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    Wyświetlanie 1-11 z 11
    Tytuł:
    Karnoprawne i kryminologiczne aspekty przestępstwa plagiatu
    Criminal Law and Criminological Aspects of the Plagiarism
    Autorzy:
    Daśko, Natalia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/519093.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Fundacja Utriusque Iuris
    Tematy:
    copyright
    criminal law
    criminology
    plagiarism
    copyright infringement
    Opis:
    The article consists of two parts. In the first, the author discusses the criminal law aspects of the crime under Art. 115 paragraph 1 of the Act on Copyright and Related Rights. The second part presents the results of empirical research. In order to learn the dynamics of convictions over the years, characteristics of perpetrators and types of punishments imposed by courts, the author collected and developed statistical data obtained from the Ministry of Justice. In order to examine the factual circumstances of plagiarism cases, as well as the correctness of the legal classification of offenses used by the courts, the author conducted a case study. The research covered cases ended with a final conviction in 2013–2017. The summary includes comments regarding problems with the legal classification of infringements of copyright and related rights as well as de lege ferenda postulates.
    Źródło:
    Forum Prawnicze; 2020, 3(59); 81-94
    2081-688X
    Pojawia się w:
    Forum Prawnicze
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Poglądy studentów prawa na podstawowe instytucje prawa karnego (Wstępne rozpoznanie problemu)
    Law students opinions on the essential institutions of criminal law and criminology. Preliminary diagnosis of the problem
    Autorzy:
    Szuba-Boroń, Anna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/528773.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    Tematy:
    public opinion
    death penalty
    offender
    criminal law
    criminology
    Opis:
    This paper presets survey results regarding law students opinions on the criminal law and criminology, e.g. death penalty, the offender and the offense as an object of criminological research, the purposes of criminal punishment and criminal law. This article is an attempt to determine an influence of academic knowledge in the field of criminal law and criminology at the students opinions and to analyze or law student hold a public opinion concerning criminal law and criminology.
    Źródło:
    Państwo i Społeczeństwo; 2014, 4; 173-200
    1643-8299
    2451-0858
    Pojawia się w:
    Państwo i Społeczeństwo
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przemoc w kryminologii – istota, przyczyny i zmiany
    Autorzy:
    Budyn-Kulik, Magdalena
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/609323.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Tematy:
    Violence
    criminology
    theories
    criminal law
    aggression
    przemoc
    kryminologia
    teorie
    prawo karne
    agresja
    Opis:
    Violence is a social fact. In the common opinion violence is a negative phenomeon, but one may also perceive it as a neutral phenomenon. The term 'violence' is very broad. It is not easy to define it. Its range is changing, what is more- the same behaviors in different social contexts can be interpreted as violence or not. Violence is not the same as aggression, although they are connected. The nature of violence and aggression is a controversial problem: are they intuitive or learned? Probably one's tendency to use violence and aggression is caused by many factors. There are lot of theories that try to explain the nature of violence. Using violence is determined by psychological, biological and socio-cultural factors. Punishment itself can not change a deep attitude toward anything, but being consistent in punishing for violent crimes may make committing them unprofitable.
    Przemoc jest faktem społecznym. W powszechnej opinii ma zawsze charakter negatywny, ale można ja także traktować jako zjawisko neutralne. Sam termin jest szeroki. Nie jest go łatwo zdefiniować. Jego zakres się zmienia, co więcej, takie samo zachowanie w różnych kontekstach społecznych może być interpretowane jako przemoc lub nie. Przemoc nie jest tożsama z agresją, chociaż są powiązane. Problematyczna jest kwestia, czy przemoc i agresja są wrodzone czy wyuczone. Prawdopodobnie tendencja do zachowań przemocowych lub agresywnych jest efektem oddziaływanie wielu czynników. Istnieje wiele teorii próbujących wyjaśnić naturę przemocy- przy pomocy czynników psychologicznych, biologicznych oraz socjo-kulturowych. Chociaż kara sama w sobie nie jest w stanie zmienić postawy człowieka, ale konsekwentne karania sprawców przestępstw z użyciem przemocy może uczynić ich popełnianie nieopłacalnym.
    Źródło:
    Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius); 2018, 65, 1
    0458-4317
    Pojawia się w:
    Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Prawo karne i kryminologia na tle metodologii badań w naukach prawnych
    Criminal law and criminology against the background of research methodology in legal sciences
    Autorzy:
    Wiktorska, Paulina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2188109.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023
    Wydawca:
    Instytut Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości
    Tematy:
    nauki prawne
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    metodologia
    techniki badawcze
    legal sciences
    criminal law
    criminology
    methodology
    research techniques
    Opis:
    Nauki prawne, najogólniej ujmując, stanowią zbiór nauk społecznych, które zawierają zarówno elementy nauk humanistycznych, jak i ścisłych, zajmujących się prawem. Istnieją dwa podejścia do prowadzenia badań: jedno zakładające autonomię i niezależność prawa oraz drugie skupione na integracji zewnętrznej nauk prawnych, która propaguje wykorzystywanie dorobku metodologicznego innych dyscyplin naukowych podczas prowadzenia badań nad prawem. Artykuł porusza wybrane zagadnienia dotyczące metodologii w prawie karnym i w kryminologii, których wspólną cechą jest analizowanie przestępczości i jej kontrolowania w społeczeństwie.
    Legal sciences, generally speaking, constitute a set of social sciences that contain elements of both humanities and exact sciences dealing with law. There are two approaches to conducting research, one assuming the autonomy and independence of law and the other focused on the external integration of legal sciences, which promotes the use of the methodological achievements of other scientific disciplines in conducting research on law. This article deals with selected problems of methodology in criminal law and criminology, the common feature of which is the analysis and control of crime in society.
    Źródło:
    Prawo w Działaniu; 2023, 53; 114-126
    2084-1906
    2657-4691
    Pojawia się w:
    Prawo w Działaniu
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Kryminologiczna ocena agresji werbalnej
    Autorzy:
    Hołyst, Brunon
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1338557.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-12-02
    Wydawca:
    Uczelnia Łazarskiego. Oficyna Wydawnicza
    Tematy:
    kryminologia
    mowa nienawiści
    agresja werbalna
    przestępstwa z nienawiści
    prawo karne
    criminology
    hate speech
    verbal aggression
    hate crime
    criminal law
    Opis:
    W artykule dokonano analizy zjawiska agresji werbalnej (inaczej, mowy nienawiści) oraz tzw. „przestępstw z nienawiści” w ujęciu kryminologicznym. Do psychologicznych źródeł mowy nienawiści zaliczono emocje, takie jak gniew i nienawiść. Charakteryzując socjologiczne źródła przestępstw popełnianych z nienawiści, zwrócono uwagę na problematykę stereotypów, ignorancji oraz kategoryzacji społecznej oraz deindywidualizacji. Za istotne czynniki w inicjowaniu zachowań agresywnych, takich jak mowa nienawiści, uznano również konflikty międzygrupowe oraz uprzedzenia kierowane wobec określonych grup społecznych oraz osób. Zasadniczym problemem związanym ze ściganiem przestępstw popełnianych z nienawiści jest identyfikacja sprawców tych przestępstw popełnionych za pośrednictwem Internetu. Kwestia ta ma mniejsze znaczenie w odniesieniu do czynów polegających na pobiciu, uszkodzeniu ciała czy naruszeniu nietykalności cielesnej, albowiem w takich wypadkach sprawca jest z reguły znany pokrzywdzonemu lub też możliwe jest jego ustalenie na podstawie zeznań pokrzywdzonego czy świadków. Oceniono, iż podstawą słabych efektów walki z mową nienawiści w sieci jest zarówno nieodpowiednie egzekwowanie istniejących przepisów prawa, jak również brak właściwych regulacji.
    The article analyses the phenomenon of verbal aggression (in other words, hate speech) and the so-called hate crimes from the criminological point of view. Psychological sources of hate speech include emotions such as anger and hatred. Characterising sociological sources of hate crime, the author draws attention to the issue of stereotypes, ignorance and social categorisation, and deindividuation. Inter-group conflicts and prejudice addressed to particular social groups and people are also recognised to be important factors in initiating aggressive conduct like hate speech. The main problem connected with the prosecution of hate crime is identification of perpetrators of those offences committed via the Internet. The issue is less significant in relation to acts of battery, injury or violation of bodily integrity because in such cases a victim usually knows a perpetrator or he/she can be identified based on a victim’s or witnesses’ description. It is assessed that the basic reasons of poorer results in the fight against hate speech in the web include inadequate enforcement of the existing provisions of law and the lack of appropriate regulations.
    Źródło:
    Ius Novum; 2020, 14, 2; 11-37
    1897-5577
    Pojawia się w:
    Ius Novum
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Czynniki kryminogenne przestępczości socjalnej
    Criminogenic factors of social crime
    Autorzy:
    Kukuła, Zygmunt
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/541749.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-03-12
    Wydawca:
    Zakład Ubezpieczeń Społecznych
    Tematy:
    przestępczość socjalna
    czynnik kryminogenny
    kryminologia
    oszustwa
    prawo karne
    instytucje socjalne
    social crime
    criminogenic factor
    criminology
    fraud
    criminal law
    social institutions
    Opis:
    Problematyka związana z badaniem przyczyn przestępczości socjalnej jest wciąż mało znana tak w nauce prawa karnego, jak i w samych instytucjach socjalnych. Tymczasem znajomość przyczyn odpowiedzialnych za występowanie przestępstw jest niewątpliwie znaczącym narzędziem przeciwdziałającym występowaniu tego niekorzystnego zjawiska w przestrzeni społecznej. Zadanie ich rozpoznania i opracowania spoczywa w przeważającej mierze na kryminologii, nauce pomocniczej prawa karnego. Podjęto pierwsze wysiłki, aby osiągnąć ten cel, zwieńczone pewnym sukcesem zarówno gdy chodzi o ich teoretyczne zdiagnozowanie, jak i weryfikację pod postacią przeprowadzonych badań. Przynoszą one interesujące ustalenia, które pozwalają na klasyfikację istniejących czynników kryminogennych przestępczości socjalnej do czterech grup. Można z dużą pewnością przyjąć, że podstawowym motywem popychającym sprawców do popełniania tego rodzaju czynów jest chęć zdobycia dodatkowego, nielegalnego dochodu. Poza tym za pozostałe czynniki kryminogenne można uznać wadliwość obowiązujących przepisów, brak środków do życia oraz bezrobocie. Należy z całą stanowczością zaznaczyć, że proces badania potencjalnych czynników kryminogennych przestępczości socjalnej został dopiero rozpoczęty, a nauka ma na tym polu jeszcze wiele zadań do wykonania.
    The issues related to the study of the causes of social crime are still little known both in the science of criminal law and in the social institutions themselves. Meanwhile, knowledge of the causes responsible for the occurrence of crimes is undoubtedly a significant tool counteracting the occurrence of this unfavorable phenomenon within the social space. The task of their recognition and development rests predominantly on criminology and auxiliary criminal law. The first efforts were made to achieve this goal, crowned with some success, both in terms of their theoretical diagnosis and verification in the form of conducted research. They bring interesting findings, allowing for a classification of existing criminogenic factors in social crime within four groups. One can assume with a high degree of certainty that the basic motive for pushing offenders to commit such acts is the desire to gain an additional, illegal income. Apart from that, the other criminogenic factors may be considered to be the defective nature of existing regulations, a lack of livelihood and unemployment. It should be noted with full certainty that the process of investigating the potential criminogenic factors of social crime has only just begun, and science has much to do in this field.
    Źródło:
    Ubezpieczenia Społeczne. Teoria i praktyka; 2018, 4; 29-46
    1731-0725
    Pojawia się w:
    Ubezpieczenia Społeczne. Teoria i praktyka
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przejawy populizmu penalnego w rozwiązaniach prawnokarnych z zakresu przestępczości przeciwko wolności seksualnej i obyczajności
    Autorzy:
    Dembiński, Jacek
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788457.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-06-18
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    polityka kryminalna
    populizm penalny
    przestępczość
    ustawodawstwo
    punitywność
    criminal law
    criminology
    criminal policy
    penal populism
    criminality
    legislation
    punitiveness
    Opis:
    Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje problematykę populizmu penalnego i jego obecności w polskim ustawodawstwie prawnokarnym. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie złożonej natury wspomnianego zjawiska, wyklarowanie jego cech charakterystycznych oraz ujawnienie wpływu na prawo karne oraz realizowaną w Polsce politykę kryminalną. W artykule podjęto próbę zdefiniowania pojęcia „populizmu penalnego”, przeanalizowano przestępstwa przeciwko wolności seksualnej i obyczajności w ujęciu statystycznym oraz zbadano obecność desygnatów populistycznych w projektowanych albo obowiązujących rozwiązaniach prawnokarnych.
    The article describes the topic of penal populism and its presence in Polish penal law legislation. The purpose of this article is to point out the complexity of this problem, to clarify its characteristics and to show its impact on criminal politics in Poland.
    Źródło:
    Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2019, 26; 9-31
    2084-5375
    Pojawia się w:
    Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
    Political crime - an outline of the problem
    Autorzy:
    Falandysz, Lech
    Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1989
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość polityczna
    czyny zabronione
    historia
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    przywilej
    terror
    regulacje prawne
    political crime
    prohibited acts
    history
    criminal law
    criminology
    privilege
    legal regulation
    Opis:
    The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
                  The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Próba oceny karnoprawnych regulacji zwalczania mowy nienawiści w Polsce
    An attempt to evaluate criminal law regulations to combat hate speech in Poland
    Autorzy:
    Gorazdowski, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/955907.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020
    Wydawca:
    Akademia im. Jakuba z Paradyża w Gorzowie Wielkopolskim
    Tematy:
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    mowa nienawiści
    hate speech
    hate crime
    hejt
    wolność słowa
    społeczeństwo
    criminal law
    criminology
    prejudice motivated crimes
    freedom of speech
    society
    Opis:
    The article draws attention to the problem of permanent conflict between freedom of speech (freedom of expression) and hate speech used in communication by politicians and ordinary people in a democratic state, not only to strenghten the importance of civil rights and freedom, but often to antagonize specific social groups. They attempt to evaluate legal tools in the fight against hate speech and their effectiveness in combating this social pathology, but also stress further need for changes in criminal law in this area to facilitate those experiencing hate speech and discriminatory justice. It should be noticed that the problem of excluding hate speech from social life is extremely complex and difficult to implement in practice. Each interference of the legislator with civil rights and freedom should be proportionate and carefully thought out and can not lead to an unjustified limitation of these rights.
    Źródło:
    Studia Administracji i Bezpieczeństwa; 2019, 6; 93-115
    2543-6961
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Administracji i Bezpieczeństwa
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Deportacja we francuskich legislacjach czasów ancien régime’u świetle wielowiekowej tradycji instytucjonalnej
    Deportation in Deportation in French legislation of the ancien régime period in light of a centuries-old institutional tradition
    Autorzy:
    Wiązek, Paweł
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/14793091.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    history of law
    judicial law
    criminal law
    criminology
    human rights
    civil rights
    legislation
    historia prawa
    prawo sądowe
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    prawa człowieka
    prawa obywatelskie
    legislacja
    Opis:
    Artykuł jest poświęcony instytucji deportacji, głównie we francuskim systemie prawnym i rzeczywistości politycznej doby monarchii absolutnej. Deportacja nie jest pojęciem jednoznacznym. Nie jest też jednolicie definiowaną instytucją prawną. Zarówno jej obecność i uzasadnienie, jak i kształt materialnoprawny oraz jego proceduralna oprawa są wypadkową wielu czynników i okoliczności, które determinują zwłaszcza tradycja, mentalność, system polityczny, a także warunki geograficzne, związane z terytorialną strukturą państwa. Instytucja ta nie była oryginalną konstrukcją prawa francuskiego, choć na przestrzeni wieków, w szczególnych okolicznościach politycznych burzliwych dziejów francuskiej państwowości, nabierała specyficznych cech. Komparatystyczna metoda eksploracji i kilkusetletnia perspektywa temporalna umożliwiły obserwację ewolucji tej instytucji prawnej oraz ocenę jej w formie wniosków de lege lata i de lege ferenda.
    The article is devoted to the institution of deportation mainly in the French legal system and in the political reality of the absolute monarchy period. Deportation is by no means an unambiguous concept. It is also not a uniformly defined legal institution. Its presence and justification, its substantive and legal shape as well as its procedural setting were a result of numerous factors and circumstances which were determined in particular by tradition, mentality, political system as well as by geographical conditions, which were connected with the territorial structure of the state. This institution was not an original construct of French law. However, over the centuries, it took on specific features in the particular political circumstances of the turbulent history of French statehood. The comparative method of exploration and the centuries-old temporal perspective made it possible to observe the evolution of this legal institution as well as to evaluate it in the form of de lege lata and de lege ferenda conclusions.
    Źródło:
    Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne; 2023, 75, 1; 201-216
    0070-2471
    Pojawia się w:
    Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polska myśl kryminologiczna od schyłku XIX w. do 1939 r.
    The Polish Criminological Thought from the Close of the 19th Century till 1939
    Autorzy:
    Nelken, Jan
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699220.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1986
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    kryminologia
    prawo karne
    historia
    filozofia
    szkoła antropologiczna
    psychopatia
    socjologia
    osobowość
    przestępca
    polityka kryminalna
    criminology
    criminal law
    history
    philosophy
    anthropological school
    psychopaty
    sociology
    personality
    criminal
    criminal policy
    polish criminological thought
    Opis:
    Both the anthropological school of Lombroso, established in the late half of the 19th century, and the sociological school established by Ferri and other criminologists ( Liszt, Prins, van Hammel, Tarde) met with a keen interest in Poland. However, the anthropological school was criticized, as it was the case in other countries too, both by the classical school of penal law, and from the sociological point of view. A critical analysis of the views of Lombroso and his successors was made by the leading representative of the classical school of penal law in Poland in those days Krzymuski who  postulated that recognition of the individual’s free will to be condition of his penal liability, Krzymuski opposed free will to be conception of a born criminal propagated by Lombroso. Lombroso’s theory was also criticized by  Krzywicki, a sociologist and anthropologist who considered the former’s  approach towards the conditions of crime to be too narrow, leaving out of account those resulting from the social and economic conditions. On the other  hand, Polish criminologists considered it to be Lombroso’s unquestionable merit that he had called attention to the necessity of studying the offender's personality, and in this way initiated the modern criminology. Opinions of various sociological schools were discussed in the Polish literature and accepted by the majority of authors starting from the close of the 19th century. In particular, the most accepted one was the opinion that offence is a result of both individual and social factors, and the aim of punishment meted out by the court should be not only to deter. the perpetrator from committing offences, but also to reeducate him. Due to the fact that in the 19th-centuiy judicial practice the sentence depended on the extent of damage caused by the offender, it was emphasized in the Polish literature that punishment should take into consideration also the offender's individual features, as it is only then that it can fulfil its tasks (Stebelski). With the accepted division of offenders into professional and causal, the fact was stressed that - if the offender reveals a tendency to relapse into crime- the measures the society applies towards him should be more drastic since the society has to defend itself against incorrigible criminals in an effective way. Instead, more lenient measures should be applied towards causal offenders, such measures  being sufficient for their reeducation. In the period between the two world wars, criminology in Poland became a separate branch and extended its range; the establishment of the Polish Criminological Society in 1921 and of the Department of Criminology at the Free Polish University in 1922, later (I932) transformed into the Criminological Institute, contributed to this situation. The Polish criminology of that period faced the task of studying and defining in detail the basic factors of crime: individual (endogenous) and social (exogenous). This was related to the necessity to learn about the sources of crime with the aim of its effective control by means of preparing a Penal Code and properly shaping the criminal policy (Wróblewski). When studying the individual factors of crime, particular attention was paid to the psychopathic personality. Criminal psychopaths were believed to suffer from a pathological moral defect resulting from their underdevelopment in the sphere of emotions. It was stated that psychopaths who committed an offence should not be recognized as mentally irresponsible (Nelken). Psychopathy cannot be treated psychiatrically; on the other hand, intensified resocialization of the offender is necessary here, conditions for this treatment created during his prison term. At the same time, an adequate segregation of prisoners should be applied based on the psychopathological criterion (Łuniewski). The science of the offender's personality was called criminal biology; it dealt with the physical and mental structure of the offender. Criminal biology was to make use of the general anthropological, psychological and psychiatric data as well as those gathered by means of other clinical methods. Aimed at  gathering comprehensive data concerning the whole of the offender’s mental and physical properties, criminal biology should not confine itself to a mere specification of his various traits: it should also study their origin, methodically examining the development of these properties in the milieu in which the offender’s personality was formed. Thus the criminal-biological research must be made from the psychological and medical as well as sociological points of view. Particular importance was attached to detailed environmental research in the study of juvenile delinquents (Batawia). In the early Thirties, the Ministry of Justice initiated criminological- biological research in prisons. The research was carried out by special commissions with the use of a specially prepared comprehensive questionnaire . The greatest part was played by psychiatric and psychological examination. The  criminal-biological research in prisons was interrupted by the outbreak of the war. In connection with the criminogenic role of alcoholism, criminologists spoke for a considerable reduction of production and sale of spirits. Moreover, an opinion was expressed that a commission of an offence in the state of a normal (the so-called physiological) intoxication should not result in the recognition of the offender as mentally irresponsible. Only pathological intoxication may be considered from the point of view of irrespossibility. The offender should not avail himself of his intoxication as a mitigating circumstance (Nelken). The scientists opposed the introduction of compulsory sterilization which was to be applied toward persons whose children could inherit serious  pathological traits from them. The opposition had both scientific and humanistic grounds (Łuniewski, Nelken). Compulsory sterilization was not introduced. The main trend of the Polish criminology in the period between the wars corresponded with the sociological school which took into account the relationship between the endogenous (biological) and the exogenous (social) factors in the origins of crime. A vast majority of Polish criminologists opposed the conception of a “born criminal” put forward by Lombroso. Some of the Polish scholars of the period between the wars who used the term “criminal anthropology” (e.g. Rabinowicz), emphasized the evolution of this science which differed from the Lombroso’s doctrine, and postulated the social milieu as a factor be largely taken into consideration in the studies on the causes of crime. In the Polish criminology of those days, the stress was laid principally on criminal biology due to the fact that the internal factor is usually less  conspicuous and more difficult to prove than the external one in the etiology of crime. It was emphasized that not all of persons who  found themselves in unfavourable social conditions turned offenders (Neymark, Lemkin); therefore, the biological (somato psychological) factor determines the individual’s moral resistance to the unfavourable external conditions. On the other hand, also the social factor, in addition to the biological one, was included in the causes of crime, due to the considerable impact of living conditions on the human mind. The opinion was that - though the etiology of an offence is usually determined by a combination of the external and internal factors - in each case one should attempt to find out which of these factors prevailed in the origin of a given act; this should also be taken into account in the criminological prognosis. In general, the chance for correction is smaller in the case of an offender of the endogenous type who requires a more thorough and longer resocialization as compared with one of the exogenous type; this should be taken into account by the court when meting out punishment (Rabinowicz, Lemkin). The Polish  Penal Code of 1932 (in force till 1969) was an expression of the compromise between the classical school of penal law and the sociological school. In the code, many legal structures included in the General Part were formulated in accordance with the achievements of the science of penal law in its classical form; this concerns particularly the definition or the essence of crime and the principles of liability including that of subjectivism as responsibility for a culpable act. A compromising character was given in the code to meting out punishment which was conditioned not only  by the weight of the offence according to the classical principle of retribution and deterrence, but also by the offender's personality and the life he had led hitherto according to the instructions of the sociological school (Art. 54). The discussed code did not adopt from the Italian positivism the so-called ante-criminal prevention, i.e.. the application of sanctions towards an individual who has not committed any prohibited act yet. Also indeterminate sentences were not adopted in the Code in relation to penalties and not protective measures, as this would be contradictory to the principle of individualization of punishment. Under the influence of the sociological school the Code contained of a possibility of suspension of ęxceution of the penalty, and of its extraordinary rnitigation, as well as the release from prison before the expiration of term (separately regulated by the law of 1927-) and a possibility to mete out a more severe penalty in the case of recidivists. In addition to the medical security measures, which consisted in the commitment of the offender to a mental hospital and which the court could apply towards the persons guilty of acts committed in the state of mental irresponsibility or decreased responsibility, the code introduced - basing on the postulates of the sociological school-isolating security measures applied towards the offenders whose acts were connected with reluctance to work, and towards recidivists and professional as well as habitual criminals if their staying at liberty endangered the legal order. The isolating security measures were applied together with the penalty (not instead of it), the necessity of their application connected with the ‘’ state of danger", i.e. the perpetrator's probability of commission of further offences; in the criminological literature, subjective and state of objective criteria of the danger were distinguished (Strasman). According to Art. 84 of the  Penal Code, offenders of this type were  committed to a special institution  for at least 5 years, and the court decided after the termination of each such period whether it was necessary to prolong the commitment for the next five years. In the Penal Code of 1932, also the measures applied towards juvenile delinquents were divided into educational measures on the one hand, and commitment to a corrective institution on the other hand, depending  on the juvenile's age and of his possible discernment or lack there of when committing the forbiden act.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 223-260
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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