Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "political philosophy" wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 64
Tytuł:
Philosophy and Politics in the Contemporary Age
Autorzy:
Szulakiewicz, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023530.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
philosophy
contemporary politics
political philosophy
Opis:
Political wisdom, judgement or genius do not stem from the spirit of science and is not the upshot of theoretical generalizations or learning. There is of course “political science” and “political philosophy” but politicians can properly act without them because it is neither the discovery of laws or generalizations in the field of politics nor “knowledge about political things” but “political sense” that is crucial for his actions. As Isaiah Berlin put it years ago: “What makes statesmen, like drivers of cars, successful is that they do not think in general terms – that is, they do not primarily ask themselves in what respect a given situation is like or unlike other situations in the long course of human history (which is what historical sociologists, or theologians in historical clothing, such as Vico or Toynbee, are fond of doing). Their merit is that they grasp the unique combination of characteristics that constitute this particular situation – this and no other. What they are said to be able to do is to understand the character of particular movement, of a particular individual, of a unique state of affairs, of unique atmosphere, of some particular combination of economic, political, personal factors; and we do not readily suppose that this capacity can literally be taught”. Therefore politics is not a quest for “general terms” or general features of political phenomena but a direct and individual insight into concrete reality. Being a politician takes not learning but talent, not expertise but intuition, not knowledge but sense; it takes looking not at general but the particular dimension of human actions. Politicians can be taunted for their posture as Napoleon, they can be uneducated as farmer George Washington or act against morality as Cardinal Richelieu but frankly speaking all these vices are unimportant in the political realm.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2012, 41; 354-366
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Leo Strausss “An Epilogue”: Political Science as Political Philosophy
Autorzy:
Jokubaitis, Alvydas
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2046438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:
Leo Strauss
political philosophy
political science
philosophy of political science
Opis:
Leo Strauss‘s article “An Epilogue” is made up of many different critical arguments about political science. The guiding principles of these arguments are not revealed clearly enough. One can even get the impression that “An Epilogue” is an unfinished article. Only after finding the guiding principles we can understand the Strauss‘s critique. He emphasized the difference between the philosophical and scientific approach to politics. “An Epilogue” shows that he understood political science as philosophy.
Źródło:
Teoria Polityki; 2021, 5; 193-203
2543-7046
2544-0845
Pojawia się w:
Teoria Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes: Monist, Materialist and Mechanist
Autorzy:
Machamer, Peter
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/600517.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Thomas Hobbes
natural philosophy
political philosophy
Opis:
This essay will present Hobbes as the most consistent philosopher of the 17th century, and show that in all areas his endeavors have cogency that is unrivalled, in many ways even to this day. The second section will outline Hobbes’ conception of philosophy and his causal materialism. Section 3 will deal briefly with Hobbes’ discussion of sensation and then present his views on the nature and function of language and how reason depends upon language. Section 4 portrays his views about the material world; Section 5 deals with nature of man; and the 6th section with the artificial body of the commonwealth and the means of its creation.
Źródło:
Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris; 2012, 18
1689-4286
Pojawia się w:
Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Concept of Communitarianism in Research on a Contemporary Political Philosophy
Autorzy:
Dominiak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028571.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
definition of communitarianism
political philosophy
Opis:
The aim of this essay is to provide a theoretically satisfactory definition of communitarianism, a definition which would be theoretically prolific and so fully substantial that it would allow to distinguish communitarianism from the other philosophical streams; and it would give us an answer as to why a given idea or thinker is categorized as communitarian. The essence of this goal is to show a rationally justified method of constructing the definition of communitarianism is aim will be achieved in three steps: 1. Showing that communitarianism related research has not been able to provide a theoretically satisfactory definition of the philosophy; 2. Identifying the causes of this theoretical failure; 3. Formulating a rational method for constructing the theoretically satisfactory definition of communitarianism.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2007, 36; 186-197
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O ROLI PISARZA ROZWAŻANEJ W POWIĄZANIU Z INSTYTUCJAMI REPUBLIKAŃSKIMI, CZYLI GERMAINE DE STAËL I POLITYCZNOŚĆ LITERATURY
ON THE WRITER’S ROLE AS IT RELATES TO REPUBLICAN INSTITUTIONS, OR GERMAINE DE STAËL AND THE POLITICS OF LITERATURE
Autorzy:
Ciemińska, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/513494.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Germaine de Staël
political philosophy
Opis:
This study aims to examine the civilizing impact that a writer should possess under a republican government, as expressed in Germiane de Staël’s works of literary and political theory. The redefinition of the art of writing carried out by Staël is analyzed in the context of French history at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, as it was an attempt to overcome the intellectual crisis caused by the political and cultural changes of that period. The classical opposition between a writer, a philosopher and an orator appears unproductive, as the free and „philosophical” word specific to the republican regime is engaged in the same emancipative and enlightening transfer of energy through the enthusiasm shared both by its addresser and receiver. Philosophy and liberty form one and find their fullest expression in literary production, which is considered as a parole, a vibrant, active word. Literature gains thus the status of an existential experience that shapes the human consciousness. Therefore the writer-philosopher is both the guarantee and the ‘work’ of a republican regime, the vector of a socio-political change, of liberation and lumières.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2019, 17, 2; 21-33 (13)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
  • odwiedzone
Tytuł:
Gilgamesh, Political Power, and Human Nature
Autorzy:
Świercz, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/420713.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
Gilgamesh
Enkidu
human nature
political power
political philosophy
Opis:
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is an analysis of the Epic of Gilgamesh from the perspective of political philosophy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main research problem undertaken in this article is the problem of human nature and its connection with political power in light of the Sumero-Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh. The article is based on an analysis of the source text (the Epic of Gilgamesh) in the English version by Andrew George, with the secondary literature also taken into consideration. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The point of departure is a justification of the subject undertaken here, with a reference to Leo Strauss’ political philosophy. Next, three key aspects of the subject matter are analyzed: the humanization of Enkidu, the search for immortality, and the conception of political power. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main result of the scientific analysis is the indication of themes concerning the significance and understanding of human nature and their relationship to the concept of political power that formed in Mesopotamia. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In the conclusions, the author indicates the unmistakable presence of a notion of human nature in Sumero-Akkadian reflection, as well as the connection between this notion of human nature and a paradigm of political power. The author also points to a religious aspect crucial for understanding these concepts.
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2019, 10, 32; 31-46
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Contextualism vs Non-Contextualism in Political Philosophy A Contribution to the Debate on Criticism in the Political Sciences
Autorzy:
Świercz, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/665272.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
political philosophy
political science
criticism
historism
contextualism
presentism
Opis:
The author’s aim is to analyse the problem of criticism in the context of political sciences, in particular in the context of political philosophy. The issue is considered in the light of two basic epistemological standpoints: contextualism and presentism. These two approaches are often regarded as mutually exclusive; however, the author presents arguments for their possible complementarity and demonstrates that their concurrence is the necessary point of departure for critical attitudes in political philosophy.
Źródło:
Folia Philosophica; 2015, 34
1231-0913
2353-9445
Pojawia się w:
Folia Philosophica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pluralizm racjonalności i pluralistyczna krytyka imparcjalizmu
Autorzy:
Perlikowski, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1985136.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
pluralism
rationality
impartialism
deliberative democracy
political philosophy
Opis:
The article aims to present and critically analyze one of the currents of thought within the framework of deliberative democracy. The main dispute that we identify in the framework of this theory is the dispute between the impartialist and pluralistic approach. The role of reason towards the phenomenon of pluralism is the subject of these discussions. The impartialists base their arguments above all on the idea of public reason, while pluralists deny its value to other values. It can therefore be concluded that this dispute consists in opposing the rationality of pluralism to the pluralism of rationality. In addition to analyzing the arguments of the pluralist approach, we also focus on the criticism of the impartialism that these positions have put forward. The article distinguishes three possible forms of pluralism: rationality of pluralism, plurality of rationality prima facie and plurality of rationality sensu proprio. This allows us to show the relationship between impartialism (rationality of pluralism) and pluralism (plurality of rationalities prima facie) and the plurality of pluralism proposed by the critics of impartiality (plurality of rationalities prima facie) with a specific form of pluralism (plurality of rationality sensu proprio). In addition, in the article we identify the directives which pluralists propose to take place of public reason. The pluralistic approach which we analyze in the text is presented by such authors as: Iris Marion Young, Seyla Benhabib, Chantal Mouffe, Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. The impartialist tradition should be associated with John Rawles and his interpreters and critics such as Joshua Cohen and Brian Barry.
Źródło:
Kultura i Edukacja; 2018, 1(119); 11-28
1230-266X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Edukacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Racjonalistyczne zasady filozofii politycznej G.W. Leibniza
The Rationalistic Principles of G.W. Leibniz’s Political Philosophy
Autorzy:
Horowska, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/423383.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku
Tematy:
Leibniz
political philosophy
metaphysics
filozofia polityczna
metafizyka
Opis:
Niniejszy artykuł stanowi zmodyfikowaną część pracy licencjackiej napisanej w 2015 r. pod kierunkiem prof. B. Pazia.
The main aim of this paper is to present and describe the rationalistic principles of Leibniz’s political philosophy. The description of these principles allows one to systematize the theory of the German thinker and to explain its essential character as a rationalist interpretation of political reality. For this purpose various writings of the philosopher, mostly those untranslated into Polish, are exploited. An analysis of these sources in relation to Leibniz’s philosophical system as a whole is the main tool of explication of the discussed issues. The author distinguishes five basic principles of Leibniz’s political theory. The superior one among them is the principle of reason (principium rationis) which is at the core of rationalistic perception of political reality. The articulation of this principle is included in the phrase “the empire of reason” (l’Empire de la raison), which could be considered as representative for the philosopher’s theory and the demand of rational thinking and acting presented in it. From the superior principle of reason stem the other more detailed principles: principle of perfection and order of universum, primacy of natural law, justice as caritas sapientis and the sovereign as imago Dei. All of these principles, as Leibniz’s entire political theory, are considered in the broad context of his philosophical system with particular reference to metaphysics. The close link between politics and metaphysics is in fact, beside firm rooting in philosophical tradition and Roman law, a characteristic feature of Leibniz’s thought and is distinctive on the historical background of the Modern age.
Źródło:
IDEA. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych; 2015, 27/t.t.; 143-168
0860-4487
Pojawia się w:
IDEA. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola intelektualistów w polis. Rozważania o Hieronie Ksenofonta
Autorzy:
Wonicki, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2188284.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-10-24
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii
Tematy:
ancient Greek philosophy
political philosophy
Leo Strauss
intellectuals
tyranny
Opis:
The role of intellectuals in polis. Reflections on Xenophon’s Hiéron: It is well known, although the 20th century has showed it probably in the most visible way, that intellectuals would often like to make a moral influence on politicians and politics. Their eternal dream of enlightened government turns them to the delusion of their own agency in influencing politicians. Following such an illusion as Mark Lilla shows leads them in many cases to support a tyrannical regime. The problem of intellectual engagement and interaction with the authorities is not of course new. We could also observe and analyze it just going back to the Greek roots. In the article I would like to outline the relationship between Xenophon’s life and his reflections as a philosopher on power that he included in Hieron. I also refer these considerations to the present day in reference to Leo Strauss’ interpretation of Xenophon’s ideas about tyranny. Such comparison could be still today instructive for us how problematic is the role of those who, communing with the ideas of beauty, good and justice, want to transfer them to the sphere of the political community. It is this junction of ethics and politics that I would like to address in my considerations, trying to compare Plato with Xenophon and indicate several possible interpretations of the philosopher’s relationship to politics and power.
Źródło:
ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal; 2022, 12, 1; 27-40
2083-6635
2084-1043
Pojawia się w:
ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Bronisław Ferdynand Trentowski o przyczynach utraty przez Polskę niepodległości
Bronisław Ferdynand Trentowski on the reasons of Polands independence loss
Autorzy:
Starzyńska-Kościuszko, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2167479.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-15
Wydawca:
Ostrołęckie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
cybernetics
political philosophy
Trentowski
cybernetyka
filozofia polityczna
Opis:
In the article I present Trentowski’s views on the reasons of Poland’s fall that are described in his main political works. Presentation and analysis of the thoughts of Polish philosopher are preceded by synthetic description of Trentowski’s main ideas of his ‘political philosophy’. Knowing them is crucial to understand his critical attitude towards Catholic Church, Polish nobility and national mentality, as well as his suprising change of mind.
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiam poglądy Trentowskiego na temat przyczyn upadku Polski zawarte w jego najważniejszych pracach politycznych. Prezentacja i analiza myśli polskiego filozofa poprzedzone zostały syntetycznym omówieniem najważniejszych założeń jego „filozofii politycznej”. Bez ich znajomości zrozumienie zarówno krytycznego stosunku Trentowskiego do Kościoła katolickiego, polskiej szlachty i narodowej mentalności, jak i zaskakująca zmiana tychże poglądów, byłyby niezrozumiałe.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego; 2018, Zeszyt, XXXII; 121-134
0860-9608
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Book Review: Łukasz Dominiak, “The value of community. Political philosophy of communitarism” [Wartość wspólnoty. O filozofii politycznej komunitaryzmu], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2010, pp. 351
Autorzy:
Karnowska, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025300.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Danuta Karnowska
Łukasz Dominiak
political philosophy
book review
Opis:
The most important ideologies of the XIX and the first half of the XX century took a stand on communities. This was expressed not only in the liberal criticism of the communal lifestyle but also in the socialist commendation; in the conservative hierachy or communist absolute equality. Invariably a community constituted one of the central categories around which concepts of life of a human being and functioning of the society were created.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2011, 40; 337-339
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Confucian Multiculturalism: A Kantian Reinterpretation of the Classic of Rites
Autorzy:
Ka Pok Tam, Andrew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2902989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-07-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii
Tematy:
multiculturalism
Chinese philosophy
Confucianism
Classic of Rites
philosophy of culture
political philosophy
Opis:
Chinese Communist monocultural policies, notably the re-education camps for the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, have recently been condemned for violating human rights. In response to critics, the Chinese Communist Party frequently replied that one should not impose Western concepts of democracy, liberty, and human rights on the Chinese people. Nevertheless, instead of introducing Western philosophies criticizing the current Chinese Communist monoculturalism; with the help of a modern reinterpretation of the Classic of Rites, this paper aims to construct a Confucian Multiculturalism and argues that: (1) the Classic of Rites explicitly warned against cultural assimilations of “barbarians” into the “civilized” Empire, (2) the Classic of Rites acknowledges cultural diversities, and (3) although the Classic of Rites does not explain clearly why the imperial court should tolerate cultural diversities, a Kantian reinterpretation of the Chinese concept of 敬 Jing implies the respects for minority rights. In doing so, this paper formulates Confucian Multiculturalism as a new model of the Chinese philosophy of culture which asserts cultural diversity.
Źródło:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2023, 7, 1; 26-46
2544-302X
Pojawia się w:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
СОВРЕМЕННЫЙ ТЕРРОРИЗМ КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ И ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ ФЕНОМЕН: АКТУАЛЬНЫЕ АСПЕКТЫ ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИИ
WSPÓŁCZESNY TERRORYZM JAKO FENOMEN POLITYCZNY I PSYCHOLOGICZNY. AKTUALNE PROBLEMY INTERPRETACJI
MODERN TERRORISM AS POLITICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL PHENOMENON: THE ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERPRETATION
Autorzy:
ГУТОРОВ (Gutorov), Владимир (Vladimir)
ШИРИНЯНЦ (Shirinyants), Александр (Alexander)
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/641859.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
terrorism
political science
political philosophy
terroryzm
nauka o polityce
filozofia polityki
Opis:
The article analyzes the main directions of interpretation of the phenomenon of terrorism in modern political science and political philosophy. In the public орinion terrorism as the most important factor of contemporary politics is often perceived very superficially. Many modern interpretations of terrorism, despite their apparent objectivity have consistently produced a stencil historical logic, based on purely external perception of terrorism as a subversive activity of individuals and small groups, guided by very different political motives. This trend is constantly reproduced by the media, creating conventional images of terrorists in political memory and thereby false perception of the true objectives they pursue and the real corporate structures that finance and direct their activities. Throughout the emerging dilemmas in the interpretation of terrorist activity in various regions of the world associated with the dominance of practices of violence, the lack of freedom and emergency situations in the modern political discourse. These practices constantly nourish the rhetoric of the “war on terror” imposing restrictions on the freedom of subjective judgments and contributing to the formation of “disciplinary power,” the basic mechanisms of which had been once extensively considered in M. Foucault’s political philosophy. The article proves the thesis that despite the stable liberal stereotypes, state terrorism should be viewed in theory as a universal matrix while all other forms of individual and group terrorism, regardless of their social, class or ideological orientation, are derived from this base. The paper proves the thesis according to which the adequate scientific definitions of terrorism contribute to the destruction of some historiosophical concepts, which in recent decades have transformed into a stable political myths.
W artykule poddano analizie podstawowe kierunki interpretacji zjawiska terroryzmu we współczesnej nauce o polityce oraz filozofii politycznej. W świadomości społecznej terroryzm jako jeden z najważniejszych czynników współczesnej polityki traktuje się, na ogół, bardzo powierzchownie. Wiele współczesnych interpretacji terroryzmu, przy całym ich pozornym zewnętrznym obiektywizmie, w rzeczywistości stale odtwarza szablonową logikę historyczną, opartą na czysto zewnętrznym pojmowaniu terroryzmu jako akcji wywrotowych jednostek i niewielkich grup, kierujących się przeróżnymi motywami politycznymi. Dana tendencja stale posługuje się środkami masowej informacji, utrwalającymi w pamięci politycznej szablonowe obrazy terrorystów i tym samym fałszywe pojmowanie zarówno rzeczywistych celów, które starają się oni osiągać, jak i realnych struktur korporacyjnych, które finansują i ukierunkowują ich działalność. Powszechnie występujące dylematy w zakresie interpretacji aktywności terrorystycznej w wielu regionach świata wiążą się z panowaniem we współczesnym dyskursie politycznym praktyk przemocy, braku swobody i sytuacji nadzwyczajnych, stale zasilających retorykę „wojny z terrorem”. Praktyki te same z siebie nakładają ograniczenia na subiektywną swobodę opinii, sprzyjając formowaniu struktur „władzy dyscyplinującej”, której podstawowe mechanizmy były swego czasu wszechstronnie przebadane w filozofii politycznej M. Foucaulta. W artykule sformułowano tezę, zgodnie z którą, wbrew stabilnym stereotypom liberalnym, terroryzm państwowy należy rozpatrywać w planie teoretycznym w charakterze uniwersalnej zasady lub „matrycy”, podczas gdy inne formy terroryzmu indywidualnego i grupowego, niezależnie od ich orientacji socjalnej, klasowej lub ideologicznej, jawią się jako wywodzące się z tejże podstawy. W artykule zauważa się, że adekwatne naukowe określenia terroryzmu sprzyjają zburzeniu niektórych koncepcji historiozoficznych, które w ciągu ostatnich dziesięcioleci przekształciły się w stabilne mity polityczne.
В статье анализируются основные направления интерпретации феномена терроризма в современной политической науке и политической философии. В общественном сознании терроризм как важнейший фактор современной политики воспринимается, как правило, весьма поверхностно. Многие современные интерпретации терроризма, при всей их кажущейся внешней объективности, на самом деле постоянно воспроизводят трафаретную историческую логику, основанную на чисто внешнем восприятии терроризма как подрывных акций индивидов и небольших групп, руководствующихся самыми различными политическими мотивами. Данная тенденция постоянно используется средствами массовой информации, закрепляющими в политической памяти шаблонные образы террористов и тем самым ложное восприятие как истинных целей, которые они преследуют, так и тех реальных корпоративных структур, которые финансируют и направляют их деятельность. Повсеместно возникающие дилеммы в трактовках террористической активности в различных регионах мира связаны с господством в современном политическом дискурсе практик насилия, несвободы и чрезвычайных ситуаций, постоянно подпитывающих риторику «войны с террором». Эти практики сами по себе накладывают ограничения на субъективную свободу суждений, способствуя формированию структур «дисциплинарной власти», основные механизмы которой были в свое время всесторонне исследованы в политической философии М. Фуко. В статье обосновывается тезис, согласно которому вопреки устойчивым либеральным стереотипам, государственный терроризм следует рассматривать в теоретическом плане в качестве универсальной основы или «матрицы», в то время как все другие формы индивидуального и группового терроризма, независимо от их социальной, классовой или идеологической ориентации, являются производными от данной основы. В статье отмечается, что адекватные научные определения терроризма способствуют разрушению некоторых историософских концепций, которые в последние десятилетия превратились в устойчивые политические мифы.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2017, 10; 277-294
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pragmatism and Political Pluralism - Consensus and Pluralism
Autorzy:
Marsonet, Michele
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036574.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
pragmatism
science
cultural evolution
political philosophy
consensus
social contract
Opis:
A pragmatist thinker like Nicholas Rescher deems the idea that social harmony must be predicated in consensus to be both dangerous and misleading. An essential problem of our time is the creation of political and social institutions that enable people to live together in peaceful and productive ways, despite the presence of not eliminable disagreements about theoretical and practical issues. Such remarks, in turn, strictly recall the “practical” impossibility of settling philosophical disputes by having recourse to abstract and aprioristic principles. In the circumstances, the social model of team members cooperating for a common purpose is unrealistic. A more adequate model is, instead, that of a classical capitalism where - in a sufficiently well developed system - both competition and rivalry manage somehow to foster the benefit of the entire community (theory of the “hidden hand”). Certainly the scientific community is one of the best examples of this that we have, although even in this case we must be careful not to give too idealized a picture of scientific research. Consensus, however, in the Western tradition is an ideal worth being pursued. At this point we are faced with two basic positions. On the one side (a) “consensualists” maintain that disagreement should be averted no matter what, while, on the other, (b) “pluralists” accept disagreement because they take dissensus to be an inevitable feature of the imperfect world in which we live. A pluralistic vision, therefore, tries to make dissensus tolerable, and not to eliminate it. All theories of idealized consensus present us with serious setbacks. This is the case, for instance, with Charles S. Peirce. As is well known, Peirce takes truth to be “the limit of inquiry,” i.e. either what science will discover in the (idealized) long run, or what it would discover if the human efforts were so extended. By taking this path, thus, truth is nothing but the ultimate consensus reached within the scientific community. We can be sure that, once a “final” answer to a question has been found which is thereafter maintained without change, that one is the truth we were looking for. This fascinating theory, however, has various unfortunate consequences. In our day the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has in a way revived these Peircean insights, putting forward an influential theory to the effect that consensus indeed plays a key role in human praxis, so that the primary task of philosophy is to foster it by eliminating the disagreement which we constantly have to face in the course of our daily life. In his “communicative theory of consensus,” furthermore, he claims that human communication rests on an implicit commitment to a sort of “ideal speech situation” which is the normative foundation of agreement in linguistic matters. Consequently, the quest for consensus is a constitutive feature of our nature of (rational) human beings: rationality and consensus are tied together. A very strong consequence derives from Habermas’ premises: were we to abandon the search for consensus we would lose rationality, too, and this makes us understand that he views the pursuit of consensus as a regulative principle (rather than as a merely practical objective). Rescher opposes both Peirce’s eschatological view and Habermas’ regulative and idealized one.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2015, 12; 47-58
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 64

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies