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Tytuł:
a Literary History of Mental Captivity in the United States. <i>Blood Meridian</i>, <i>Wise Blood</i>, and Contemporary Political Discourse
Autorzy:
Rodriguez, Manuel Broncano
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/626268.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
Cormac McCarthy
Blood Meridian
US foreign policy
President Trump President Putin
Opis:
On July 15, 2018, US President Donald Trump and Russia President Vladimir Putin held a summit in Helsinki that immediately set off a chain reaction throughout the world. By now, barely two months later, that summit is all but forgotten for the most part, superseded by the frantic train of events and the subsequent bombardment from the media that have become the “new normal.” While the iron secrecy surrounding the conversation between the two dignitaries allowed for all kinds of speculation, the image of president Trump bowing to his Russian counterpart (indeed a treasure trove for semioticians) became for many observers in the US and across the world the living proof of Mr. Trump´s subservient allegiance to Mr. Putin and his obscure designs. Even some of the most recalcitrant GOPs vented quite publicly their disgust at the sight of a president paying evident homage to the archenemy of the United States, as Vercingetorix kneeled down before Julius Cesar in recognition of the Gaul´s surrender to the might of the Roman Empire. For some arcanereason, the whole episode of the Helsinki summit brought to my mind, as in a vivid déjà vu, Cormac McCarthy´s novel Blood Meridian and more specifically, the characters of Judge Holden and the idiotic freak who becomes Holden´s ludicrous disciple in the wastelands of Arizona. In my presentation, I will provide some possible explanations as to why I came to blend these two unrelated episodes into a single continuum. In the process, I will briefly revisit some key texts in the American canon that fully belong in the history of “mental captivity” in the United States, yet to be written. Obviously, I am not in hopes of deciphering the ultimate reasons for current US foreign policy, and the more modest aim of my presentation today is to offer some insights into the general theme of our conference through a novel and a textual tradition overpopulated with “captive minds.”
Źródło:
Review of International American Studies; 2020, 13, 1; 75-97
1991-2773
Pojawia się w:
Review of International American Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State Acts of Ukraine and the Baltic Countries: chronological comparison (1990–2004)
Autorzy:
Voitenko, Yurii
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/23050989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
law
constitution
parliament
president
independence
Opis:
The article examines the main state-building acts adopted by the highest authorities of Ukraine and the Baltic states starting from 1990 (as a result of the first free election of deputies of these republics in the post-war period) and until 2004 (when significant changes took place in the internal political and geopolitical context, in particular – the accession of the Baltic states to NATO and the EU, as well as changes in the form of government in Ukraine in amendments to the Constitution as a result of the so-called «Orange Revolution»). The article reflects not only the legal part of the specified period, but also the institutional part, in particular, in the part of the formation of both legislative and executive power in the specified countries. The interaction of political, regulatory and historical components in this article forms a holistic vision of state-building processes in their synergistic unity. The purpose of the study is to conduct a chronological comparison of the main statebuilding acts of Ukraine and the Baltic countries in the period from 1990 to 2004. The methodological basis is a chronological comparison of the normative framework of countries in the context of the processes of state formation. It was determined that the parliaments of these countries, which were elected in the spring of 1990, immediately began to fight for their sovereignty and set a course for separation from the union center. The August 1991 putsch in Moscow became the «trigger mechanism» in the declaration of independence of the Baltic states and Ukraine. From that time, these countries began to build their states independently, in particular in the political and legal sphere. First, there is a change in the name of the state itself and its parliament (getting rid of the Soviet one) at the legislative level, as well as the complete subordination of power structures and other authorities exclusively to republican structures. Subsequently, the main state symbols (flag, coat of arms and anthem), constitutions are adopted, the course of states towards a market economy through the denationalization of property and privatization is introduced, each has its own currency, property is divided with other republics, international treaties and agreements are adopted, and countries The Baltics (but not Ukraine) manage to completely get rid of Russian troops from their territory through complex diplomatic efforts. The latter also contributed to the fact that the Baltic countries, having immediately taken a course towards the West, later became full members of NATO and the EU. During this period, Ukraine only decided on its geopolitical vector, that it intends to join these international associations in the future.
Źródło:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe; 2023, 8(1); 35-43
2543-9227
Pojawia się w:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Judicial Administrative Cognition, and Refusal to Appoint a Judge – Several Reflections against the Background of the Supreme Administrative Court’s Decision of 7 December 2017, Ref. I I OSK 857/17
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1966007.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
presidential prerogatives
administrative court
president
Opis:
The paper indicates the most important arguments raised by the participants in the dispute concerning the possibility of control by the administrative courts of decisions of the President of the Republic of Poland on the refusal to appoint a judge and an attempt to make a substantive evaluation of them. In my opinion, the refusal to appoint a judge, as well as refusal to accept the judge’s position under the amended Act on the Supreme Court (SC) should be strictly exceptional and in principle be justified at the constitutional level, which should be seen as the duty of the President to ensure compliance with the Constitution. Both of these resolutions should contain the motives of the President, which would make this act, with all its arbitrariness, more transparent. This is important not only from the point of view of the person concerned, but this also has an important social dimension. The public has the right to know, not only which candidates, who met the requirements for the appointment as a judge and were recommended by the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland (NCJ), were not appointed by the President, but also what reasons were at the heart of such a decision of the Head of State.
Źródło:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem; 2019, 11, 3; 206-225
2080-1084
2450-7938
Pojawia się w:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Correlation Between The Electoral System in The Presidential Elections and The Constitutional Position of The Head of State in The Light of The Discussion on The Change of The Polish Constitution
Autorzy:
Danel, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2003811.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
constitution
president
electoral system
referendum
Polska
Opis:
Amending a constitution or replacing it with a new one is never easy. Even if politicians usually have a lot of ideas how it should be done, the real problem is to put these ideas into practice. If the President Duda’s initiative is to succeed, so in other words – if such a referendum is to be held, the consent of the Senate of the Republic of Poland, i.e. the second chamber of the Polish parliament is needed. According to the Article 125 of the current Constitution the consent of the Senate is given “by an absolute majority vote taken in the presence of at least half of the statutory number of Senators”. And while Law and Justice has such an absolute majority of seats in the Senate, it is difficult to say with certainty whether today, in the face of a rather tight relationship between President Duda and the Law and Justice’s leadership, Senators of this party will support the president’s initiative. And even if the referendum is held, it will only be the first step. The change of the constitution itself requires either the so-called ‘constitutional majority’ or a bipartisan consent, that is the agreement between the ruling party and at least part of the opposition. For the moment Law and Justice does not have such a constitutional majority, even if it joins forces with Kukiz ’15 parliamentary faction – the only political group that welcomed President Duda’s initiative with great enthusiasm. Other Polish political parties do not want to hear about any constitutional change accusing both Law and Justice and President Duda of repeatedly violating the constitution that is currently in force. Of course, it may change after the next parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for 2019 and 2020 respectively, especially if Law and Justice gets even better results, what – at least today – is suggested in the opinion polls. Maybe then, to change the constitution, they will not need agreement with any other political party, just like the Hungarian Fidesz after the 2010 elections. However, there is no doubt that disputes on the competences and powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, especially (but not only) in the context of the way he/she is elected, will return regularly in the discussions on potential constitutional changes. The possible evolution of the Polish parliamentarism into the presidential or semi-presidential regime would force a significant increase in the powers of the head of state, still elected directly by the people. Staying within the framework of the parliamentary regime would require a more precise definition of the constitutional position of the President of the Republic of Poland, leaving open the issue of the way he/she is elected.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2017, 22; 7-18
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
President of the state in the Afghan Constitutions
Prezydent państwa w afgańskiej konstytucji
Autorzy:
Modrzejewska-Leśniewska, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1185216.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-02-02
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Afghanistan
president
Constitution
Afganistan
prezydent
konstytucja
Opis:
The institution of the president exists in the majority of the countries of the western world. Depending on the prerogatives granted by the constitution, the president may perform either a representative function or have the real power. No matter what the role of the president is, the position is deeply embedded in the political system, and the constitutional law as well as political practice specify its scope of competencies and capabilities. When we go beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, we can also find the states where an office of president is run. While its formation, Asian, African and South American societies, consciously or not, usually emulated the Euro-Atlantic experiences. In general, historical background of the non-European states, however, makes the history of the presidential office shorter, and the introduction of this position was often a result of violent sociopolitical changes. What often distinguishes the presidencies of the African and Asian countries from the Euro-Atlantic ones is their instability - in running this office a lot depends on the personality traits of the person holding it as well as on the tradition (or lack thereof) of strong central governance. On that premise, the presidency history of a non-European state, i.e. Afghanistan can be presented. This is an interesting case since the above mentioned factors are clearly visible in here, and the state's internal political situation is unstable. In addition, as the international forces are supposed to be withdrawn from the country until the end of 2014, the president may then become the main body formulating public policy and, thus, shaping the future of Afghanistan.
W większości państw świata zachodniego funkcjonuje instytucja prezydenta. W zależności od prerogatyw przyznanych mu przez konstytucję, jest on albo reprezentantem swojego państwa, albo też dysponuje realną władzą. Niezależnie od tego, jaką funkcję pełni prezydent, urząd ten jest mocno usadowiony w systemie politycznym, a przepisy konstytucyjne i praktyka polityczna precyzują zakres jego kompetencji i możliwości działania. Poza strefą euroatlantycką także spotykamy się z państwami, w których istnieje urząd prezydenta. Zazwyczaj przy jego kształtowaniu, świadomie lub nie, społeczeństwa Azji, Afryki czy Ameryki Południowej czerpały z euroatlantyckich doświadczeń. Jednak doświadczenia historyczne państw pozaeuropejskich sprawiają, że urząd ten ma tam z reguły znacznie krótszą tradycję, a jego wprowadzenie często było efektem gwałtownych przemian społeczno-politycznych. Tym, co często odróżnia prezydentury państw afrykańskich i azjatyckich od euroatlantyckich jest ich niestabilność - przy sprawowaniu urzędu wiele zależy od osobowości i cech charakteru osoby sprawującej urząd, jak również od tradycji (lub jej braku) silnej władzy centralnej. Posługując się tymi przesłankami można przedstawić tradycje prezydenckie takiego państwa pozaeuropejskiego jak Afganistan. Jest to ciekawy przypadek, gdyż bardzo wyraźnie widać w nim wspomniane uwarunkowania, a sytuacja wewnętrzna państwa jest niestabilna. Dodatkowo, ze względu na plan wycofania sił międzynarodowych z tego kraju do końca 2014 r., prezydent może stać się głównym podmiotem kreującym politykę publiczną, a co za tym idzie, przyszłość Afganistanu.
Źródło:
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; 2015, 2, 1(5); 137-157
2391-6389
2719-7131
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Polityki Publicznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Some remarks about the conception of executive power in the 1997 Polish Constitution
Autorzy:
Kruk, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/43353688.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002-12-31
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Polish Constitution
Enacting Laws
President
Goverment
Opis:
This text is about Polish Constitution from 1997 and the division of powers (legislature, executive, judiciary). Also, Executive system have got division on President and Prime Minister. Sometimes these divisions can involve conflicts, but they are necessary. In article author also make comparisons between polish and french political system. This article i san updated verion of a text published in: Instytucje współczesnego prawa administracyjnego. Księga jubileuszowa prof. Józefa Filipka, Kraków 2001.
Źródło:
Droit Polonais Contemporain; 2002, 125-132; 53-61
0070-7325
Pojawia się w:
Droit Polonais Contemporain
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Constitutional responsibility of the president in post-communist countries – case study (Lithuania, Romania, the Czech Republic)
Odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna prezydenta w państwach postkomunistycznych – studium przypadku (Litwa, Rumunia, Czechy)
Autorzy:
Kowalska, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26850864.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Akademia Zamojska
Tematy:
constitutional responsibility
impeachment
president
odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna
prezydent
Opis:
The article presents the empirical side of the issues of constitutional responsibility in the countries of “new democracy,” such as, Lithuania, Romania and the Czech Republic. It very often happens that the more power one has, the more temptation there is to abuse one’s office. That is why, the responsibility of the people of the highest government levels as the heads of states, is to guarantee the rule of law in every democratic state. The control is necessary when the law is not being obeyed or somebody is acting in defiance of generally abiding rules. Thereby, the constitutional responsibility is very important. It should be enforced by independent courts or in the impeachment procedure. Such a solution has been adopted in most European post-communist countries, and more importantly, very often applied for practical purposes.
Artykuł przedstawia empiryczną stronę zagadnienia odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej w krajach „nowej demokracji” na przykładzie Litwy, Rumunii oraz Czech. Praktyka uczy nas, iż na każdym kto w mniejszym lub większym zakresie jest dysponentem władzy państwowej, ciąży pokusa jej nadużywania. Dlatego też odpowiedzialność osób zajmujących w państwie najwyższe stanowiska urzędnicze – a do nich z całą pewnością należy zaliczyć urząd głowy państwa – jest gwarancją praworządności w każdym współczesnym państwie demokratycznym. Odpowiedniej kontroli wymagają zarówno ich zachowania polegające tak na wadliwym stosowaniu prawa, bądź też podejmowane niezgodnie z treścią obowiązujących norm. Stąd w zestawie środków, które mają zapewnić kontrolę nad sprawowaniem władzy wykonawczej w sposób zgodny z prawem, znajduje się odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna egzekwowana przez niezawisłe organy typu sądowego lub w formule procedury impeachment. Takie też rozwiązania zostały przyjęte w większości europejskich państw postkomunistycznych, a co istotniejsze znalazły w niektórych z nich też praktyczne zastosowanie.
Źródło:
Facta Simonidis; 2017, 10, 1; 7-26
1899-3109
Pojawia się w:
Facta Simonidis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
20 Years after The Lustration of Lech Wałęsa
Autorzy:
Składanowski, Henryk Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933234.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Lech Wałesa
Czesław Kiszczak
president
lustration
transformation
Opis:
This study aims to determine whether the decision of the V Lustration Department of the Court of Appeal in Warsaw issued in 2000, that Lech Wałęsa was not a secret collaborate of the former Security Service of the Polish People’s Republic (PPR), was a correct one. Marek Aftyka’s “briefing memo” and Proceedings of Regional Court in Gdańsk I Civil Department in 2010 in a case brought by Lech Wałęsa against Krzysztof Wyszkowski were researched in this article. It is stated that individual decisions of judges in 2000 were wrong in this case, which was confirmed on February 16, 2016 by finding the personal and working files of the secret collaborate codename “Bolek”. Analysis of the sources demonstrated that Wałęsa he did not consider the cooperation with the prosecution and security institutions, as well as with the state of real socialism as something wrong. At the same time, former Polish president, as a well-trained agent, will never admit to the cooperation.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2020, 11; 45-66
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The President of the Republic of Poland in the Light of Constitutions Adopted in Poland Between 1918 and 2018 – Selected Issues
Autorzy:
Danel, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1991365.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
constitution
president
Polska
republic
sovereignty
regime
parliamentarism
Opis:
The article concerns the constitutional position and political role of the President of the Republic of Poland. Though the Author concentrates on the current constitution of Poland, that entered info force in 1997, he also reviews all the constitutions (and important amendments to these constitutions) that were adopted over the last century, so after Poland had restored its sovereignty in 1918. The analysis is concentrated not only on the constitutional position and political role of the Polish president, but also on the way he was (and is) elected. The Author tries to prove a thesis that the actual political position of the head in the state in Poland depended and still depends not only on constitutional provisions, but also on specific political circumstances, and even the character and personality of the people holding this office.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2018, 23; 7-20
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Characteristics of Reforming the Institutions of Power in Ukraine in the Transition to Democracy
Autorzy:
Burdiak, Vira
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514602.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Ukraine
transformation
president
parliament
government
reform
opposition
Opis:
The author proves, that in Ukraine the level of political consolidation, when it would be possible to clearly define, whether a transition is completed or not, and what regime is firmly established in the state, is not achieved yet. Political players are far from confessing the inviolability of democratic rules of political game; there is a considerable threat of authoritarianism. Freedom House considers the Ukrainian state a free electoral state, not a liberal democracy. The judicial features of Ukraine in the democratization process are as follows: lack of fulfillment of one of the first tasks of the transition: replacement of elites; lack of legal culture of the authorities, their inability to realize the rules of governance; formal institutionalization; relative weakness of the basic opposition; slowness of the reformation and sustainable failure to perform the tasks of every stage of the transition; weakness and low legitimacy of democratic institutions, conjuncture reformation for party-group interests; gradual replacement of bits and pieces of the post-communist authoritarianism with the new oligarchic authoritarianism on the behavior level of some elite groups.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2018, 21; 5-16
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Electoral System of the Republic of Belarus after 25 Years of Independence
Autorzy:
Kuleszewicz, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594530.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Belarus
elections
Lukashenka
constitution
president
parliament
democracy
Opis:
This paper aims to present a case study analysis of the condition of the electoral system in the Republic of Belarus after more than a quarter of a century of independence. The main purpose of the paper is to explain the discrepancies between legislation and practice. The author intended to note a real situation that dominates the country’s political scene in comparison to theoretical establishments. A Constitution of the Republic (created in 1994, with minor changes in 1996 and 2004) is the legal ground of the electoral system, however, procedural details were drawn up in the Electoral Code. The principles of Belarusian electoral code consist of some statements known from democratic models, such as universal suffrage, direct suffrage, secret ballot and equality. There are different types of elections in Belarus but the most important ones are presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite the detailed legal rules for conducting these elections, in fact, the principles of democracy, as well as the internal rules in Belarus, are not respected. Both presidential and parliamentary elections have shown this in recent years. Independent observers for a long time have been alarming about worrying electoral practices in Belarus. It is also worth emphasizing that since 1994, one man has been in power uninterruptedly, and Parliament has in fact a symbolic function. In the source materials, the author used Belarusian legal acts, analyses and reports, press notes as well as scientific papers.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2018, 4 (47); 618-627
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Constitutional Coup! The Take-Down of the First President of the Republic of Kosovo
Autorzy:
Sejdiu, Korab R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036126.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
Kosovo
Constitution
President
serious
violation
position
party
Opis:
A coup d’etat is defined as “a sudden and decisive action in politics, especially one resulting in a change of government illegally or by force.” As one looks through all the coup d’etats that have occurred throughout the history in various parts of the world, one can observe that often the protagonists of such events are political enemies, military leaders, or distressed insiders. Indeed, one is hard pressed to find where a coup d’etat has been executed by way of a poor legal reasoning of a Constitutional Court. Well, that is until now! In the newest country in Europe, the Republic of Kosovo, major international and domestic investments are being made on institution building. One of the beneficiaries of such investments has been the newly formed Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. Soon after its establishment, this young court faced its first tough decision, namely a challenge to the President of the country regarding his alleged serious violation of the Constitution by holding posts as President of the country and Chairman of his party. In a highly controversial case, marred with procedural irregularities, judicial misconduct, lack of due process, human rights violations, regular media leaks, and behind-the-scenes international and domestic political influences on the Court, a split Court decided that the President had seriously violated the Constitution. This decision led to the President’s resignation, which caused a political imbalance that still lingers, further harming Kosovo’s long term interests and prospects. But more importantly, some argue that this marks the first case where a coup d’etat that took down a President was executed by a Constitutional Court. This paper argues that the Court should have dismissed the claim of the MPs as inadmissible on procedural grounds, specifically that it was filed by the MPs after the time permitted by law and that the MPs never maintained the number of 30 members that were needed for the group to be an authorized party. Additionally, even on the merits, the Court failed to distinguish between the constitutional requirement to not exercise a party function, which the President in this case did not do, but rather simply held the position in a suspended mode. Moreover, even had the President’s holding of the position amounted to a violation of the Constitution, in no way did that equate to a serious constitutional violation. Still, the Court held contrary to the Constitution, applicable laws, and the available evidence before it and found that the President had seriously violated the Constitution.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2013, 08; 56-77
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Understanding Donald J. Trump. Comprehensive analysis of the political discourse created by the use of rhetoric on Twitter (2015–2021)
Autorzy:
Homańska, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/9195741.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
rhetoric
discourse
president
Donald Trump
discrimination
populism
Opis:
This paper aims to explore the correlation between rhetoric, political views, and actions and how the construction of utterances conveys ideological meaning. Specifically, I examine the nature of rhetoric, its structure, and its impact on the overall tone of an utterance. The analysis reveals that rhetorical devices can manipulate and create messages promoting segregation and discrimination. To illustrate this, I focus on D. Trump’s statements, particularly his use of Twitter to communicate. I analyze his selection of vocabulary and figures of speech, demonstrating his use of hate speech and misogynistic and racist thoughts. Drawing on the work of prominent linguists such as T. Van Dijk, R. Harris, and M. Reisigl, I examine the rhetorical devices used by Trump and their influence on the overall message conveyed. I support the analysis with press publications, articles, and books that provide further insight into Trump’s language use. The conclusions summarize my findings and emphasize the link between rhetoric and political actions and views.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2023, 24; 28-44
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Referendums in Ukraine and the Baltic Countries in the First Decade of Independence: Causes and Results
Autorzy:
Voitenko, Yurii
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/24858197.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
republic
party
influence
plebiscite
democracy
contract
parliament
president
Opis:
This article provides a comparative analysis of the implementation of referendums in Ukraine and the Baltic states during the first decade of independence. The article contains a historical and political aspect regarding the reasons and results of referendums introduced in the specified countries. The article provides a separate analysis of the political features of the introduction of referendums in Ukraine, which consisted, first of all, of pressure from the president on the parliament, with the aim of the latter adopting decisions necessary for the head of state. Such pressure on the parliament, in the form of a referendum initiative by the second President of Ukraine, was aimed at increasing its powers, especially with regard to influence on the government, and a proportional decrease in the powers of the Verkhovna Rada. This was most clearly manifested during the period of formation and approval of the text of the Constitution of Ukraine, in which all the «rules of the game» in the aspect of checks and balances of the highest institutions of state power were to be agreed upon. The experience of the Baltic countries in the first decade of restored independence had less practice than in Ukraine regarding political confrontations between the highest bodies of state power. The Baltic countries finally agreed on the main powers of the main institutions of power during the first two years of their restored independence and confirmed them in referendums. Further, their plebiscites consisted more in solving issues of national than exclusively political importance.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2023, 4(40); 64-77
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Remembrance of the Katyń Massacre and President Lech Kaczyńskis Concept of Polish-Russian Relations [2005-2010]
Autorzy:
Wawrzyński, Patryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023699.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
President of Poland
Katyń Massacre
Polish air force
Opis:
Lech Kaczyński’s tragic death was a direct cause of the détente in PolishRussian relations, proclaimed by Prime Minister Donald Tusk and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin just after the Polish Air Force Tu-154 Crash. However this rapprochement is far from the political concept of the President. Considering the Polish internal debate on a proper form of Polish-Russian relations, I would like – in this short article to present a way as to how President Kaczyński understood challenges, that both nations have to pick up.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2012, 41; 507-525
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 81

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