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Tytuł:
Етимологічна та змістовна варіативність і системність класичного / вузького визначення політичної опозиції
Etymological and content variativity and system of classical / narrow definition of political opposition
Autorzy:
Кольцов, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489299.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
governmen
opposition
determinism of the political opposition
parliamentary opposition
political power
competition
Opis:
Political opposition (in the narrow sense of the word) plays an important role in the mechanism of checks and balances under the conditions of one or another type of political regime. Accordingly, the study of political opposition is impossible without studying the political system and political power, and the political opposition is a term and a concept that is of paramount importance for understanding political competition, relations between power and non-power, the state and society. However, the narrow definition of political opposition is varied and ambiguous, although its essence and unilateral. Its unidirectionality is a consequence of classical research in the late 60's and early 70's of the twentieth century. It was initially argued that political opposition is an antipode of government within any political system, and therefore forms the basis of the political-system context of the analysis of inter-institutional relations. Consequently, the narrow definitions of political opposition are variable, albeit averaging equal to the mechanisms of checks and balances. The point is that, in the classical sense, political opposition is interpreted relatively, because it is relevant to staying in one form or another disagreement with other authorities. The specificity of the narrow understanding of political opposition is due to the view from which angle of view and theoretical and methodological point of view it is normative, institutional, structural and functional. At the same time, the perception of political opposition is the unified as an institution with its functions and structure. A lot part of scientists appeals to definition political opposition in an even more narrow and even normative or instrumental sense. This generates the requirement of perception of political opposition as an institution that is sharply opposed, on the one hand, individual political actors, but on the other hand, any sudden outbursts of protests and violence, although they can be a tool of influence of the political opposition. In addition, it determines the vision of the political opposition as an institution outside government or power in its narrow sense. Largely this narrow and normative understanding of the political opposition due to the fact that the study of empirical cases of political opposition or claim and the necessity of its classification, even the classics of political theory of the opposition mainly focus their attention on one particular kind of political opposition, namely the parliamentary opposition, which is understood as the most advanced and institutional example of a political conflict. Using this theoretical and methodological logic of the political opposition in its classic Definition often limited to one particular political sphere - the Parliament - or just one specific actor - party (or parties) that represents a minority in the legislature. The primary objective of the political opposition in its classical definition is getting political, especially governmental power. This means that political and parliamentary opposition are equivalent in the narrow approach. As a conclusion, an appeal to the essence and phenomenon of political competition is the synthetic descriptor of a narrow or classical definition of political opposition. In this regard, any form of political opposition is always generated around a certain type of political competition, and not vice versa, because political competition does not necessarily involve a political opposition. In this case, competition between the government and the political opposition, which are political categories, is primarily a competition for political power. Or, in other words, competition under the scheme of "government-opposition" is traditionally considered as a controversy over the issues of obtaining and implementing power. The government and the opposition must be determined by some degree of mutual recognition of each other, and therefore excludes a high degree of violence in their relationship and competition (whereby the opposition in time of war and unauthorized by the government the strike are not manifestations of political opposition), changing their structured rules. Although on the other hand, such conceptualization of the political opposition as a base is insufficient, because it works only in a democratic political regime. But this observation is not the task of the presented scientific exploration, it is subject to further scientific research on the problem of determining the political opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 230-237
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Особливості політичної комунікації у етнополітичному конфлікті
Specyfika komunikacji politycznej w konflikcie etniczno-politycznym
Autorzy:
Родик, Габріелла
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489375.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political communication,
mediatization of the political communication,
ethnopolitical conflict,
representative democracy,
civil society
Opis:
The article analyzes the main features of the crisis political communication and the peculiarities of political communication impact on the multiethnic society during the ethnopolitical conflict. The key aim of the article is to discover the circumstances under which political communication serves as a hinder of ethnopolitical conflict intensification or as a mechanism of conflict regulation. It was taken into consideration that modern political communication is proceed its mediatization stage where the transmission of information and communication is based on using media channels, information and communicative technologies. Conditions under which political communication obtains crisis characteristics are defined. The basic manipulative techniques of modern mass media in ethnopolitical sphere that can be used for the purposeful influence on emotional and perceptual sphere of human’s feelings are determined. A theoretical analysis of the basic features of propaganda in ethnopolitical conflict is performed. Specific recommendations for optimizing the communicative space in the interethnic interaction are given. The mechanisms of the crisis political communication rationalization, based on the concept of representative democracy and civil society are proposed.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 292-296
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Європейська геостратегія України у вимірі вітчизняного консерватизму (за працями В’ячеслава Липинського та Степана Томашівського)
Europejska geostrategia Ukrainy w wymiarze krajowego konserwatyzmu (wg prac Wacława Lipińskiego i Stefana Tomaszewskiego)
Autorzy:
Шульга, Марина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489486.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukrainian conservatism,
Vyacheslav Lypynskiy,
“new configuration of the European East”,
Stepan Tomashivkiy,
the Black Sea as a basis for the political development of the European East
Opis:
The features of European geo-strategy of Ukraine as they were interpreted in the papers of representatives of national conservatism – Vyacheslav Lypynskiy and Stepan Tomashivkiyare thoroughly analysed in the article. The conclusion is drawn about that both scientists connected the joining of Ukraine to the European community of the peoples with the projects of international cooperation initiated by Ukraine, which would provide political and economic converting of the eastern part of the European space and would be interesting for European countries and motivate Russia to balance foreign policy concerning Ukraine and internal democratic reforms. V. Lypynskiy says that such a reformatting involves the implementation of Ukraine “active policy in the “Rus’ East”, which aims to create “a new configuration of the European East”. This configuration was created to exist as a “union of three Rus’ lands” (Ukraine, Russia and Belarus), in which Ukraine wasn’t a factor of “weakening of Rus”, but was a model of “classocratic” (to paraphrase in a modern manner – those that meet challenges of time) internal transformations. S. Tomashivkiy analyses that reformatting of East-European space is impossible without warning “long- term immobility of the Black Sea”, which is not only a crucial determinant of geographic Ukrainian history, but also is the basis for the political development of the European East. This requires the revival of mediated role of Ukraine in dialogue between civilizations in general and in the international transport communications in particular. Both scientists say that European direction of geostrategy of the Ukrainian state does not deny the appropriateness of the remaining vectors, but defines and specifies the tasks that must be addressed within them.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 86-92
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Деінституціалізація політичної сфери в Україні: теорія та її підтвердження практикою
Dezinstytucjalizacja sfery politycznej na Ukrainie: teoria potwierdzona przez praktykę
Autorzy:
Макух, Оксана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489460.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
the institution of political power,
deinstitutialization, humanization,
boundary area communication
Opis:
The relevance of theorizing about problems of deinstitutionalization in politics is dictated by the lack of system researches in Ukrainian scientific literature and regulations concerning the display mode of correlative relations of the individual and institution in political power; searching for «the break points» at the intersection of civil and institutional dimensions of politics. The theoretical aspect of the paper is due to the necessity of forming the scientific basis of searching the peculiarities of the communication factor in dynamics of the institution of political power. Communication appears as a determinant of the characteristics of this process and determines the functional degradation of the institute of political power. It «blurs» deinstitutionalization through its boundaries, meanwhile identifying a new design. The practical value of the paper is to prove by the feasibility of deinstitutionalization in politics through the introduction of a person in the process of forming of communicative and civil unions in institutional dimension and laying of the foundations of the institute of political power with modified «antropodimention» of functional parameters. The task of research is seen in: a need to create a system of principles of communication as a fundamental requirement, compliance with which will ensure the quality deinstitutialization processes, outlining the principles, mechanisms and consequences of deinstitutionalization politics, determining the level of readiness of Ukrainian society to be representative of the carrier and epochal changes in the socio- political sphere.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 165-173
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політичні династії Лівану: «тонке налаштування»
The Lebanese Political Dynasties: “the fine-tuning”
Autorzy:
Зелінський, А.Л.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22676743.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-01-27
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Institute of World History
Tematy:
Ліванська республіка
кланова структура
політичні династії
заїми (зуама)
нова еліта
«мафіозна демократія»
Lebanese Republic
a clan structure
the political dynasties
zaims (zuama)
a new elite
“a mafia democracy”
Opis:
Невелика за розміром Ліванська республіка вирізняється конфесійною сегментованістю, клановою орієнтованістю й переважною спадковістю місцевої політичної еліти. Олігархічний характер політичного режиму країни кедрів обумовлено традиційною клановою структурою ліванського суспільства. Протягом століть провідну роль у Лівані відігравали територіально-конфесійні клани на чолі з шейхами–заїмами (зуама). Ця система перекочувала у сучасний ліванський політикум. До того ж, вона знаходить підтримку як серед старої, так і серед нової еліти. Тому, чітке уявлення про причетність керівників владних структур Ліванської республіки до тієї чи іншої політичної династії є необхідним для розуміння сучасного стану речей у країні, а також для прогнозування характеру її подальшого політичного розвитку. Найважливішим критерієм послідовності висвітлення діяльності політичних династій країни кедрів виступає ступінь впливу того чи іншого з нинішніх «Заїмів» на нинішні ліванські реалії. З огляду на це, мова піде про родинно-клановий контекст перших трьох осіб держави: Прем’єр-міністра, президента (спікера) національної асамблеї і президента Ліванської республіки, а також про низку неохоплених вище лідерів впливових чи бодай знакових політичних сил, представлених у парламенті, обраному у 2018 році (за винятком Х. Насралли і С. Джааджі). Зокрема, стаття містить аналіз можливостей створення політичних династій діючим прем’єр-міністром Н. Мікаті та спікером парламенту Н. Беррі, перспектив для подальшого існування нещодавно заснованих політичних династій Аунів і аль-Харірі, а також причин політичного виживання родин спадкових ліванських заїмів Джумблатів і Франж’є. Головний висновок публікації полягає у констатації перспективи тотального збереження принципу сімейності у ліванській політиці бодай на найближчі десятиліття.
A small in size, Lebanese Republic is known for it’s a confessional segmentation, a clan orientation and a predominant heredity of the local political elite. A oligarchic nature of a political regime of the country of cedars is due to a traditional clan structure of a lebanese society. For centuries, a leading role in Lebanon was played by the territorial-confessional clans, that wereheaded by the sheikhs–zaims (zuama). This system has migrated to a modern lebanese politics. At the same time, it has the support among both a old one and a new one elite. Therefore, a clear understanding of the involvement of the leaders of the power structures of the Lebanese Republic in a certain political dynasty is necessary for understanding a current state of affairs in the country, as well as to predict the nature of its further political development. So, the primary criterion, which was determines the sequence of the coverage of the activity of the political dynasties of the country of cedars is the degree of the influence on a today’s Lebanese realities of one or another of the current “zaims”. Based on this principle, we will talk about a a family-clan context of the first three persons of the state: the Prime Minister, the President (Speaker) of the National Assembly and the President of Lebanese Republic, as well as a few of the other leaders of the influential or at least the appreciable political forces, that are represented in parliament, which was elected in 2018 (except of H. Nasrallah and S. Geagea). In particular, the article contains an analysis of the possibilities of the creating the political dynasties by the current Prime Minister N. Mikati and Speaker of Parliament N. Berri, the prospects for a further existence of the newly founded political dynasties of the families of Aoun and al-Hariri, as well as the reasons for a political survival of the hereditary Lebanese zaim families Jumblatt and Frangieh. The main conclusion of this publication is the statement about a prospect of a total preservation of the principle of the nepotism in a lebanese politics for at least the coming decades.
Źródło:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії; 2022, 17; 122-157
2707-6776
Pojawia się w:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політична репрезентація поляків в Україні на локальному рівні (за результатами досліджень 2015-2016 рр. на Житомирщині)
Political Representation of Poles in Ukraine at the Local Level (Based on the Research Results of 2015–2016 Years in Zhytomyr Region)
Autorzy:
Рудницький, Сергій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489305.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political representation,
Zhytomyr regional local government,
the Polish national minority in Ukraine,
deputies of the Polish origin,
social and political activities of the Polish national minority in Ukraine
Opis:
The issue of representing interests of national minorities in the political sphere is relevant for Ukraine as a multi-ethnic state. The Polish minority stands out among others considering the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish relations in the past and under the current conditions. Therefore, the analysis of the representation of the Polish community in local government of Ukraine, particularly in Zhytomyr region where the largest community of Poles lives, has an essential scientific and practical significance. The research of the political representation of Poles in Zhytomyr region began in September 2015 when prof. Slawomir Lodzinski (Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw) and associate professor Serhii Rudnytskyi (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) launched the international research seminar "Representation of National Minorities at the Local Level – Poles in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland". In the 2015-2016 academic year, the participants of the seminar from Ukraine aimed at investigating activities of the Polish minority in selected areas of Zhytomyr region (taking into account the specifics of the socio-psychological faculty) and identifying its psychological determinants. Several locations in Zhytomyr region, where the Polish minority lives and/or which are characterized by activities in social and political life of the given settlement, were chosen for a study The research was related to Poles/persons of Polish origin in local government of the given locality. With regard to the political part of the research of the Ukrainian participants of the seminar, the study of 2015 turned out to have little effect. In the course of the research, the activity of the leaders of the Polish community, as well as the political activity of persons from the Polish national minority, were recorded in all localities under consideration at the level of local government. In the 2016–2017 academic year participants of the seminar changed. Bearing in mind experience of the previous year, the study became of a purely political nature. All works (with the exception of the research related to institutes representing the interests of the Polish minority at the regional level) were focused on revealing deputies of the Polish origin in local government bodies of Zhytomyr region, their links with the local Polish community and its institutions (primarily, with public organizations) and with all-Ukrainian political forces. Attention was drawn to the ties between ethnicity, the election campaign, and canvassing. Two works did not bring any new information on the political representation of the Poles in Zhytomyr region. The first one, which was devoted to associations representing the interests of the Polish national minority in Zhytomyr region, was more like a desk review. The second one, concerning the program documents of the candidates for deputy of the district councils of the Zhytomyr region who have Polish origin, was merely a methodology for studying documents by methods of mathematical statistics and did not include the results of empirical research. Two other works, dedicated to the participants of the local government in Zhytomyr region, provided new information on the political representation of the Polish minority at the local level. S. Chuprina in her work on deputies of the Polish origin of Berdychiv City Council found that some of the deputies of Berdychiv City Council are of Polish origin. The activity of one of the deputies is connected with the Polish social and cultural activities, namely with the Polish-language radio in Berdychiv, popular and scientific activity, the rebirth of the Polish cemetery in the city, and the initiative to create a museum of the Polish culture in Berdychiv. Yu. Vonsovych while studying the connection between the ethnic origin of deputies of Polish origin of Zhytomyr City Council with their electoral programs, found out that some of the deputies have Polish origin, which is understood and referred in various ways ("Polish origin", "Polish nationality", "Polish roots" ). There are also deputies who declare themselves Poles who have participated in projects of the Polish community which were aimed at its development.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 145-153
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Теоретико-методологічниі аспекти технологій легітимації політичної влади в Україні
Theoretical and Methodology Aspects of the Technologies’ Legitimation of Political Power in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Чубаєвський, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukraine
democratic transformation
political power
technologies of the legitimation
of political power
the electoral process
Opis:
The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 179-191
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Моделювання відносин «парламентська опозиція-уряд» у Словаччині в 90-ті роки: контекст, інституційні чинники, потенціал та результативність
Modelowanie stosunków „opozycja parlamentarna-rząd” na Słowacji w latach 90.: kontekst, czynniki instytucyjne, potencjał i skuteczność
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489255.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
opposition,
the parliamentary opposition, government,
power,
political conflict, democracy,
political competition,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 145-152
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Середній клас як гарант політичної стабільності сучасного українського суспільства
Średnia klasa jako gwarant stabilności politycznej współczesnego społeczeństwa ukraińskiego
Autorzy:
Сухачов, Станіслав
Лужанська, Тетяна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489470.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
the middle class
political stability
the modern Ukrainian society
the lower class
clan-oligarchic groups
Opis:
The article concerns the middle class in Ukraine, which is a determining factor of the political stability in any democratic society. The middle class is a complex social formation that has a political dimension and determines the level of citizen social and political activity, which is determined by their status of the working owner, which denies populism, political indifference and political exclusion. The criteria for belonging to the middle class are not only the high level of material security, but also the way of life, independence and the labor nature of income sources - a certain standard of living. Due to the lack of opportunities to realize their economical potential in their own country, millions of ukrainian citizens have left to work in other countries, where the process of the modern ukrainian middle class formation is taking place. In the ukrainian society due to the availability of the lowest social standards in Europe by income, to the middle class, not so much representatives of mental labor belong, but as so-called «servicemen of the oligarchs». Deepening in the income inequality is largely the result of the development of not so much market, European mechanisms, as many pseudo-market, that make the formation of the middle class impossible. Further functioning of the Ukrainian society political system in the format of its commitment to the interests of not the middle class, but a handful of oligarchs, only preserves the neo-feudal division of society into an absolute majority of the poor - hereditarily poor, and an unaccountably rich minority. It is therefore logical that the political system should deviate from the paradigm of state use, its organs and finance to enrich the ruling class. A serious problem arose before ukrainian politologists and sociologists - the problem of studying the conditions of the middle class formation, which should include the presence of a clear and understandable for everyone normative base, which determines the process of the middle class formation. This, in turn, provides for the deprivation of the petty care from the state, which makes impossible the neo-feudal principle: friends must have everything, and enemies deserve the law. It is clear that the institutions of the political system must establish equality of everyone before the law, which is an important way of the middle class formation in modern Ukrainian society. Until political institutions remain channels for collecting corrupt rents from the Ukrainian population, which is considered as a natural resource from which you can rent for owning it, it is impossible to talk about the effectiveness of reforms and the success of the middle class formation. The leading way not only of quantitative growth but also of widespread strengthening of the economic, social, political, and spiritual positions of the middle class is a significant limitation of the political power of the clan-oligarchic groups, the reliable basis of which is the shadow economy, which concentrates millions of able-bodied Ukrainians and is an essential brake on the establishment of European civilized market relations and civic structures based on labor private property. An important way of a middle class formation and development in a transformational ukrainian society is the creation (with the state’s sake) a large number of enterprises, firms, producing material and spiritual values, whose employees demonstrate high motivation to work. Now the middle class is replaced by the lower class and does not perform in practice its socially important functions, does not act as an effective guarantor of political stability and the basis of democratic transformations in today’s transformational Ukrainian society. Therefore, one of the priorities of the Ukrainian state should be firstly, creating the necessary conditions for the widespread development of the middle class, first of all, through real economic reforms aimed at realizing socio-economic, political, and spiritual interests. Secondly, the middle class should embody the best features of professionalism, individualism and tolerance, which are based on its strong positions as a working owner as a reliable guarantor of stable and sustainable social development. Thirdly, in order to form a middle class as a guarantor of political stability, there should not be a huge mass of poor people alienated from power, property and social respect. A characteristic feature of modern Ukrainian society is that those who would have belonged to the middle class, are very close to the lower class for their low incomes and the level of satisfaction of their needs. Without the practical implementation of these logical processes, it is extremely difficult to imagine any positive prospects for the development of the middle class as the political stability of modern Ukrainian society.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 164-170
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
Autorzy:
Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political power,
government,
civil society,
the state,
the ruling class,
«opinion leaders»,
transformation
Opis:
We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Радянська стратегія та практика політичної мобілізації населення Західної України в умовах військово-політичного протистояння на завершальному етапі Другої світової війни
Radziecka strategia i praktyka politycznej mobilizacji ludności zachodniej Ukrainy w warunkach wojskowo-politycznego konfliktu w końcowym okresie drugiej wojny światowej
Autorzy:
Докаш, Оксана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489502.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
The Second World War,
Western Ukraine,
Stalin’s totalitarian regime,
military-political confrontation,
political mobilization,
the party nomenclature,
manipulating-raising tools of influence
Opis:
The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization. In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population. The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 224-234
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Концептуалізація сучасних політичних конфліктів на прикладі російської агресії на Сході України
Conceptualization of Modern Political Conflicts on the Example of the Russian Aggression in the East of Ukraine
Autorzy:
Примуш, Микола
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489494.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political conflicts
the negotiation process
hybrid warfare
external aggression
National security
Opis:
Article is devoted to studying of specifics of the military-political conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The analysis is based on idea of what the classical theory of a political conflict is extremely limited approaches studying of all brinks of a political conflict. Leaving linearity and staging of political process (a phase of tension, instability, a contradiction and collision), the modern political conflict on the example of the East of Ukraine can have some unusual aspects. First of all it is informal support and the help from other state, this imposing by method of blackmail by one of participants of the conflict of own benefits in exchange for the terminations of open collisions. The conflict problem in the East of Ukraine has peculiar, poorly studied line: modeling and development of the conflict by intelligence agencies of other state. The political conflict in the East of Ukraine has no latent phase as in it is mute lines unusual for the classical conflicts are mixed: intervention of other state, informal military support of one of participants of the conflict, promotion of concrete ultimatums to authorities by the indirect participant of the conflict, mixing of electoral and political technologies (radicalism of electorate on the basis of political myths). In it is a high time in the analysis of the conflict in the East of Ukraine many experts too specifics of the organization of the political power in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions don’t join. It is first of all about the interested financial and industrial groups which in the activity have carried out synthesis of complete control over financial and economic activity of the region before direct influence on the electoral choice of his population. In view of orientation of economic contacts and mental orientations towards Russia, the political elite of the East of Ukraine in the investigation of disagreement with the movement of «Euromaidan» has appeared in a desperate situation: she has ceased to have authority among the population; wishing to keep the economic capitals, the elite as a result has lost control over a situation; and in she is a high time too I have reached oppositional position to the new power. The specified factors in the sum have led to opening of mental space for handling technologies from interested parties. Without wishing to lose from the geopolitical field Ukraine, the hybrid political conflict has also been introduced. Complexity of his studying consists in an absence factor in him two key factors: first of all latent phase and mechanism of his full permission. Instead the multistage mechanism of his suppression, but not permission is offered by politicians and scientists. The essence consists in the fact that according to «game theory» the scenario «the world in war on the terms of the winner» is offered. At the same time winners both Ukraine, and Russia equally want to see themselves. In practice it leads to the fact that any technology of permission of a political conflict in the form of negotiation process, a mediator, involvement of the third party won’t have qualitative effect. A paradox of a situation is that the parties don’t wish to go on compromises. Each of the parties by method of tightening of time expects when the second party is forced to offer a string of concessions and weakening of tension. In this context the research is also devoted to studying of the specified technologies from outside of both foreign, and domestic scientific developments.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 292-298
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Функційність іменників і дієслів у політичній рекламі
Autorzy:
Osewska, Monika
Romaniuk, Svitlana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1789858.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-04-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
political advertising
slogan
elections in Ukraine
categories of the noun and verb
Opis:
The article deals with political slogans placed on billboards and advertising spots dedicated to political advertisement and the 2014 Parliamentary elections. Following the time after ‘Euromaidan’, the 2014 elections were the fi rst after the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 7th convocation. The author presents research categories of the noun and verb (i.e. degrees of comparison of adjectives and forms of numerals and adverbs) which she fi nds the most important. The author concludes that nouns and verbs appear more frequently and are more visible than other parts of speech. What is more, a choice of appropriate lexis aff ects the way we perceive advertisement.
Źródło:
Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia; 2018, 6; 237-247
2299-7237
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The tendencies of the educational and upbringing development in the catholic schools in Germany (1945 – in the late 1980s)
Тенденції розвитку системи навчання та виховання учнів у католицьких школах Німеччини (1945 р. – кін. 80-х рр. ХХ ст.)
Autorzy:
Zavalnyuk, Andriy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/469874.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-09-01
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
Tematy:
catholic schools
educational and upbringing process
Catholic political points of view
the directions of education and upbringing
Christian upbringing
educational reforms
Opis:
The actuality of our scientific research is determined by the necessity for the historical analysis of the educational and pedagogical activity of the Catholic schools in Germany during the period from 1945 until the unification of Germany. Because, during this time - the period of the school education reforms and search for the new ways of education and upbringing, the priority of the education and upbringing of the Catholic schools was the moral and spiritual education, and the main purpose of the school education was to educate pupils to become the harmonious and spiritually developed individuals. The scientific research highlights the regulation of the church documents about the educational and upbringing process of the Catholic schools, namely: programs, rules, and constitutions that were adopted by the Catholic synods and councils, or by one person – the Pope. The article represents the issues about the activity of the Catholic schools: the identity infringement of the teachers’ staff, financial and economic security of the educational establishments, upholding the rights and freedoms of the private schools and adjustment in government control over school, the intensification of the educational process. The scientific research investigates the reforms of the traditional Catholic school system of education in the 1960s-1980s. Purpouse. The investigation of the tendencies of the educational and upbringing development in the Catholic schools in Germany during the period from 1945 until in the late 1980s. Methods of investigation. Historic and logic analysis, generalization, systematization and classification of the printed sources and archives. The retrospective, systematical and logic analysis of the scientific work, scientific literature and archive are used in the study. Results. In the period of the Catholic schools reformation we distinct the following changes of the implementation of the traditional Catholic school policy: a permission for the coeducational studying at schools, a permission for the catholic-pupils to study at the non-Catholic schools, the encouragement of the teachers, who were the parishioners of the Catholic church, to teach at the Catholic schools, the rights and freedoms for the schools in determination of the priority of the educational and upbringing process.
Źródło:
Intercultural Communication; 2017, 3, 2; 105-118
2451-0998
Pojawia się w:
Intercultural Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Особливості історичного розвитку Венесуели: минуле і сучасність
Features of Historical Development of Venezuela: Past and Present
Autorzy:
Романюк, В.О.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/22676569.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-18
Wydawca:
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Institute of World History
Tematy:
регіон Латинської Америки та Карибського басейну
Венесуела
нафтоетатична модель
трансформація політичних процесів
доктрина «боліваріанської революції»
«венесуельський антиамериканізм»
партисипаторна демократія
the region of Latin America and the Caribbean
Venezuela
oil-containing model
transformation of political processes
the doctrine of the “Bolivarian revolution”
“Venezuelan anti-аmericanism”
participatory democracy
Opis:
У статті розглянуто особливості історичного розвитку Венесуели від часу проголошення незалежності на початку ХІХ ст. до періоду правління президентів Уго Чавеса та Ніколаса Мадуро. Окрему увагу приділено важливій в історії Венесуели події – відкриттю в 1914 р. гігантського родовища нафти в районі озера Маракайбо, запровадженню та подальшому розвитку так званої нафтоетатичної моделі, впливу нафтогазового видобутку і переробки вуглеводних ресурсів на суспільно-політичне становище країни. Досліджено період правління президента Венесуели У. Чавеса (1998-2013 рр.), розглянуто загальні тези доктрини «боліваріанської революції» та програми побудови «боліваріанського соціалізму», визначено надбання та проблеми реалізації у Венесуелі партисипаторної демократії, проаналізовано окремі зовнішньополітичні ініціативи президента та кроки, спрямовані на лідерство в регіоні Латинської Америки та Карибського басейну. У статті проаналізовано антиамериканізм, як характерний напрям зовнішньої політики У. Чавеса та настроїв венесуельського суспільства, досліджено особливості розвитку венесуело-українських двосторонніх відносин. Зроблено узагальнення досвіду державотворення та проведення реформ у Венесуелі та використання окремих підходів щодо лідерства в регіоні Латинської Америки та Карибського басейну для активізації та посилення ролі України в європейському регіональному співробітництві.
The article examines the features of historical development of Venezuela since the proclamation of the country’s independence at the beginning of the 19th century up to the modern period of governing by the Venezuelan presidents Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro. The article pays a special attention to an important event in the history of Venezuela - the 1914 discovery of a giant oil field in the region of Maracaibo Lake, Venezuela’s implementation and further development of the so-called oil-containing model and the impact of the oil and gas production and processing of carbon resources on the socio-political situation in the country and well-being of the Venezuelan people. The period of the reign of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez (1998-2013) has been studied in more detail. The general thesis of the doctrine of the “Bolivarian revolution” have been considered and certain provisions end attainments of the program to construct the “Bolivarian socialism”, have been detected certain achievements and problems of implementing the participatory democracy in Venezuela. Certain foreign policy initiatives of the president and specific steps aimed at achieving the leading role in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean have been analyzed. The article highlights anti-Americanism as a peculiar trend of Hugo Chavez’s foreign policy and the sentiments of Venezuelan society, the peculiarities of Venezuela-Ukraine bilateral relations development have been emphasized. It has been concluded that it is advisable to further study the experience of creating the state and carrying out reforms in Venezuela for its possible further use in the development of our state, as well as using certain Venezuelan approaches regarding its leadership in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean in order to enhance and strengthen the role of Ukraine in the European regional cooperation.
Źródło:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії; 2021, 13; 107-132
2707-6776
Pojawia się w:
Проблеми всесвітньої історії
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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