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Tytuł:
Treść i zakres znamienia „włamanie” (art. 279 § 1 k.k.) – czy kradzież z włamaniem może nastąpić tylko z pomieszczenia zamkniętego?
The problem of burglary (disputable issues)
Autorzy:
Tyburcy, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1595909.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
theft
burglary
theft of car
property
protection
kradzież
kradzież z włamaniem
włamanie
mienie
kradzież samochodu
Opis:
Można wyróżnić dwie teorie dotyczące charakteru zabezpieczenia rzeczy przed kradzieżą z włamaniem. Pierwsza nich (podmiotowa) wymaga wyłącznie, aby zabezpieczenie wyrażało wolę ochrony rzeczy przed kradzieżą. Natomiast według drugiej koncepcji (przedmiotowo-podmiotowej) powinno istnieć również realne zabezpieczenie przed kradzieżą, które powoduje względne trudności w jego pokonaniu. Odrzucenie teorii użycia znacznej siły fizycznej jako przesłanki włamania, którą należy uznać za archaiczną, wcale nie musi implikować opowiedzenia się za teorią podmiotową (zabezpieczenia). Można więc kwalifikować jako włamanie otwarcie zamka podrobionym lub oryginalnym (uzyskanym bezprawnie) kluczem, a nie kwalifikować tak pokonania jedynie symbolicznego zabezpieczenia (np. plomby lub suwaka w namiocie). Należy opowiedzieć się za możliwością kwalifikowania z art. 279 § 1 k.k. włamania do komputera (np. auta) w celu kradzieży rzeczy chronionej przez ten komputer przed kradzieżą.
The term “burglary” represents a certain concept specific for legal language and legal terminology, the sense of which may differ from the understanding of “burglary” in the common language. Two theories concerning the nature of theft protection and burglary protection can be distinguished. The first one (subjective) requires only the expressed will to protect a particular thing from theft. However, according to the second concept (subject/object), a real means of protection from theft (causing relative difficulties in overcoming them) should also exist. The rejection of the theory of the use of substantial physical force as a prerequisite for burglary, which should be considered archaic, does not necessarily imply opting for the subjective approach. Therefore, it is possible to qualify an act of opening a lock with a forged or original (unlawfully acquired) key as theft, and not to qualify as such an act of overcoming merely symbolic safeguards (such as a seal or slider in a tent).
Źródło:
Acta Iuris Stetinensis; 2019, 25, 1; 153-177
2083-4373
2545-3181
Pojawia się w:
Acta Iuris Stetinensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Contemporary thieves in Poland - their crime and punishment
Autorzy:
Klimczak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788441.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-24
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kradzież
złodziej
kradzież w sklepach
polityka karna
penal policy
theft
larceny
thief
Opis:
Theft is one of the oldest and clearly condemned crime in history. It takes a significant part in the crime structure in Poland. Nevertheless, it seems to be a forgotten and uninteresting subject among modern criminological research. In public opinion, theft invariably causes indignation, and the way of punishing thieves is a field of interest for both public opinion and politicians. In  Poland,  theft  is  an  offence  that  can  either  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  or  a  crime - it depends on the value of the property stolen. Therefore, legal penalties for crime related to theft may vary considerably. It is precisely this line between misdemeanor and crime that is cur- rently being discussed in Poland. To talk about changes concerning the punishment of thieves, one should first check what is the current state of the criminal policy in this regard. Therefore, I want to present the results of the research, which I carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2017. I examined randomly selected court files of two above mention categories of theft, which ended validly and in which the enforcement proceedings ended in 2016. The research was conducted on 420 cases (including 233 misdemeanor and 187 crime cases). On the basis of the collected material emerges the image of the criminal policy against thieves who stood before the court, which gives the opportunity to consider whether and what changes in the law can be predicted against the perpetrators of the simple theft.
Kradzież jest jednym z najstarszych przestępstw znanych w historii. Przy ogólnej tendencji spadku ilości popełnianych przestępstw, kradzieże wciąż stanowią znaczący udział w strukturze polskiej przestępczości. W Polsce kradzież jest czynem, który może być ścigany jako wykroczenie lub jako przestępstwo – zależy to od wartości skradzionej własności. W związku z tym, kary za kradzież mogą się znacznie różnić. Sposób i wysokość tzw. „przepołowienia” kradzieży, czyli granicy od której będzie traktowana jako przestępstwo (i co za tym idzie surowiej karana), jest obecnie przedmiotem dyskusji w Polsce. Aby sprawdzić jak w rzeczywistości wygląda struktura orzekanych kar i za jakie wartości skradzionego mienia sprawcy byli pociągani do odpowiedzialności, przestawiam wyniki badania, które przeprowadziłam w Instytucie Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości w 2017 roku. Przedmiotem analizy były losowo wybrane akta sądowe 420 spraw (w tym 233 spraw wykroczeń i 187 spraw przestępstw), które zakończyły się prawomocnie i w których postępowanie wykonawcze zakończyło się w 2016 r. Na podstawie zebranego materiału wyłania się obraz polityki karnej przeciwko sprawcom kradzieży, którzy stanęli przed polskimi sądami. Artykuł jest rozszerzoną i zmodyfkowaną wersją referatu wygłoszonego na XVIII Konferencji Europejskiego Towarzystwa Kryminologicznego w Sarajewie, która odbyła się w dniach 29 sierpnia 2018 r. - 1 września 2018 r.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2018, 25; 184-190
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kradzież z głodu w stanie wyższej konieczności. Glosa do wyroku Sądu Okręgowego w Poznaniu z dnia 11 lipca 2019 r. (IV Ka 520/19, LEX nr 2729884)
Food Theft in a State of Higher Necessity: Commentary on the Judgement of the Poznan District Court of 11 July 2019 (IV Ka 520/19, LEX no. 2729884)
Autorzy:
Kulesza, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31348322.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
state of higher necessity
theft
appropriation
theft from hunger
theft from poverty
stan wyższej konieczności
kradzież
przywłaszczenie
kradzież z głodu
kradzież z nędzy
Opis:
W glosowanym wyroku sądy uwolniły od zarzutu kradzieży małżonkę, która przekierowywała pieniądze z działalności gospodarczej męża na swoje konto. Małżonkowie posiadali odrębne majątki. Kobieta uzasadniała swoje zachowanie brakiem łożenia przez małżonka na utrzymanie jej i ich dziecka. Sąd pierwszej instancji stwierdził brak realizacji znamion strony podmiotowej kradzieży w postaci działania „w celu przywłaszczenia”. Rozumowanie sądu jest błędne, ponieważ cel ten zachodzi również wówczas, gdy kradzież dokonywana jest tylko z zamiarem rozporządzenia, a nie włączenia do swojego majątku, w tym także dla kogoś innego. Sąd drugiej instancji przyjął natomiast działanie w stanie wyższej konieczności. Również to rozumowanie jest błędne, ponieważ nie zachodziła przede wszystkim subsydiarność tego kontratypu – dokonywanie przestępstw nie było jedynym sposobem wyjścia z sytuacji przez oskarżoną. Stan wyższej konieczności nie stanowi podstawy uwalniania od odpowiedzialności w przypadku kradzieży z głodu czy nędzy.
In the commented judgment, the courts released a spouse from the charge of redirecting income from her husband’s business onto her account. The spouses had separate assets. The woman justified her behavior by the fact that her spouse did not support her and their child. The court of first instance found no signs of the party’s theft as to the purpose of “appropriation”. The reasoning of the court is erroneous, since appropriation is also the case when theft is committed only with the intention of managing the resources and not to add it to own wealth, including for someone else. On the other hand, the court of second instance recognized there being a state of higher emergency. This reasoning is also erroneous, because there was no subsidiarity of this counter-type – committing crimes was not the only way out of the situation for the accused. The state of higher necessity is not the basis for release from liability in the event of theft from hunger or poverty.
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia; 2022, 31, 1; 263-282
1731-6375
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pospolita przestępczość kryminalna w powiatach województwa dolnośląskiego w latach 2000–2012
Common Crime in Districts of Lower Silesian Province in Years 2000–2012
Autorzy:
Adamczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140857.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-28
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej
Tematy:
przestępstwa stwierdzone
postępowanie wszczęte
kradzież
kradzież z włamaniem
rozbój
kradzież rozbójnicza
wymuszenie rozbójnicze
wykrywalność
ascertained crime
initiated proceedings
theft
theft with burglary
robbery
robbery theft
extortion by force
detectability
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak kształtowało się w województwie dolnośląskim w latach 2000–2012 zagrożenie przestępczością przeciwko mieniu oraz życiu i zdrowiu. Omówione zostały podstawowe kategorie przestępczości pospolitej w oparciu o powszechnie stosowane statystycznie kategorie oceny tych zjawisk w odniesieniu do wszystkich powiatów. Należy pamiętać, że nie tylko Policja jest odpowiedzialna za rozpoznawanie i zwalczanie wszelkich form przestępczości. Z uwagi na dane, jakie zostały udostępnione prze Komendę Główną Policji oraz Komendę Wojewódzką Policji we Wrocławiu, autorka zanalizowała dynamikę przestępstw stwierdzonych wraz z postępowaniami wszczętymi i ich wykrywalnością.
The aim of the article is to show what the crime threat to property, life and health looked like in the Lower Silesian province during years 2000–2012. The basic categories of common crime based on the widely used statistical categories of evaluating these phenomena with reference to all districts were discussed. It is necessary to remember that not only the police is responsible for recognising and fighting all the forms of crime. Taking into consideration the data which were made available to the writer by the Police Headquarters and the Provincial Police Headquarters in Wrocław the writer analysed the dynamics of crimes together with initiated proceedings and their detectability.
Źródło:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego; 2015, 9, 2; 167-186
1896-8848
2450-3436
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rodzaje kradzieży tożsamości oraz przypadki kradzieży tożsamości w Polsce
Autorzy:
Męzik, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26917642.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-02-03
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
tożsamość
badania kryminologiczne
kradzież
identity
criminological research
theft
Opis:
Zjawisko podszywania się pod inną osobę jest obecne w historii i kulturze od starożytności. Historia biblijnego Jakuba, który przy pomocy matki - Rebeki, przebrał się za swojego starszego brata, aby to jemu ojciec udzieli błogosławieństwa i przekazał majątek jest najstarszym przypadkiem kradzieży tożsamości opisanym w literaturze1. Przez lata słynni szpiedzy posługujący się cudzą tożsamością, a także wybitni oszuści stali się bohaterami kultury popularnej. Wydaje się jednak że to przełom XX i XXI wieku, wraz z rozwojem technologii i postępującą globalizacją sprawił że kradzież tożsamości stała się przedmiotem reakcji prawnokarnych w najbardziej rozwiniętych państwach świata. W państwach takich jak Stany Zjednoczone powstały również wyspecjalizowane organizacje zajmujące się wspieraniem ofiar kradzieży tożsamości, oraz przeciwdziałaniem temu zjawisku. Problematyką kradzieży tożsamości zajęły się również organizacje broniące prawa do prywatności. Instytucje te wyodrębniły rozmaite rodzaje kradzieży tożsamości, kilka z nich omówię w tym artykule. Spróbuję również przybliżyć obraz tego zjawiska w Polsce, opisując przypadki kradzieży tożsamości na podstawie dostępnych publikacji.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2014, 21; 54-66
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dalsze losy 100 chłopców mających sprawy o kradzieże w wieku 10-11 lat
The Follow-Up Studies of 100 Boys Charged with Theft at the Age of 10-11
Autorzy:
Żabczyńska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699224.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieletni przestępcy
kradzież
chłopcy
juvenile delinquents
theft
boys
Opis:
1. This work presents the results of follow-up studies of the subsequent fate of 100 boys who had committed theft and as 10‒11-year-olds had in 1966 become the subject of research into problems involved in offences committed in childhood ‒ and what led up to them. At that time these boys were examined at the Prophylactic Centre of the State Grzegorzewska Institute of Special Education in Warsaw. All 10‒11-year-old boys charged at the Warsaw Juvenile Court were in turn brought within the scope of the survey. During research conducted in 1966 it was found that the majority (59%) of the 10‒11-year old boys examined were not first offenders and that 11% had even appeared previously in the juvenile court for theft. As many as half of the 10‒11-year-olds were retarded as school pupils. Examination as to knowledge acquired in school revealed that their ability to write was much below the average for their age; as many as 36% were poor or very poor readers. The teachers designated 80% of the boys examined as difficult pupils; approximately half of them ‒ as distinctly over-excitable and aggressive. Not less than 75% played truant, 29% stole in school. 28% of  the boys investigated ran away from home. Having regard to the boys’ age, of significance is the relatively high percentage of them (24%) who were found to drink from time to time wine and even vodka. An intelligence test (WISC) revealed in the majority of cases (61%) a normal level of intelligence (with IQs above 90). 31% of them had IQs of 70-90, and in 8% the IQs below 70. The quite substantial percentage of dullness found in the children may be related to their school retardation, particularly in view of the significant dependence found between the lowered IQ and marked shortcomings in reading and writing. Of course, a lowered intellectual level may also have been caused, as environmental interviews showed, by considerable neglect of such children, a phenomenon with which we shall deal later. Psychiatric examination revealed neurotic disorders of personality in 47% ot the children examined. As many as 35% of them were brought up in broken families (semiorphans or divorced parents). 64% of the fathers were heavy drinkers and in addition 20% of the mothers of the same children indulged too freely in alcohol. In 62% of the families the relationship between the parents was unsatisfactory; 52% of the fathers were described by the mothers as “quicktempered and nervous”. In almost one-third of the families at least one member had committed offences and had been already convicted by acourt. It was found that 39% of the families had inadequate financial situation, unable to satisfy the child’s basic needs. In 23% of the families the children suffered from extreme neglect, and even the remaining families failed to give their children adequate care. Frequently, the children investigated (61%) were subjected to severe corporal punishment. It emerged that various negative factors, typical of the family atmosphere of the children examined, were more frequent in the case of those boys who had already stolen prior to their court appearance at the age of 10‒11. These factors included: being reared in broken families, excessive drinking by fathers, unsatisfactory relationship between parents, fathers irascible and nervous, court convictions against family members, extreme neglect of the children, subjection to severe corporal punishment. Those of the children examined who had already previously stolen also revealed more frequently than the others other disturbances in the process of socialization – they ran away from home and drank alcohol. In 1972, five years after the research outlined above, follow-up investigations were made with a view to establishing the subsequent progres of the 100 10–11-year-old boys studied, how they got on in school, whether they committed offences, and what was the atmosphere in their homes. After the next five years it was possible to divide the boys investigated into three groups: I – those not convicted during the period – only 30%; II – those who during the period had one or two court appearances (37%); and III – those who went most seriously astray, being convicted at least three times – as many as 33% of the total. (Boys charged on a further 6 occasions accounted for 12% of the total.) Juvenile thieves charged at the age of 10-11 reveal distinct tendencies to rapid recidivism. Although 29 of the boys were committed to educational institutions or approved schools, their school career showed further shortcomings. There was a marked increase in the percentage of retarded boys, one-third were at least two years behind, 40% did not complete primary school, although all of them should have done so (even allowing for a slight time lag). The process of demoralization is linked with intensified shortcornings as pupils – the most intensive shortcomings were observed in group III: those with the most convictions. At the end of the five years, crimes committed by the boys’ families were also found to have increased; the percentage of families in which fathers or brothers have been convicted was up to 44. Notable in the families of 50 boys was the developing incidence of crimes committed by brothers; in as many as 60% of these families brothers had been convicted, The type of crimes committed and the type of recidivism found among members of the family indicated that about one-third of the families belong to criminal environment. The boys from group III – those with the most convictions during the follow-up period – came much more often from such families and circles than those belonging to the remaining groups. The problem of youngsters charged in court at a very early age – 10-11 years old – is above all a problem of education and care. The fact that they were reared in unsatisfactory family environments favoured recidivism in these children during the five years of follow-up period, and an especially marked concentration of negative factors (excessive drinking on the part of the parents, offences committed by the father, absolute neglect of the children) was found in the families of the most severely demoralized lads of group III. Some symptoms of social maladjustment found already at the age of 10-11 were a significant prediction of further recidivism. Boys, who had already committed thefts prior to their arraignment at 10-11 years old were during the follow-up period much more frequently found among recidivists – notably among those of group III. These recidivists differed significantly from the remaining groups in having started to steal when very young. The repeated drinking of alcohol, already at the age of 10-11, was also significant for the prediction of further criminal conduct. Moreover, the recidivists, were more frequently found among those who at the age of 10-11 had run away from home. And among juvenile recidivists of group III, clearly indicated was a greater frequency than with the remainder of running away from home, even at so early age. It is of interest that the three groups of boys (I: without further convictions, II: with one or two court appearances and III: at least three times convicted) did not differ significantly in respect to the value of property stolen at the age of 10-11. But it emerged that recidivism was more frequent among boys investigated who at the age of 10-11 had been backward at school and among those in whom tests indicated an IQ below 90. Thus the problem of school teaching, the great gaps in knowledge and objective difficulties in learning are fundamental problems in early delinquency. This suggests the need for early identification of children experiencing various types of difficulties in school. Since the majority of the homes investigated were unable to guarantee the children conditions for normal development even during the pre-school period, and since the process of demoralization of the children examined had started very early, the present survey spot-lighted a category of families in which the appropriate child-care authorities simply must intervene at a very early stage. Such official intervention should be combined with detailed medical and psychiatric examinations of the children already during the pre-school period. The early spot-lighting of such homes is of fundamental significance in the prophylaxis of social maladjustment of youngsters
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 128-139
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozmiary recydywy u nieletnich podsądnych sprawców kradzieży
Extent of Recidivism among Juvenile Delinquents and Their Later Careers
Autorzy:
Strzembosz, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699242.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
recydywa
nieletni przestępcy
kradzież
recidivism
juvenile delinquents
theft
Opis:
  The subject of this work are the findings of studies of the follow-up period intended to establish the further fate of 343 juvenile delinquents aged 10-16, who had been guilty of theft while still under 17. In 1961 detailed, criminological research was initiated in the Juvenile Court of Praga – one of the districts of Warsaw – (records were studied, interviews undertaken in the environs, homes and schools were conducted), which embraced all the 180 juvenile delinquents between 10-16 years, living in that district, who during the course of one year had been found guilty of theft. Further a study was made of the criminal records of 178 juvenile thieves from two other districts of Warsaw, all the juvenile delinquents who had been tried for theft by courts during the period from August 1961 to May 1962 being investigated in turn. In this way was obtained a total of 358 juvenile delinquents who had been found guilty of thefts. The idea was to find out how many of them were recidivists in the follow-up period. 33% of these juvenile delinquents were under 13 and 67% were between 13 and 16 years. The division into these two groups was justified because of the different approach of the Polish penal code to minors up to the age of 13: as regards such juvenile delinquents, the court may apply educational measures only: reprimand, supervision by parents, probation and placing in an educational institution. As regards delinquents between 14 and 16, the court may also apply correctional measures – i.e. approved schools. In the present work, the author accepts as basic criterion for defining the recidivist the fact that he has faced in a Juvenile Court a new charge of theft. The category of those not considered as recidivists includes only delinquents charged once with theft. Each juvenile delinquent who has been charged (usually by the police) a second or third time with theft already figures as a recidivist with 2, 3, 4 and more appearances in court. Moreover, it was possible during the investigations, combined with detailed interviews in the homes of the delinquents, additionally to qualify as recidivists such juvenile delinquents shown to have stolen though not brought before a court. Taking into account the variety of criteria applied to recidivists, they have been divided into the following categories: (a) first of all, formal criteria were applied: considered as recidivists were those concerning whom the court had previously applied educational and correctional measures. Here, the percentage of recidivists amounted to 37.7; (b) this percentage increased to 48.6 when considered as recidivists were all those who had been charged at least twice with theft, including those concerning whom the court had not considered it relevant to apply any new measures; (c) this percentage was still higher (61.2), when listed as recidivists were all those whom the court had found guilty of at least two thefts; (d) interviews in the environment conducted as regards 180 juvenile delinquents in a single district revealed in addition that these data too were not entirely reliable in defining recidivists. Data from interviews showed that the percentage of delinquents who had committed more than one theft amounted to as much as 78.5. It was also found that, when applying the first, formal criterion recidivists among the older delinquents (46%) were far greater in numbers than among the younger (20%). The second criterion – at least two thefts – showed that the difference between older and younger delinquents as regards the percentage of recidivism among them (82.2% 73.2%) was only slight. These data indicate that the formal criterion for recidivism, used by Juvenile Courts, does not reflect the actual extent of this phenomenon. This is the more important since, the latter, broader definition, was found to be the most satisfactory for prognostic purposes. It was established that during the two-year follow-up period a substantially larger number of juvenile delinquents previously listed, according to the first formal definition, as not being recidivists (47%), faced charges than was the case with those listed according to the second definition (17.6%). Criminological investigations – combined with interviews conducted in their families – of 180 juvenile delinquents from a single district, revealed that juvenile delinquents charged with theft are as a rule socially maladjusted children, showing the first symptoms of social maladjustment even in the first grades of primary school. With 62% symptoms of demoralization were recorded with children between 7 and 10 years of age. A typical phenomenon with these juveniles is a considerable lag in their school studies, found as regards 95% of older and 76% of younger juveniles. A lag of at least two years was found with 77% of the older and 37% of the younger individuals investigated. The majority of these systematically played truant; 37% of the younger and 70% of the older juveniles had run away from home. Only as regards 33% was it not found that they consumed alcohol; 26% drank at least once a week; 25% of the recidivists were heavy drinkers. On the basis of data obtained from mothers during interviews (and for 50% of the cases also from child guidance clinics, institutions etc.) it was possible with 60% of the older investigated delinquents to establish various types of personality disorders; 26% were suspected of having suffered organic disturbances of the central nervous system; data indicating such diseases in the past were more frequently found with recidivists (37%) than with those who were not recidivists (13%). Those investigated were for the most part brought up in an unsatisfactory family environment. It was found that in 46% of the families fathers or step-fathers systematically drank alcohol to excess; delinquency of fathers was noted in 31% of the families, and in 9% the mothers were suspected of prostitution. As many as 67% of the brothers revealed symptoms of demoralization and 47% had committed theft. Recidivists differed markedly from non-recidivists as regards such negative features, characterizing the family environment as: systematic abuse of alcohol, unhappy married life of the parents, children very poorly cared for. Of all the 358 thieves investigated, a mere one-third were as juveniles (under 17) charged only once: thus they were not recidivists according to the criteria accepted in the investigation; 21% had twice faced a court; 11% – three and 34% – four or more times had been charged before a Juvenile Court. The differentiated groups of the youngest and oldest among those we investigated did not differ markedly as regards the number of appearances in court while under age. Consideration was next given to further delinquency during the period when the investigated were young adults i.e., when they were between 17 and 20. New offences were noted during that period with 50% of the former defendants who, previously had been juveniles. It also emerged that the number of charges preferred while they were under age was of essential significance for recidivism during the period when those investigated were already young adults. Among those who had been charged only once as juveniles, only 27% were afterwards convicted between the age of 17 and 20; among those charged twice – 48%; beginning with 3 charges, the percentage of later recidivists amounted to 65.8, and with 4 and more charges – to as much as 78.7%. The number of convictions while juveniles indicates a correlation not only with the actual fact of recidivism when those concerned were still young adults, but also the intensification of recidivism between 17 and 20. The majority of those who while juveniles had only one case against them, were subsequently convicted only once. But of those who while juveniles were charged at least three times, the majority (64%) had multiple convictions between 17 and 20. Typical of offences committed by those who had been charged with theft as juveniles, continued to be theft; close on half of those investigated, however – and this should be emphasized – were convicted for offences against the person, officials or the authorities, and these as a rule were offences committed while intoxicated. One-third of the subjects spent in prison at least half of the four-year period, while they were young adults. In 1972, when the last follow-up period was studied, ten years had elapsed since the beginning of the investigation of the delinquents who had committed theft while juveniles. The younger among them were at that time 20 to 23 years old; the older – 24 to 27 (the average age being about 26 years). As regards these 243 older investigated individuals, it was possible to examine not only the period when they were young adults, but also the later period, after they were already 21 years old; this later period was in their case sufficiently to make it possible properly to evaluate whether during that time they had ceased committing offences or whether they continued to do so. Further delinquency of the older among those investigated during the period after 17 until their average age was about 26, was as follows: – It emerged that only 38% had not been convicted at all after the age of 17. The overwhelming majority of them (83%) had been charged only once or twice while under age. – 17% had been convicted only between 17 and 20, while 13% had been convicted only after 21. – 32% were convicted as young adults as weil as later after the age of 21. In this group, the majority (73%) had been charged before a court at least three times as juveniles. As regards the older among those investigated for the entire follow-up period, it was confirmed that the majority showed a correlation with what happened during their juvenility: further delinquency as well as persistent recidivism was found more frequently with those who were more frequently charged as juveniles. During the entire follow-up period, 19% of the older individuals were convicted only once, l3% – twice, and 30% – at least three times. The category with multiple convictions, recidivists convicted at least four times amounted to 20%, which certainly is a substantial figure, having regard to the relatively long prison sentences passed on those convicted two and three times. It should be added that though interviews in the environment during the follow-up period were lacking, making impossible a proper evaluation of the social adjustment of those investigated who during that period had no new convictions or were convicted only once, the data obtained enable the drawing of conclusions which are important for social policy. Note that even frorn among the investigated juveniles who were charged only once before a court, as many as 42% were later convicted after 17; this points to the necessity of a thorough examination of even apparently minor cases of theft involving those under age who previously had not been convicted. The extent of persistent recidivism revealed demonstrates the poor effectiveness of methods used as far in dealing with juvenile delinquents who revealed symptoms of marked social maladjustment.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 140-155
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spory o wykładnię znamion przestępstwa kradzieży energii (art. 278 § 5 k.k.) – czy prawnicy znają fizykę?
Autorzy:
Tomasz, Tyburcy,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902461.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-04-16
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
theft
theft of electricity
electricity
decriminalization
result of a criminal offence
kradzież
kradzież energii elektrycznej
energia elektryczna
kontrawencjonalizacja
skutek przestępstwa
Opis:
This article aims at analyzing the constituent elements of a criminal offense, based on Art. 278 § 5 k.k. The result of the analysis is the conclusion that in practice, only electricity can be the object of that offense. Therefore it must be specified accordingly in the provision of Art. 278 § 5 k.k. The study of literature led to the conclusion that the authors often mistakenly specify the object of that crime in a manner contrary to the principles of physics. This article presents the disputed issue of classifying the energy consumption by an entity authorized under an agreement with the provider, but with an understatement of the amounts of energy consumed by that entity. The author concluded that the classification of such act is possible based on Art. 278 § 5 and 286 § 1 k.k., depending on the definition of the result of an act which, at the time it was committed, was liable to evaluation under criminal law. The analysis also includes the controversial legal case of conscious use of energy consumed by the means of an illegal tapping into the power grid or causing a malfunction in a device designed to measure the amount of energy consumed by other persons who have not committed such an action. The study of literature led to the conclusion that according to the currently prevailing view such behavior does not fulfill the constituent elements of a crime. The author further concludes that due to the difficulties with the determination of the value of the object in question during the taking of evidence, the act of „stealing” electricity has rightly not undergone decriminalization; which could otherwise result in allegations on the grounds of infringement of the substantive law.
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica; 2017, 72; 397-414
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakterystyka czynu i sprawcy kradzieży na przykładzie postępowań sądowych
Characteristics of the crime of theft and its perpetrator based on court proceedings
Autorzy:
Klimczak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698831.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kradzież
badania aktowe
sprawca kradzieży
theft
larceny
thief
shoplifting
Opis:
This article compares the features of contemporary theft and its perpetrators with the characteristics of theft before the transformation in Poland. For this purpose, two studies on theft were compared – one from 2017 and one from 1979. This procedure made it possible to compare the objects of theft, the way it is perpetrated, the characteristics of its perpetrators, and the methods by which it is detected, as well as the punitive measures applied. The material gathered showed both differences and consistencies in the compared cases.
Przedmiotem tekstu jest porównanie współczesnej charakterystyki czynu i sprawców kradzieży z ich obrazem sprzed transformacji w Polsce. W tym celu zestawiono wyniki dwóch badań aktowych spraw sądowych kradzieży – z 2017 r. oraz z 1979 r. Zabieg ten umożliwił porównanie przedmiotu kradzieży, sposobu ich popełnienia, sylwetek sprawców, a także zastosowanych środków reakcji karnej. Zebrany materiał ukazał zarówno zmiany, jak i prawidłowości w porównywanych sprawach.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2019, XLI/1; 381-438
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odzyskiwanie skradzionych dóbr kultury po latach od ich kradzieży
Recovery of stolen cultural property after years of theft
Autorzy:
Grajewski, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685764.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
muzeum
kolekcja
kradzież
eksponat
kryminalistyka
museum
collection
theft
exhibit
forensic
Opis:
Nowadays, demand and will to possess works of art and monuments is rapidly increasing, but at the same time the quantity of them is not increasing to meet the demand. Theft of art does not cause decrease in its value, on the contrary, its long-term storage even increases the value. This situation results in an increase of its market value, which becomes the tempting object of the crime. Criminal groups have also recognized the situation and they well know needs of the collector’s market and take advantage of them. In the 90-ies there were many burglaries at sacra buildings, museums and private houses in which mainly works of art were stolen. Currently, we can observe that the pieces of art, which were lost in those years appear more and more often on the art. market.
W obecnych czasach popyt na dzieła sztuki i zabytki gwałtownie wzrasta, jednak liczba samych zabytków i dzieł sztuki nie zwiększa się wraz z tym popytem. Kradzież dzieła sztuki lub zabytku nie skutkuje utratą jego wartości, wręcz przeciwnie – wieloletnie przechowywanie powoduje dalszy wzrost jego wartości. Z tego względu dzieła sztuki i zabytki stanowią kuszący przedmiot przestępstwa. Sytuacja ta została dostrzeżona przez grupy przestępcze, które znają i wykorzystują potrzeby rynku kolekcjonerskiego. W latach 90. odnotowano wiele włamań do obiektów sakralnych, muzeów i domów prywatnych, w trakcie których przedmiotem przestępstwa były głównie dzieła sztuki. Obecnie można zaobserwować, że skradzione w tamtych latach zabytki coraz częściej pokazują się na rynku sztuki.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2018, 82; 35-46
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kradzieże koni w międzywojennej Polsce
Horse Theft in Interwar Poland
Autorzy:
Kasprzycki, Remigiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/33902963.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
interwar
Polska
theft
horse
police
Międzywojnie
Polska
kradzież
konie
policja
Opis:
Kradzież koni na ziemiach polskich była poważnym problem już w XIX w., który nie zmalał do czasu niepodległej Polski w 1918 r. W latach 1914–1921 na spadek pogłowia koni mieli nie tylko wpływ złodzieje zwani koniokradami. Wpływ na to miały oddziały wojskowe, które w latach 1914–1921 brały udział w wojennych zmaganiach, jakich szczególnie boleśnie doświadczyła Małopolska, Lubelszczyzna, a także pozostałe obszary na Wschodzie zwane Kresami. Wszystkie armie, odwołując się do prawa wojennego, legalnie rekwirowały albo bezprawnie rabowały konie. Niepodległa II Rzeczpospolita nigdy nie uwolniła się od zjawiska kradzieży koni. W latach 1918–1939 w Polsce skradziono od 80 do 100 tysięcy koni, z czego do ponad 50% kradzieży doszło na Kresach Wschodnich. W międzywojennej Polsce konie kradli indywidualni złodzieje lub całe wyspecjalizowane w tej przestępczości gangi. Były to dobrze zorganizowane grupy przestępcze, których kradzieże poprzedzały długie przygotowania i obserwacje. Gangi współpracowały z paserami, a także nieuczciwymi sołtysami, którzy załatwiali dokumentację legalizującą kradzież koni, którym złodzieje wcześniej zmieniali ubarwienie sierści. Takie konie na jarmarkach po konkurencyjnej cenie kupowały zaufane osoby, często zainteresowane zagranicznym przemytem. W 1938 r. policja ustaliła, że w Polsce mieszka 705 koniokradów i 200 paserów koni. W ten rodzaj przestępczości uwikłane były wszystkie narodowości zamieszkujące II Rzeczpospolitą. W zbiorowych uprowadzeniach koni prym wiedli jednak dość nielicznie zamieszkujący Polskę Romowie. Na niezamożnej polskiej wsi złodzieje koni byli najbardziej znienawidzoną grupą przestępców, złapani przez mieszkańców kilkakrotnie stali się ofiarami samosądów, których kilku koniokradów nie przeżyło.
Horse theft on Polish lands was a serious problem already in the 19th century, which did not decrease until independent Poland in 1918. In the years 1914–1921 the decline of the horse population was influenced not only by thieves called horse rustlers (Polish: koniokrady). It was influenced by the military units, which in the years 1914–1921 took part in war struggles, which were particularly painfully experienced by Malopolska, Lubelszczyzna, as well as other areas in the East called Kresy. All armies invoking the laws of war legally requisitioned or illegally robbed horses. The independent Second Polish Republic never freed itself from the phenomenon of horse theft. In the years 1918–1939 between 80 and 100 thousand horses were stolen in Poland, out of which more than 50% occurred in the Eastern Borderlands (Polish: Kresy Wschodnie). In interwar Poland horses were stolen by individual thieves or entire gangs specialized in this crime. These were well-organized criminal groups, whose thefts were preceded by long preparations and observations. The gangs cooperated with fences and dishonest village leaders, who arranged documentation to legalize the theft of horses, which the thieves had previously changed their coat colour. Such horses were bought at fairs at competitive prices by trusted individuals, often interested in foreign smuggling. In 1938 the police ascertained that 705 horse thieves and 200 horse fences lived in Poland. All nationalities living in the Second Polish Republic were involved in this type of crime. However, the Roma, a relatively small number living in Poland, led the way in mass horse abductions. In the poor Polish countryside horse thieves were the most hated group of criminals, caught by the inhabitants several times became victims of lynching, which a few horse thieves did not survive.
Źródło:
Res Historica; 2022, 54; 377-404
2082-6060
Pojawia się w:
Res Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość nieujawniona. Porównanie polskich rezultatów ICVS '86 i '92
Unreported Crime. Polish Findings of ICVS '86 and '92 Compared
Autorzy:
Siemaszko, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698662.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieujawniona
rozbój
przestępstwo seksualne
kradzież
unreported crime
robbery
sexsual offense
theft
Opis:
Poland participated in all the three ICVS series conducted so far, and research was each time carried out by the Law Enforcement Institute. However, due to Poland’s underdeveloped telephone network, only the 1989 (Warsaw) survey used the method of telephone interview. The next two series, of l992 and 1996, examined relative big and carefully selected national samples of households (of assumed over 2 thousand respondents in 1992 and over 4 thousand in 1996), but the traditional face-to-face method was used. The field survey was carried out by renowned opinion survey centers supervised by the Institute. Particularly worth stressing is the fact that Poland was probably the only country involved in ICVS where surveys started exactly on time. It should also be added that we achieved more than satisfactory completion rates: the proportion of refusals was about 5% in 1992 and 14% in 1996, and thus much smaller compared to survey using the CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interview) method. This of course influenced the quality of our findings. In 1995, Polish people most often fell victim to consumer offenses (14.2%) and carbreaking (10.1%). Rather high were also the proportions of interntional car damage (9.6%) and theft of personal property (5.6%). In the remaining cases, victimization coefficients never went beyond 5%. Compared to 1991, victimization structure underwent no greater changes. Of the 13 types of offenses examined, only 5 showed increases or decreases by more than 1% in the proportion of victims; the biggest change was 2.6% which was in practice still within the bounds of measurement error. Generally it seems, therefore, that in l991 and l995 unreported crime became stabilized in Poland as opposed to reported crime which in most cases still shows rather a strong upwards trend. Thus while robbery rate was 1.7 in 1991, the 1995 rate was higher by a mere 0.1% and amounted to 1.8. It should be added, though, that also our findings confirm the thesis as to a growing brutality of robbery and a change in the perpetrators’ modus operandi. For example, the proportion of robberies committed by one person went down from 25.2 to 18.8%. Besides, a larger proportion of respondents said to robbers had been armed. Also the „effectiveness” of robbery went up: a greater proportion (43.6 compared to 37.7%) stated that the robbers had actually managed to steal something. On the other hand,  though, which is against expectations, also the proportion of statements as to robbers being armed went down. To our great surprise it appeared, too, that among the 13 countries participating in the survey (where ICVS '96 was carried out on the national sample) Poland had the highest robbery rate. The rate of batterics (attempts) went down from 4.2 in 1991 to 3.7 in 1995, that is by 0.5%. Yet characterization of those acts would be incomplete if we failed to mention that, in that same period, the proportion of batteries by assailants armed with dangerous weapons or firearms went up from 6 to 20.6%, and the weapons or firearms were actually used in 35.2% of cases. The more serious nature of batteries is also manifested by a considerable growth in the number of cases in which the victims needed a doctor: 32.8% in 1995 compared to 22.4% in 1991. As opposed to robbery, though, the battery rate in Poland is among the relatively low. Reduced most among acts with the element of aggression in years under comparison was the number of sex ofenses: from 3.6% in 1991 to 1.5% in 1995, that is by 2,1% (the difference being significant). It should be mentioned, though, that while none of the victims of this kind of act actually called it rape in 1992, the proportion of such persons was as much as 7% in the most recent survey. There was at the same time a rather considerable drop (by over 7%) in the number of victims who called the act ,,indecent assault”. Thus also the structure of this kind of acts underwent a specific change. What can be treated as indirect indication of seriousness of sex offenses are also statements as to criminal nature of the act (,,Do you consider the act an offense?”). Also those statements („Yes” answers) confirm the drop in the number of more serious acts of this kind (from 6.1% in 1992 to 53.5% four years later). Also reduced (by over 10%) was the proportion of statements as to serious or very serious nature of the incident. The relatively small danger of sex offenses in Poland is confirmed by confrontation with international data: in three countries only, the proportion of victims of such acts is smaller than in Poland. The growth of car sales situates Poland among European leaders. It was therefore interesting to find out about the impact of the growing number of cars on offenses ,,against cars”. According to the criminal opportunity theory, a considerable growth in the numer of such offenses could be expected, caused by increased ,,supply”. It appeared, however, that the growing number of cars failed to bring about any significant growth in the number of offenses against cars. Proportions of victims of car theft and intentional car damage (among car owners) went up in the period under analysis by a mere 0.1% (from 1.4% to 1.5% and from 9.5% to 9.6% respectively); in the case of victims of carbreaking, the proportion went down by 0.4% (from 10.5% to 10.1%). From comparison with international data on offenses ,,against cars'' it follows that Poland is among countries with medium-level threat of car theft; instead, the threat of car-breaking and international damage to cars is above the average, Poland ranking second and fourth respectively. Greater changes were found in the cases of one-track vehicles: motor-cycles and bicycles. In both cases, the numer of victims went down: by 1.8% in the case of motorcycle thefts, and by 1.1% in the case of bicycle thefts; it is worth stressing that the drop was significant. In most countries under research, thefts of one-track vehicles, bicycles in particilar, are a much greater problem than in Poland. Among the analyzed acts against property, the greatest drop (by 2.5% which makes the difference significant) was found in the case of the number of victims of theft of personal property. A sub-category of this group was pocket-picking inquired about by a filtering question. Worth stressing here is a drop in proportion of pocket-picking among thefts of personal property: from 83.2% in 1991 to 71.3% four years later, that is by over 10%. However, Poland is stil among countries with the greatest threat of thefts of personal property, pocket-picking included (which is rather understandable the fact considered that most Polish people still carry cash instead of a credit card). There was also a slight downward trend in the proportion of victims of housebreaking, both attempted (by 0.5%) and committed (by 0.1%). The proportions of victims of housebreaking (attempted and committed) situate Poland among countries with a medium-level threat of that type of offense. Compared to the previous survey. There was a considerable growth (by 2.6% which makes the difference significant) in the number of victims of consumer frauds. Instead, the number of victims of corruption of State officials went down by 0.7%. As follows from comparisons with international data, Poland is among the countries with the highest threat of such acts. Particularly alarming is the fact of as high a level of corruption in both post-communist countries included in the sample: in Poland and Czech Republic alike, that level is several times higher compared to the remaining countries. Similar trends can generally be found in a comparison of numbers of offenses per l00 respondents; here, however, differences in dynamics of individual offenses can be noticed with greater clarity. Striking is also a growth in the rate of batteries (attempts): from 6.7 in 1991 to 7.4 in 1995. The general victimization risk index is now 23 in Poland; it was 27 in the previous survey which means a drop by 4 points. From a comparison of that index with its foreign counterparts it follows clearly that the general extent of crime is not too big in Poland. At any rate, Poland is below the average of 11 Western countries of which 3 only (Finland, Austria and North Ireland) have indices lower than the Polish one. Yet underlying this apparent stabilization of unreported crime in the discussed period is a rather considerable growth or drop in the numer of repeated victims. Thus the proportion of repeated victims (respondents who fell victim to a given type of offense on at least two occasions during the last 12 months) went up in the case of car thefts by 9.1; in the case of car-breaking – by as much as 15.1; in the case of international damage to car – by 4.7; in the case of theft of personal property – by 8.2; in the case of burglary - by 4.9; in the case of robbery - by 9.7; and in the case of battery (attempt) – by  8.1. The only proportions that showed a downward trend were those of victims of motorcycle theft (by l0.2); bicycle theft (by 1.1); and sex offences (by 13.2). This is therefore a significant growth in concentration of crime (a greater numbers of acts against those same persons). Interestingly, the direction of the trend is not always the same in the case of one-time and repeated victims. For example, the proportion of victims of car-breaking went down by 0.4 in the period analysis while that of repeated victims went up by over 15. Differences in the dark number between individual offenses are very big. As follows from the findings of the Polish part of ICVS ’96, they range from nearly 100% (in the case of consumer frauds),to under 10% (in the case of car thefts). Besides, against expectations, the dark number was by no means the highest in the case of sex offences (it was very high, though: 88%). Generally it can be stated that the lowest dark number is found in the case of willful taking of property of considerable value, that is car and motor-cycle thefts, burglaries and bicycle thefts (7.2%, 21%, 45.7% and, 55.2% respectively). Seldom reported, instead, are thefts of personal property: the dark number is here nearly 80%. Also robbery and battery have a high dark number of 62.5% and 68.8% respectively. The dark number is definitely the highest (nearly 100%) in the case of the above-mentioned consumer frauds and corruption. As regards the inclination to report an offense, differences between the findings of the 1992 and 1996 survevs were greater but by no means explicit. Generally, there was an increase in the numer of reported aggressive offenses: batteries (by 6.4%); robberies (by 6.1%); and sex offenses (3.6%). The opposite trend was found in the case of reported thefts. The greatest was the drop in reported motor-cycle thefts (by 10.1%) and carbreaking (by 8.6%; here, the difference was significant). The proportion of reported bicycle thefts went down by 2.2%; that of cars – by 0.2%; and that of thefts of personal property remained unchanged. There was, instead, a rather considerable growth in the proportion of reported damages to car (by 3.2%) and burglaries (by 6.1%). The dark number of offenses is still very high in Poland, much higher than in the West. There, the average proportion of reported offences in the groups of six acts under analysis amounts to 50; in Poland, it is merely 34. This means that police data on crime in Poland are not too reliable as they say very little about its actual extent. Compared to the previous survey, the people's feeting of safety increased rather considerably which may also indirectly confirm the thesis that generally, there is no actual growth in crime in Poland. There was a growth by 11 points in the proportion of respondents who said they felt safe strolling in their neighborhood after dark; the proportion of those who said they avoided specific streets for reasons of safety dropped by one-third; and the proportion of persons who considered it highly probable that they would fall victim to burglary during the next 12 months was reduced by half. Despite the rather explicit growth in the Poles' feeling of safety, there was also a most considerable growth in their critical opinions on police work. Thus the proportion of respondents who consider police actions to control crime ineffective went up by a half. Respondents also spoke of fewer policemen patrolling the streets: the proportion of those who said that a police patrol turned up in their neighborhood at least once a day went down from 27.5 top 23.3. Mentioned more often among reasons for not reporting an offense was idleness of the police. Persons dissatisfied with the treatment they received from the police prevailed among those of the victims who had reported the last offense against them. The proportion of the satisfied was the highest among victims of reported battery: 40%. Among victims of reported robbery, instead, the proportion of those satisfied with the treatment they received from the police was somewhat under 30%. Worth mentioning in this context is also a considerable drop in effectiveness of police work as regards regaining of stolen cars. While the 1992 findings indicated a satisfactory effectiveness in this respect (in 77.4% of cases, the owners got their stolen car back) there were a mere 45.l% of such cases in the 1996 survey. Crowning this definitely unfavorable appraisal of police work is the nearly three times' growth in the number of persons who mentioned police officers among officials demanding a bribe (31.9% compared to previous 11.4%). It appears, therefore, that stable crime and growing feeling of safety is not accompanied - as one might expect – by more favorable appraisals of police work. This results probably from the fact that the people's expectations in this respect went even higher up since 1992.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1998, XXIII-XXIV; 45-74
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Konstytucyjny standard określoności w aspekcie przestępstwa kradzieży z włamaniem
Constitutional Standard of Clarity in the Aspect of the Crime of Theft with Burglary
Autorzy:
Maleszyk, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2129901.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-10-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
criminal law
theft
Constitution
burglary
clarity
prawo karne
Konstytucja
kradzież
włamanie
określoność
Opis:
The study relates to the analysis of Art. 279 of the Penal Code (theft with burglary) from the point of view of constitutional standards of clarity of criminal law (Art. 42 sec. 1 of the Constitution). The analysis concerns the case law of the Supreme Court. The jurisprudence takes into account technical and technological progress which is important for the interpretation of the notion “burglary”. Dictionary definitions of this notion were also used. Moreover, the principle of nullum crimen sine lege certa was interpreted in the light of the Constitutional Tribunal’s jurisprudence. Against this background, it was concluded that Art. 279 of the Penal Code does not infringe the Constitution and its application – with the use of a dynamic method of interpretation – does not raise any objections. This provision adequately protects legal goods and its content allows for the predictable reconstruction of the features of a prohibited act.
Opracowanie dotyczy analizy art. 279 kodeksu karnego (przestępstwo kradzieży z włamaniem) z punktu widzenia konstytucyjnych standardów określoności prawa karnego wynikających z art. 42 ust. 1 Konstytucji RP. Analizie poddano w szczególności orzecznictwo Sądu Najwyższego, w którym przedmiotem interpretacji był art. 279 k.k. W orzecznictwie uwzględniono postęp techniczny i technologiczny, który ma znaczenie zwłaszcza dla wykładni pojęcia „włamanie”. Wykorzystano również definicje słownikowe tego pojęcia. Przeprowadzono ponadto interpretację zasady nullum crimen sine lege certa w świetle orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Na tym tle sformułowano konkluzję, że art. 279 k.k. nie narusza Konstytucji, a jego stosowanie – przy wykorzystaniu dynamicznej metody wykładni prawa – nie nasuwa zastrzeżeń. Przepis ten w odpowiedni sposób chroni dobra prawne, a jego treść umożliwia zrekonstruowanie znamion czynu zabronionego w sposób przewidywalny.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2022, 5(69); 353-365
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kradzież czy przywłaszczenie rzeczy ruchomej z majątku wspólnego (współwłasności)?
Theft or misappropriation of a tangible asset as the matrimonial property
Autorzy:
Tyburcy, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/692762.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
misappropriation
theft
matrimonial property
co-ownership
ownership
kradzież
przywłaszczenie
majątek wspólny
współwłasność
własność
Opis:
According to the dominant opinion in the case-law, the spouse who disposes of the assets included within the matrimonial property against the will of the other spouse commits either a theft or misappropriation, depending on which party (the perpetrator or the victim) controls the assets in question. There is, however, a minority view according to which it is not possible for a spouse to commit a crime of stealing assets included in the matrimonial property and any unlawful appropriation of such assets by a spouse must be qualified in accordance with Article 284 par. 1 of the Penal Code. Both positions have their basis in the understanding of the notion of ‘possession’ as a subject of protection under the legal provisions in which offences against property are defined. It is generally accepted that what matters is the factual ownership of a given object, but there is no agreement in the literature as to the uniform definition of this ownership.
W doktrynie dominuje stanowisko, że małżonek, który rozporządza składnikiem majątku wspólnego jak własnym, wbrew woli drugiego małżonka, popełnia kradzież lub przywłaszczenie w zależności od tego, czy rzecz znajduje się we władztwie pokrzywdzonego czy też sprawcy. Mniejszościowy pogląd zakłada, że nie jest możliwa kradzież rzeczy wchodzących w skład wspólnoty majątkowej małżonków, a bezprawne ich przywłaszczenie należy kwalifikować z art. 284 § 1 k.k. Oba stanowiska mają za podstawę inne rozumienie posiadania (władania). Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że chodzi o faktyczne władanie rzeczą, ale doprecyzowanie tego sformułowania budzi już kontrowersje w piśmiennictwie. Należy szczególnie wnikliwie analizować stronę podmiotową, jeżeli przedmiotem wykonawczym jest rzecz stanowiąca współwłasność małżeńską. W związku z przepołowieniem kradzieży i przywłaszczenia istotne jest ustalenie wartości przedmiotu wykonawczego.
Źródło:
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny; 2018, 80, 3; 75-85
0035-9629
2543-9170
Pojawia się w:
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zjawisko przestępczości w województwie opolskim w latach 2000 –2012
Autorzy:
Adamczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/472918.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Collegium Witelona Uczelnia Państwowa
Tematy:
przestępstwa stwierdzone
postępowanie wszczęte
kradzież
z włamaniem
rozbój,
identified offenses
proceedings initiated
theft
burglary
robbery,
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak kształtowało się w województwie opolskim w latach 2000 –2012 zagrożenie przestępczością przeciwko mieniu oraz przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu. Omówione zostały podstawowe kategorie przestępczości pospolitej w oparciu o powszechnie stosowane statystycznie kategorie oceny tych zjawisk w odniesieniu do wszystkich powiatów. Z uwagi na dane, jakie zostały udostępnione przez Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracji oraz Komendę Wojewódzką Policji w Opolu, autorka zanalizowała dynamikę przestępstw stwierdzonych wraz z postępowaniami wszczętymi z ich wykrywalnością.
The purpose of this article is to investigate the issue of crime against property, life and health and its risk in the Opole province between 2000 and 2012. It discusses the main categories of crime based on the widely used statistical category assessment of these phenomena in different countries. In view of the data provided by The Ministry of Internal Affairs and Administration and by The Regional Police Headquarters in Opole, the author analyses the dynamics of the above mentioned kinds of crime recorded and the procedures of their detection.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy; 2014, 1, 10
1896-8333
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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