parents' household. That usually happens between the ages of 10 to 25, most persons leaving the family household between the ages of 15 through 19 (see Table 29, column «indeks»). A comparison in terms of social and economic class indicates that poorer peasants' children tend to leave their family homes earlier. In the poorer households 50% of children leave the family before they reach the age of 15 and in the richer ones only 33% do (see Table 30). From a calculation of the average age differences between household heads and their eldest children that stayed at home it becomes evident that usually the eldest children left the parental home. A vast majority of children leaving their parental homes usually joined the group of servants, whose proportion in the male population aged 15 -19 and 20-24 amounted in Kujawy to 58% and 65%, respectively, and was close to respective indices calculated for the remaining communities. In Kujawy 51% of girls aged 15 - 19 were servants. Service was only a stage in their life-cycle, which is proven by the fact that the proportion of servants in senior age groups diminished, while the proportion of household heads and lodgers increased (see Tables 33A, 33B for the correlation between the age and the position in the household). The destinies of servants hired directly by noblemen to work on their manors were different. As a rule they were older than peasant servants and, to a great degree, burdened with families (see Tables 31, 32A-C). In sum, the proportion of servants in the populations studied in the present work remains high (up to 24% in Kujawy), exceeding standards known from Western and Central Europe. As for the sources of recruitment of peasant servants, we may say that the numbers and the age structure of the whole group unquestionably indicate that they were mainly peasant children, and not necessarily from the poorest families. Only a small part of the servants (approximately 11%) were the household head’s relatives. The parents’ consent to leave the parental home by children only to replace them with hired servants was part of the strategy to guarantee the father to hold the function of the head of the household as long as possible. From among the four types of family systems that existed in Europe and the corresponding principles of household formation the realities of life in the Kujawy region were the closest to the Central European model even if there are also some differences. One such difference is the fact that in Kujawy and and other regions of Poland, there was no close relationship between marriage and household formation (Tables 41 and 42 show the ratio of married persons to the number of household heads in different age groups). Another difference between the Polish and Central European conditions is the early average age at marriage for females (21 - 22 years) and a relatively advanced age at marriage for males (26 - 29 years). The consequence of that phenomenon was a considerable prevalence of marriages with older men, and a greater age difference between spouses (as compared with Austria, for example; see Table 39). The proportion of persons of both sexes remaining single was probably much lower in Kujawy and all of Poland than in Western Europe. To recapitulate, it seems that the Kujawy (or in fact, the Polish) demographic regime in the second half of the 18th century must have been tense, i.e. characterized by a considerable incidence of births. In such circumstances, a decrease in mortality, which occurred in mid-19th century, must have caused a real demographic explosion. Old age in Kujawy was stigmatized by the loss of the status of the head of the household and passing into the group of retired relatives or lodgers. That was usually preceded by widowing. Since the marriage market favoured men who found it easier to remarry (see Table 44), old age chronology for each of the sexes was different. For men it started around 64 years of age, while for women around 50. In both cases the leading symptom was a decrease in the proportion of household heads in the population (see Tables 43A-C). Old age usually meant living with the status of a retired parent or a lodger in someone else's home. Much less frequent were cases of passing final years of life as a servant or in an institution . All estimates indicate that approx. 17% of the elderly lived lonely lives in their old age, even if they had living children (see Table 47). An obstinate defence of their roles as heads of households by peasants is related to the low social status of the elderly, who frequently had to go begging. The position of old people in Kujawy villages was worse than the status of the elderly in the countries such as Austria or Sweden. One of the reasons of that was the loss of property rights by serfs in Poland, and reluctance on the part of the lord to consider the necessity to cover the cost of living of the elderly. Another reason is of a more general nature; in Poland, where the state was unwilling to regulate the mutual relationship between the lord and the peasant, the bureaucratization of property relationships in rural areas, so typical of some other countries, never developed. Therefore, old household heads had no guarantee that agreements between them and their successors would be honoured. The prospect of privation in old age affected the family strategy. The most heterogeneous group of farm inhabitants were lodgers. Their numbers and demographic characteristics varied. In Kujawy, where the share of manorial land was quite high and the chances to take over a farm considerably poorer, the number of lodgers was relatively high. That group comprised two sub-groups: young persons that got marryied without any prospect of taking over an independent farm and elderly persons (see Table 48). The prevalence of women among lodgers is quite striking and it seems to prove the assumption that part of the lodgers were widows of deceased household heads or single women. One of the essential tasks of demography, including historical demography, is recreating general rules governing the development of population. This is possible only when the results of local studies can be projected to create a more general scheme and thus placed in a broader context. In our case, the point of reference is the Laslett classification, discussed in detail in the opening chapter. The present study tries to make numerous comparisons of Polish conditions with the Russian, Western European and Central European ones. Those comparisons clearly show a similarity between the realities of the Polish life and the Central European model. At the same time, the Russian model seem to differ considerably from the realities of the Polish life. The similarity of Polish peasant families to the Central European model does not come as a surprise. It is neither the consequence of colonization, nor an imitation of foreign patterns nor a result of manorial policies, but simply a product of peasants' own family strategies. Radical changes in the peasant family strategy occurred only in the first half of 19th century, and, certainly, in the post-enfranchisement epoch. Life-cycle servants almost dissapeared, and the percentage of three-generational multiple families rose. The traditional peasant family, so convincingly depicted by Thomas and Znaniecki, and cleverly contrasted to the English reality by Alan Macfarlane Thomas, Znaniecki 1976, Macfarlane 1978. , is a phenomenon appearing no sooner than the 19th and beginning of 20th centuries. Translated by Iwona Duma
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Książka
Tytuł:
Konferencja „Zagłada ludności wschodnich województw II RP w latach II wojny światowej dokonana przez ukraińskich nacjonalistów – w 70. rocznicę krwawej niedzieli wołyńskiej”. Kraków, 10 lipca 2013 r.
Autorzy:
Kopczyński, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/545694.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Źródło:
Przegląd Archiwalny Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej; 2014, 7; 381-493
1899-1254
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Archiwalny Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 70

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