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    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
    Tytuł:
    Elementy historycznoprawne w antyukraińskiej propagandzie Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 2013–2022
    Legal and historical arguments in Russian propaganda campaigns against Ukraine, 2013–2022
    Autorzy:
    Fijałkowska, Lena
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140612.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022-10-04
    Wydawca:
    Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
    Tematy:
    legal history
    history
    information war
    propaganda
    historia prawa
    historia
    wojna informacyjna
    Opis:
    Przedmiot badań: Przedmiotem analizy są argumenty historycznoprawne, które znalazły zastosowanie w kampaniach propagandowych skierowanych przeciw Ukrainie. Cel badawczy: Celem badań było ustalenie, w jaki sposób historia prawa wykorzystywana jest w wojnie informacyjnej z Ukrainą, na jakich wydarzeniach skupia się rosyjska narracja historyczna, jakie żądania i dążenia uzasadnia i w jaki sposób to robi. Metoda badawcza: W badaniach oparto się na analizie piśmiennictwa oraz przemówień i innych wypowiedzi prezydenta Rosji, a także treści propagandowych zawartych w rosyjskich mediach. Wyniki: Analiza wykazała, że historia prawa stanowi istotne narzędzie w wojnie informacyjnej prowadzonej przeciw Ukrainie. Narracja rosyjska koncentruje się przy tym na tych wydarzeniach, które da się zinterpretować w sposób pozwalający na podkreślenie odwiecznej jedności narodów rosyjskiego, ukraińskiego i białoruskiego, przy jednoczesnym zanegowaniu pełnej samodzielności Ukrainy. Ziemie zajęte w roku 2014 uznaje się za historycznie rosyjskie, zaś imperialna przeszłość Rosji służy jako uzasadnienie dla tworzenia strefy wpływów obejmującej obszar poradziecki. Z kolei usprawiedliwieniem agresji zarówno z 2014 r., jak i z lutego 2022 r. ma być odradzający się na Ukrainie faszyzm, którego dowód stanowić ma kult Stepana Bandery.
      Background: The subject of the analysis are the legal and historical arguments used in the propaganda campaigns against Ukraine. Research purpose: The aim of the study was to determine how history is used in the information war with Ukraine, on which events the Russian historical narrative focuses, and what demands and aspirations it justifies. Methods: The research was based on the analysis of the literature and the Russian president’s speeches and statements as well as the propaganda content of Russian media. Conclusions: The analysis showed that legal history is an essential tool in the information war against Ukraine. The Russian narrative focuses on those events that can be interpreted in such a way as to emphasize the eternal unity of the Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian nations, while negating Ukraine’s full independence. The territory seized in 2014 is considered historically Russian, and Russia’s imperial past serves as a justification for the creation of a zone of influence that covers the post-Soviet area. In turn, the resurgent fascism in Ukraine, the proof of which is the cult of Stepan Bandera justified the aggression in 2014 and in February 2022.
    Źródło:
    Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne; 2022, 124; 9-20
    0081-6841
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Rediscovering Blackstone: wpływ Williama Blackstone’a na rozwój amerykańskiej nauki prawa w recepcji Alberta W. Alschulera
    Rediscovering Blackstone: The influence of William Blackstone on the development of American legal science in the reception of Albert W. Alschuler
    Autorzy:
    Sokalska, Edyta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/697632.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Opolski
    Tematy:
    right
    reception
    legal culture
    common law
    history
    tradition
    Opis:
    The reception of common law in the United States was stimulated by a very popular and influential treatise Commentaries on the Laws of England by Sir William Blackstone, published in the late 18th century. The work of Blackstone strengthened the continued reception of the common law from the American colonies into the constituent states. Because of the large measure of sovereignty of the states, common law had not exactly developed in the same way in every state. Despite the fact that a single common law was originally exported from England to America, a great variety of factors had led to the development of different common law rules in different states. Albert W. Alschuler from University of Chicago Law School is one of the contemporary American professors of law. The part of his works can be assumed as academic historical-legal narrations, especially those concerning Blackstone: Rediscovering Blackstone and Sir William Blackstone and the Shaping of American Law. Alschuler argues that Blackstone’s Commentaries inspired the evolution of American and British law. He introduces not only the profile of William Blackstone, but also examines to which extent the concepts of Blackstone have become the basis for the development of the American legal thought.
    Źródło:
    Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne; 2017, 15, 2; 175-185
    2658-1922
    Pojawia się w:
    Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Gromadzenie i ochrona źródeł szkolnych
    Collection and protection of school resources
    Autorzy:
    Wróblewska, Urszula
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/956952.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    protection
    school
    history
    resources
    legal regulation
    school museums
    chronicles
    dokuments
    Opis:
    Among the historical information on the development of education and upbringing in Poland, it is the school sources that have cognitive value. The school sources include chronicles, official documents, photographs, interviews, school diaries, school newspapers, school equipment, and exhibits in school memorial rooms. Since the school sources have been present as long as the schools themselves, they provide the most accurate information about the activities of schools. Usually, the school documentation duty was imposed by the school authorities, which developed appropriate regulations, and with time the systems for protection of school resources were also implemented. The school authorities also designed detailed guidelines for the preparation of, inter alia, school chronicles, and encouraged employees to write them. The interest in school documentation especially grew in the Second Republic of Poland, which resulted from the process of rebuilding the administrative structures of the Polish state. All documents were subject to an assessment by the School Inspector. The process of creating school documentation was accompanied by initiatives to store and protect it. Pedagogues started to create school museums, where the school documents were to be kept. School sources meet the criteria of historical sources. However, it is difficult to suggest a uniform typology of school sources, as it depends on the definition of the source. School source materials of invaluable cognitive value and a rich iconographic base might be the basis for research in history, education science, ethnology, sociology and anthropology. Despite their cognitive value, the school sources are currently not protected by law and may become dispersed and irreversibly lost.  
    Źródło:
    Biuletyn Historii Wychowania; 2017, 37; 37-52
    1233-2224
    Pojawia się w:
    Biuletyn Historii Wychowania
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Zarys historii Międzynarodowej Organizacji Metrologii Prawnej
    History of the International Organization of Legal Metrology at a glance
    Autorzy:
    Sękala, Joanna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/952684.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Główny Urząd Miar
    Tematy:
    metrologia prawna
    organizacje międzynarodowe
    historia
    legal metrology
    international organizations
    history
    Opis:
    Artykuł podsumowuje proces tworzenia struktur organizacyjnych oraz sześćdziesięcioletnią historię Międzynarodowej Organizacji Metrologii Prawnej– OIML (Organisation Internationale de Métrologie Légale), jedynej instytucji międzynarodowej o zasięgu globalnym, działającej w obszarze metrologii prawnej. Autorka opisała kolejne etapy funkcjonowania OIML, osadzając je w realiach geopolitycznych danego okresu. Ponadto w artykule silnie zaakcentowano rolę Polski i Polaków w procesie budowy Organizacji.
    Article summarizes the process of creating organizational structures and over 60 years long history of the International Organization of Legal Metrology, the only international institution with global reach, operating in the field of legal metrology. The author describes the successive stages of the OIML’s functioning, embedding them in the context of the period’s geopolitical reality.Additionally, this article strongly emphasizes the role of Poland in the construction of the Organization.
    Źródło:
    Metrologia i Probiernictwo : biuletyn Głównego Urzędu Miar; 2015, 3 (10); 27-35
    2300-8806
    Pojawia się w:
    Metrologia i Probiernictwo : biuletyn Głównego Urzędu Miar
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przyszłość dronów w budownictwie
    The future of drones in construction industry
    Autorzy:
    Szruba, M.
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/365239.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Nowoczesne Budownictwo Inżynieryjne
    Tematy:
    regulacje prawne
    historia
    bezzałogowe statki latające
    legal regulations
    history
    unmanned aerial vehicles
    Opis:
    W obszarze militarnym bezzałogowców używa się głównie do rozpoznania, patrolowania i monitorowania. Podobne zadania mogą być przez nie wykonywane w środowisku cywilnym. Problem w tym, że o ile wojskowe zastosowania bezzałogowych statków powietrznych są w odpowiedni sposób sformalizowane, umożliwiając dzięki temu ich bezpieczne użytkowanie, o tyle nie zawsze jest to możliwe w odniesieniu do cywilnych bezzałogowców. A szkoda, bo dzisiaj drony to nie tylko zabawki dla dużych dzieci, ale także skuteczne narzędzie pracy.
    Źródło:
    Nowoczesne Budownictwo Inżynieryjne; 2017, 1; 30-33
    1734-6681
    Pojawia się w:
    Nowoczesne Budownictwo Inżynieryjne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Historical Background to English Legal Language
    Autorzy:
    Schneiderová, Anna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/452097.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarki Euroregionalnej im. Alcide De Gasperi w Józefowie
    Tematy:
    English legal language
    Old English
    Latin
    Law French
    history
    social and
    political development, linguistics
    Opis:
    The article attempts to provide an explanation why the English legal language is so complex and so difficult to understand especially for the lay people. Also mentioned are the attempts that have been made to simplify it. The paper also describes its development throughout history. It maintains that legal English is the result of history and political and social processes ongoing in the given historical period. This language is basically the reflection of the social and political conditions of the given historical period, and each period has left its mark on the current form of the language at issue. It reflects the influence of Anglo-Saxon mercenaries, Latinspeaking missionaries, Scandinavian and Norman war tribes. As it is highlighted further in the text, English has been used in various types of legal documents at different times. Last wills and testaments started to be drafted in English around 1400. Laws were written in Latin until around 1300, in French until about 1485, in English and French for a few more years and exclusively in English since 1489. The paper contains a number of the words and expressions related to law which are used even today and provides their etymology, at least as far the language of its origin is concerned. Also provided are expressions that were replaced with new ones, simpler, more understandable legal terms within reforms.
    Źródło:
    Journal of Modern Science; 2018, 37, 2; 117-126
    1734-2031
    Pojawia się w:
    Journal of Modern Science
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Living with the Rules: Gender and the Rule of Law in Herodotus’ Histories
    Autorzy:
    Helen, Tank,
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902844.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-09-21
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
    Tematy:
    rule of law
    Herodotus
    history
    law/nomos
    gender
    legal pluralism
    rządy prawa
    Herodot
    historia
    prawo
    płeć
    pluralizm prawny
    Opis:
    What does “the rule of law” mean to an ancient historian, Herodotus? This paper uses modern legal theories and a sociological model to consider how he presents the concept in his Histories. The author takes a novel approach in that she considers the rule of law from a gender perspective. She argues that law is as much about social and cultural rules, which involve women as much as men, as it is about institutional practices which exclude women and reinforce an ideology of female inferiority. She also shows that the rule of law is a powerful normative ideal which Herodotus uses to interrogate power. The author uses the theoretical model of law developed by the English legal scholar HLA Hart, who argues that rules have a social as well as a legal dimension (the “internal” view of law), that is, how rules are perceived by community members, and how normative behaviours are enforced by that community. She also uses the work of a legal anthropologist, Leopold Pospίčil, and feminist legal theory, to argue for a wider definition of the rule of law than that used by most contemporary scholars. She uses three case studies to show that the rule of law is a powerful force in the Histories precisely because it combines external coercive force, internal rule of conduct and normative ideal.
    Źródło:
    Studia Iuridica; 2019, 80; 389-403
    0137-4346
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Iuridica
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    INTERPRETING IN CRIMINAL CASES IN JAPAN: PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE PROSPECTS
    TŁUMACZENIE PRAWNE SPRAW KARNYCH W JAPONII: PRZESZŁOŚĆ, TERAŹNIEJSZOŚĆ I PERSPEKTYWY NA PRZYSZŁOŚĆ
    Autorzy:
    MIZUNO, Makiko
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/921247.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-01-25
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    historia
    procedury karne
    trudności komunikacyjne
    tłumaczenie ustne
    sprawiedliwe postępowanie sądowe
    history
    criminal procedures
    communication difficulty
    legal interpreting
    fair judicial proceedings
    Opis:
    In the extant literature in Japan, the description of criminal cases involving foreigners goes back to around the fifth century; however, detailed depictions of language problems requiring legal interpreters started to appear in the Edo period (1603–1868). The cases of an Italian missionary who entered Japan illegally in 1709 and the robbery of Ainu graves by British consular officers in 1865 presented communication difficulties between the interrogator and accused in criminal procedures. This is common even today. This paper introduces the history of legal interpreting with reference to high profile cases, and reviews changes in communication issues in criminal proceedings involving non-Japanese speaking defendants in modern Japan. It also presents prospects regarding the shift in attitude among legal practitioners toward legal interpreting against the backdrop of recent judicial reforms including the introduction of a lay judge system and visualisation of the investigation process.
    W istniejącej literaturze przedmiotu opis spraw kryminalnych z udziałem cudzoziemców sięga około piątego wieku. Jednak szczegółowe opisy problemów językowych wymagających udziału tłumaczy prawniczych zaczęły pojawiać się w okresie Edo (1603-1868), np. przypadek włoskiego misjonarza, który nielegalnie wjechał do Japonii w 1709 r., a także rabunek grobów Ainu przez brytyjskich urzędników konsularnych w 1865 r., wskazywały na trudności komunikacyjne między śledczym i oskarżonym w postępowaniu karnym. Jest to powszechne nawet dzisiaj. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia historię tłumaczeń ustnych w odniesieniu do znanych przypadków, a także analizuje zmiany w kwestiach komunikacyjnych w postępowaniu karnym, w którym udział biorą osoby spoza Japonii. Przedstawiono również perspektywy dotyczące zmiany podejścia prawników do interpretacji prawnej na tle niedawnych reform sądownictwa, w tym wprowadzenia ławników i wizualizacji procesu dochodzenia.
    Źródło:
    Comparative Legilinguistics; 2018, 36, 1; 25-46
    2080-5926
    2391-4491
    Pojawia się w:
    Comparative Legilinguistics
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
    Political crime - an outline of the problem
    Autorzy:
    Falandysz, Lech
    Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1989
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość polityczna
    czyny zabronione
    historia
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    przywilej
    terror
    regulacje prawne
    political crime
    prohibited acts
    history
    criminal law
    criminology
    privilege
    legal regulation
    Opis:
    The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
                  The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9

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