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    Tytuł:
    Zasada strategiczna i maksyma selektywności – nowe spojrzenie na implikatury Grice’owskie w prawie
    The strategic principle and the maxim of selectivity – a new insight on Gricean implicatures in the law
    Autorzy:
    Skoczeń, Izabela
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531588.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017-01-01
    Wydawca:
    Stowarzyszenie Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej – Sekcja Polska IVR
    Tematy:
    implikatura konwersacyjna
    Paul Grice
    pragmatyka
    interpretacja
    strategiczny dyskurs
    conversational implicature
    pragmatics
    interpretation
    strategic speech
    Opis:
    Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na trzy pytania. Po pierwsze, czy klasyczna wersja teorii implikatur konwersacyjnych Paula Grice’a znajduje zastosowanie do opisu dyskursu prawnego. Odpowiedź udzielona w tekście na tak postawione pytanie jest negatywna. Po drugie, tekst charakteryzuje najbardziej popularną w debacie światowej teorię pragmatyki dyskursu prawnego, mianowicie teorię strategicznego dyskursu Andrei Marmora. Dyskurs strategiczny występuje najczęściej w niezdeterminowanym kontekście. Jest to kontekst, który zawiera elementy umożliwiające nawet sprzeczne inferencje pragmatyczne. Ponadto, praca identyfikuje problematyczne punkty tego pomysłu. Po trzecie, podjęta zostaje próba nakreślenia teorii, która mogłaby stawić czoła zarzutom stawianym pomysłom A. Marmora. Pomysł polega na modelowaniu mechanizmów prowadzących do strategicznej selektywności zjawisk pragmatycznych.
    In the present paper, I attempt to answer three questions. First, whether the classical Gricean version of the implicature theory can be applied to describe legal discourse. Second, I provide an outline of one of the most popular theories of the pragmatics of legal language. Namely, Andrei Marmor’s theory of strategic speech. Strategic speech occurs mostly in indeterminate contexts, which contain elements that license even contradictory pragmatic inferences. Next, I attempt to flesh out the problematic points of this account. Third, I attempt to formulate a descriptive model of the strategic selectivity of pragmatic elements in the law, that could face the objections to Marmor’s ideas.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej; 2017, 1(14); 115-124
    2082-3304
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    False paradoxes of the protection of freedom of scientific research
    Fałszywe paradoksy ochrony wolności nauki
    Autorzy:
    Łętowska, Ewa
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2006975.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
    Tematy:
    freedom of speech
    freedom of scientific research
    protection of privacy
    Strategic Litigation Against Participation in Public Life
    Opis:
    The article asks the questions: – How far can the authorities interfere with freedom of speech/freedom of scientific research? By what means and how can one effectively defend oneself against direct and indirect interference and manipulation? – Can it be punished if someone considers the results of research to violate his or her personal rights (an open catalog: e.g. good name, cult of the deceased, or even “the right to national identity and pride”)? Is it then possible to demand withdrawal/correction of the scientist's findings or compensation? Today, threats to the freedom of scientific research are made not so much by censoring science as by threatening the autonomy of universities; controlling the conditions of doing science (its dissemination); discouraging certain topics; self-censorship caused by a chilling effect. This is dangerous in flawed democracies, where no attention is paid to pluralism in the exercise of freedom and to ensuring some minimum protection of minority interests and proclaimed views. And at the same time in poor countries, where little resources are allocated to science, which induces the phenomenon of “chasing away from the bowl” and “rewarding with a better bowl”. Money allocated to science is a very effective means of both promoting and eliminating views. The existence of this phenomenon increases the perceived threat to freedom, even without explicitly encroaching on it (the chilling effect). Freedom of speech, freedom of scientific research are exposed to a specific threat conducted on attacks and an attempt to limit or even eliminate them – paradoxically – in the name of allegedly threatened pluralism of ideas and views. In this situation, the attackers use the idea of protecting individual freedom for expansive purposes. Not in the name of freedom of expression of one's own axiology, but in the name of forbidding this expression to others
    Źródło:
    Nauka; 2021, 2; 87-101
    1231-8515
    Pojawia się w:
    Nauka
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Військова і безпекова складові внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики Російської Федерації у 2007–2014 рр.
    Składniki wojskowe i bezpieczeniowe wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 2007–2014
    Autorzy:
    Демартино, Андрій
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489524.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    internal politics
    foreign policy
    geopolitical space
    political radicalism
    Munich speech V. Putin
    military reform
    strategic decisions
    international relations
    Opis:
    The radical actions of the Kremlin, which led to the annexation of the Crimea and the support of the separatists in the East of Ukraine, were conditioned by fundamental changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy, which began much earlier and were connected with the historically determined irrational aspirations of Russians to territorial expansion. The turning point of radical changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy can be considered the famous speech of Putin, which he spoke at the Munich Security Conference on February 10, 2007, and openly said that he «really thinks about the problems of international security.» The main points of this report are the following: the unacceptability and impossibility for a modern world of a unipolar model of international relations; the need to find a reasonable balance between the interests of all actors in international politics; the inadmissibility of the invasion of the United States of America in all spheres of world development and the imposition of rules of the game to other states; the admissibility of the use of military force as the last argument only on the basis of the UN Charter; termination of the provocative NATO expansion to the East as reducing the level of mutual trust in the world; the hopelessness of the West’s economic policy towards the Third World countries; stopping the process of transforming the OSCE into a tool for securing the foreign policy interests of one or a group of countries relative to other countries; the formation of a just, democratic world order capable of ensuring prosperity not only for the elected but for all. Putin’s speech served as an occasion for controversy in the Western political circles to restore the «cold» war. By the Russian side, the Munich speech of Putin was seen as a further program of foreign policy of Russia in the late 2000’s - early 2010’s. External causes of radical change in the course of the Russian Federation: 1) the enlargement of NATO and the EU to the east in 2004, which took place without taking into account the interests of the Russian Federation, and this is against the backdrop of the intensified declaration of Putin after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 supporting the American strategy to combat terrorism; 2) «color revolutions» that took place in 2003-2005 in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, and were actively supported by the United States and the leading European countries. The conservative part of the Russian elite perceived them as an offensive against Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet space. Internal reasons: 1) the rise in oil prices on the world market since the early 2000’s, accompanied by a surge of foreign direct investment and a cessation of capital outflow. In conjunction with the dependence of European countries on the supply of Russian energy resources, all this generated in the higher political elite a sense of Russia’s new status as an «energy superpower» and claims to restore its role in world politics; 2) the defeat of the big business (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky) in the struggle for power in the Russian Federation and the growing influence of the federal bureaucracy and security forces, which led by Putin to gain mass support in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2003-2004. After Munich in Russia, a whole series of conceptual, legislative, structural changes and organizational measures aimed at adapting state institutions and politics under new conditions was launched. The preparation and conduct of the presidential elections in Russia, which resulted in the «return» of Putin to a senior position in the state, finally severed the Kremlin, even with the possibility of establishing a pragmatic cooperation with the West, which attempts were made during the reign of D. Medvedev within the framework of the «reboot» from the United States and «Partnership for Modernization» programs with Germany and the EU. Thus, the evolution of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in 2007-2014 is largely due to the imperial essence of the state and society of this country, due to all its historical historical development. In addition, the subjective factor associated with the activities of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin and his oligarchic leadership headed by his desire for personal enrichment and indivisible domination in the post-Soviet geopolitical space, played a role in changing the country’s political course. Accordingly, Russian aggression against Ukraine, which began in February 2014, should be considered a natural result of the expansionist aspirations of the ruling class in Russia.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 28-34
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Terapia tradycyjna a terapia strategiczna dyslalii obwodowej
    Traditional Therapy and Strategic Therapy for Peripheral Dyslalia
    Autorzy:
    Pluta-Wojciechowska, Danuta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1931409.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-04-27
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Logopedyczne
    Tematy:
    terapia zaburzeń artykulacji
    terapia wad wymowy
    terapia logopedyczna
    terapia tradycyjna zaburzeń artykulacji
    terapia strategiczna zaburzeń artykulacji
    articulation disorders therapy
    speech impairment therapy
    speech therapy
    traditional therapy for articulation disorders
    strategic therapy for articulation disorders
    Opis:
    Autorka przedstawia propozycję typologii metod terapii dyslalii, biorąc pod uwagę różne kry-teria. Swoistym tłem dla podjętych rozważań jest formuła Evidence-Based Practice (w wolnym tłu-maczeniu „praktyka oparta na dowodach”). W takim kontekście autorka porównuje metody terapii tradycyjnej i terapii strategicznej. Analizy pokazują, że są to dwa odmienne modele terapii, chociaż można odnaleźć pewne wspólne wątki, np. pracę nad automatyzacją ćwiczonej głoski w mowie co-dziennej pacjenta. Warto zaznaczyć, że terapię strategiczną autorka utożsamia ze Strategiczną me-todą usprawniania realizacji fonemów SMURF.
    The author proposes a typology of methods for treating dyslalia, taking into account various criteria. The Evidence-Based Practice formula (loosely translated as „evidence-based practice”) is a specific background for the considerations. In this context, the author compares the methods of traditional therapy and strategic therapy. The analyzes show that these are two different models of therapy, although some common threads can be found, e.g. work on the automation of the practiced sound in the patient’s everyday speech. It is worth noting that the author identifies the strategic therapy with the Strategic method of improving the implementation of SMURF phonemes.
    Źródło:
    Logopedia; 2020, 49, 1; 47-66
    0459-6935
    Pojawia się w:
    Logopedia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wybrane aspekty mowy nienawiści w Polsce
    Selected aspects of hate speech in Poland
    Autorzy:
    Szczepaniak-Kozak, Anna
    Lankiewicz, Hadrian
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/463391.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Lingwistyki Stosowanej
    Tematy:
    hate speech in Polish
    migrants in Poland
    strategic verbal aggression
    interpersonal and institutional racist communication
    mowa nienawiści w języku polskim migranci w Polsce
    strategiczna agresja werbalna interpersonalna i instytucjonalna komunikacja nacechowana rasistowsko
    Opis:
    The recent political and social events that took place in Europe made us all re-visit some of the basic assumptions of intercultural communication studies. According to the authors of this paper, most theoretical and empirical studies concerning intercultural communication seem to neglect the fact that some interlocutors are intentionally impolite and motivated by their racist and/or xenophobic views, which becomes visible in contact with representatives of other cultures, nationalities or countries. Such a behaviour may take the form of physical attacks while linguistic performance may include verbal/nonverbal signs of interlocutors’ prejudiced attitudes. Poland is no exception here. It is our conviction that: 1) there is a dire need to define what hate speech motivated by racism and/or xenophobic attitudes is and what its features are, and 2) linguistic research on this phenomenon can offer a considerable step forward in this area. Since there are apparently no clear criteria what constitutes an act of racially motivated verbal and nonverbal violence in Polish, the authors of this paper aim at portraying its characteristic features on the basis of semi-formal interviews carried out with migrants living in Poland. The research took place within the RADAR project (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), co-funded by the European Commission, and conducted in six of the European Union countries.
    Źródło:
    Lingwistyka Stosowana / Applied Linguistics / Angewandte Linguistik; 2017, 21; 135-147
    2080-4814
    Pojawia się w:
    Lingwistyka Stosowana / Applied Linguistics / Angewandte Linguistik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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