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Wyświetlanie 1-12 z 12
Tytuł:
THE CRISIS OF SPAIN’S POLITICAL ELITES - SYSTEMIC FACTORS OR MASS MEDIA INFLUENCE?
Autorzy:
Kasińska-Metryka, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594522.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Spain
crisis
political elites
mass media
Opis:
Political situation in present-day Spain is complicated because of many types of crisis. Interaction between media, public opinion and political actors is interesting because media’s activity can cause many changes in political system. The main aim of this article is to verify the hypothesis of the aforementioned de-democratisation process in Spain.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2014, 43; 155-163
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
THE RULERS AND THE RULED - CIVIC COMPETENCE IN POLITICS AS A CRITERION OF DEMOCRACY
Autorzy:
Godlewski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594598.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
civic competence
citizen
civic knowledge
political culture
political elites
Opis:
The text deals with the topic of civic political competence (civic competence) as an additional criterion of the quality of the democracy. It shows both theoretical aspects of this issue, identifying some specific elements of competence and the methodological problems of the research on civic competence. The article also includes reflections on the implementation of civic competence in the processes of deliberation.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2014, 43; 363-376
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Electoral Lists as a Gatekeeper in Regional Political Elites Recruitment
Listy wyborcze jako gatekeeper w procesie rekrutacji regionalnych elit politycznych.
Autorzy:
Cichosz, Marzena
Wichłacz, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2154743.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political elites
recruitment
regional elections
electoral list
biographies of candidates.
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present an empirical contribution towards the research on the recruitment of political elites. It seeks to determine patterns by which candidates’ lists were composed in the 2010 regional assemblies election. It is descriptive and exploratory in nature and based on a case study containing a qualitative analysis of biographies of candidates that ran for seats. The scope of the research includes four national political parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD).
Celem artykułu jest zaproponowanie wkładu empirycznego do badań dotyczących rekrutacji do elit politycznych. Autorki zmierzają do określenia wzorców konstruowania list wyborczych w wyborach do sejmików wojewódzkich w 2010. Praca posiada charakter opisowy i wyjaśniający oraz jest oparta na studium przypadku, w którym dokonano analizy jakościowej biografii kandydatów. Zakres przedmiotowy badań obejmuje cztery największe partie polityczne Platformę Obywatelską (PO), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL) i Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD).
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2013, 40; 33-46
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
W kręgu rodziny, opozycji i władzy. Kariera polityczna Augustyna Gorzeńskiego w latach 1764–1793
Autorzy:
Glabisz, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1900742.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political elites
Poznań
Kalisz and Gniezno voivodeships
Stanisław August
local assemblies
Opis:
One of the major challenges faced by king Stanisław August in 1764-1793 was establishing his own political backing. According to some historians, during his tumultuous reign he managed to create and implement a new, informal model of public career. The article is based on conclusions drawn from analysed source material and confirms the scheme using the example of General Augustyn Gorzeński’s political career. He was Poznań Chamberlain and one of the most trusted royal advisors at the decline of the Polish Republic.
Źródło:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis; 2021, 2 (29); 79-106
2084-1213
Pojawia się w:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Remembrance, Identity Politics and Political Transitions: a Comparative Study
Autorzy:
Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna
Wawrzyński, Patryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594917.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democratisation
transformations
collective memory
remembrance policy
new elites
transitional justice
social stratification
symbolic roles
Opis:
The paper presents findings of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance story-telling and the transitional reconstruction of political identities. It identifies in which areas and fields of impact governments tend to use interpretations of the past to promote new leadership visions of society. Moreover, it verifies theoretical hypotheses related to the politicised remembrance and its role as a political asset during transformations, as well as it considers the theoretical framework of democracy-building (and a common prediction of its universal character). As a result, the study offers a detailed picture of the way remembrance narratives are transformed into explanations, justifications or legitimisation of new, post-authoritarian identities based on qualitative-to-quantitative analysis of the intensity of story-telling and its links with transitional identity politics. In the conclusion, the Authors present their consideration of research findings, and they discuss it with reference to the nature of transitional government’s remembrance policy as a sphere of social influence.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 11-21
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
“Patavium virum me fecit” – Padova come luogo di formazione delle antiche élite polacche
“Patavium virum me fecit”: the university of Padua as a teaching centre for polish-lithuanian elite
Autorzy:
Tygielski, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929919.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
students
university
Padua
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
social elites
Padova
università
studenti
Confederazione polacco-lituana
élite sociali
Opis:
Using the Atti della Nazione Polacca at the University of Padua as a main source, the author describes the role that this university played in the education of students from the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth from the 16th to 18th centuries. According to the author’s research, this role was crucial in the 16th century, when a significant part of Polish elites included a stay at this university in their curriculum. In the 17th century, the number of students from Poland-Lithuania studying in Padua decreased slowly but continuously, and in the 18th century, the number was marginal. In the period under discussion, the social structure of this group significantly changed: students looking to acquire knowledge that was necessary for their future professional career were gradually replaced by young men of aristocratic and noble families, for whom a visit in Padua, be it long or short, was only a stage in their educational European Grand Tour. According to the author, this can be explained by intellectual changes in Polish-Lithuanian society: a general and rather superficial education was gradually preferred to university-based and professionally-provided knowledge. A study of selected travel diaries supplemented and confirmed the results of the presented statistical analysis. All Polish travellers visiting Padua in the 16th and 17th centuries described the University and considered it as the most important institution of the city; meetings with compatriot students were also often mentioned. Later on, the University was no longer the obvious subject of the descriptions and 18th-century travellers often did not even mention it at all. Nevertheless, there is still available evidence that the Polish presence in Padua, although reduced, was visible and important for the city.
Analizzando i registri di immatricolazione della nazione polacca (Metryka nacji polskiej) dell’Università di Padova, pubblicati mezzo secolo fa da Henryk Barycz e Karolina Targosz, l’autore riflette sul ruolo di Padova nel sistema educativo dei giovani polacchi giuntivi a studiare. Sottolineando l’eccellente reputazione dell’università e l’alta qualità del personale docente, mette in luce l’importanza fondamentale del centro di Padova nel processo di educazione delle élite intellettuali polacco-lituane nel XVI secolo. Documenta poi la presenza dei nuovi arrivati dalla Rzeczpospolita, la quale diminuì gradualmente nel corso del XVII secolo e venne quasi a sparire nel XVIII secolo, interrogandosi sulle ragioni del declino del ruolo dell’Università di Padova nel sistema educativo della Polonia antica. L’autore nota inoltre il mutamento della struttura sociale della comunità di studenti, nella quale diminuisce il numero di persone interessate ad acquisire conoscenze e competenze specifiche, che in futuro sarebbero state alla base della loro attività professionale, mentre cresce la rappresentanza di famiglie magnatizie e nobili, per le quali la permanenza a Padova era solo una tappa del Grand Tour, giro di carattere generale, e non strettamente educativo, dei più importanti centri europei. Questa osservazione sembra confermare il graduale cambiamento del modello educativo dei giovani nella Confederazione polacco-lituana e delle aspettative educative nel paese. Le osservazioni, avanzate sulla base di analisi statistiche, vengono confermate dalla lettura dei diari di viaggio, alla luce dei quali l’università, in essi un primo tempo presente, pian piano cessa di essere un punto di riferimento ricorrente ed oggetto di descrizione da parte dei viaggiatori. Allo stesso tempo, però, la costante presenza polacca a Padova viene confermata dalle pagine dei diari, il che sembra indicare che i rapporti tra la Repubblica di Polonia, Padova e l’Università di Padova siano stati mantenuti, anche se probabilmente su una scala minore. Le conseguenze della formazione all’estero delle élite polaccolituano-rutene rimangono un argomento aperto ed è proprio il caso di Padova che ci invita in modo particolare a riprenderlo e ad approfondirlo.
Źródło:
Italica Wratislaviensia; 2021, 12.1; 21-46
2084-4514
Pojawia się w:
Italica Wratislaviensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zjawisko borderyzacji w polityce gruzińskich i osetyjskich elit władzy
Borderization in the politics of Georgian and South Ossetian power elites
„Бордеризация” в политике властных элит Грузии и Южной Осетии
Autorzy:
Tomczyk, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1930268.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
South Ossetia
unrecognized state
borderization
political elites
Georgia
Russia
Южная Осетия
непризнанное государство
бордеризация
политические элиты
Грузия
Россия
Opis:
The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to both the restoration of independent states and the emergence of entities with the status of unrecognized states. In the aftermath of the five-day Georgia-Russia conflict of August 2008, the borderization incidents have intensified. The process involves the installation of barbed fences along the Administrative Boundary Line (ABL) between Georgia and South Ossetia, and shifting border marks deep into the Georgia-controlled territory to transform the official ceasefire line into an international border by the Russian FSB border guards. The paper aims to examine how ‘borderization’ activities have affected the politics of Georgian and South Ossetian ruling elites. By becoming a part of the political and social debate, border incidents have allowed victimization the Georgian nation to be presented to the world. However, especially in 2012-2013, the two main political parties in Georgia differed in their perceptions of borderization. From South Ossetian perspective, in turn, the process has served as a manifestation of strengthening national identity, independence from Georgia, and above all, the belief in Ossetian statehood guaranteed by Russia’s military presence and the growing importance of the military elite. The methodology of the work is based on the case study approach, as well as critical analysis of literature, documents, web content and a review of archival materials. The paper also includes data obtained during the 2018 and 2019 field research in Abkhazia and in the IDPs camp in Shavshvebi, near the Georgian-Ossetian border.
Распад Советского Союза принес бывшим республикам независимость, но в тоже время послужил причиной возникновения спорных территорий, претендующих на статус независимых государств. В результате пятидневной войны между Россией и Грузией в августе 2008 года инциденты бордеризации усилились. Данное явление выражается в установлении колючей проволоки вдоль административно-территориальных границ (ABL), разделяющих Грузию и Южную Осетию, а также в смещении пограничных столбов вглубь территории Грузии с целью преобразовать официально обозначенную линию прекращения огня в международную границу российскими пограничниками с ФСБ. Цель статьи состоит в исследовании того, как бордеризация повлияла на политику властных элит Грузии и Южной Осетии. Проблема бордеризации возникла в полит-социальных дебатах и позволила показать миру виктимизацию грузинского народа. Это тоже позволило, особенно в 2012-2013 годах, оценить разницу между подходами к процессу бордеризации основных политических партий в Грузии. С точки зрения Южной Осетии, бордеризация представляет собой процесс усиления народной идентичности, независимости от Грузии, а в первую очередь - доказательство статуса государства Южной Осетии, гарантом которого служило пребывание там российских военных сил, а также растущее значение военной элиты. Методология работы заключается на подходе кейс-стади, а также в критическом анализе литературы, документов, содержания интернет страниц, а кроме этого в изучении архивных материалов. В работе также использованы результаты полученные во время исследовательских поездок в 2018 и 2019 годах в Абхазию и в лагерь для вынужденно переселённых лиц в Шавшвэби, расположенный подле грузинско-южноосетинской границы.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2021, 2(29); 124-144
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elity polityczne Osetii Południowej wobec idei niepodległości
Autorzy:
Czachor, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/569031.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Caucasus parastates
political elites
South Ossetia
South Ossetian conflict
Кавказский парастраны политические элиты
Южная Осетия
конфликта в Южной Осетии
Opis:
The process of political disintegration of the Soviet Union has not ended with official dissolution of this state in the end of 1991. The best evidence of instability of the post-Soviet space are “frozen” ethno-political conflicts in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The main goal of this article is to analyze the attitude of South Ossetian political elites to the idea of independence. The author presents the development of political life in South Ossetia since the declaration of its independence in 1990. He argues that despite of strong will to get sovereignty, South Ossetian politicians are considering the future of separatist quazi-state within Russian Federation. In fact both Ossetian elite and Russian authorities get advantages of current status quo.
Процесс политической дезинтеграции бывшего Советского Союза не завершился в конце 1991 года. Самым ярким доказательством нестабильности постсоветского пространства являются «замороженные» этнополитческие конфликты в Приднестровье, Абхазии, Южной Осетии и Нагорном Карабахе. Главная цель данной статьи проанализировать отношение южноосетинских политических элит к идее независимости. Автор проследил процесс разивтия политической жизни Южной Осетии с момента объявления суверенитета в 1990 году. Доказано, что несмотря на сильное привержение к идее независимости, южноосетинские политки будуще непризнан- ной республики рассматривают в составе Российской Федерации. Однако текущая ситуация и сохранение статус кво вписывается в интересы южноосетинских политиков и властей России.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2014, 1(6); 52-66
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The battle of Warsaw and its projections in Polish-Ukrainian relations (1920-2020)
Autorzy:
Tomaszewski, Roman
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1931977.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
The Battle of Warsaw
ideology of 1920
social and national elites
silence/distortion of the past
the perspective of long duration
Opis:
The Great War brought about the collapse of the old world order of the 19th century. The idea of the self-determination of nations, e.g. Ukrainians, Finns, Latvians, Lithuanians, Poles etc., or multi-ethnic societies, e.g. Czechs and Slovaks, Slovenes-Serbs-Croats-Bosnians, etc., guided the new political order in Europe in 1918–1919. It was only partially possible to implement it due to the powerful influence of nationalism or (neo)imperialisms, such as in Soviet Russia and the USSR, or later with the Third Reich. In 1920, the societies of Ukraine and Poland tried to find an indirect path. The Polish-Russian/Soviet-Ukrainian war, symbolized by the Battle of Warsaw in 1920, turned out to be a breakthrough in these actions. On the basis of the effects of this so-called “dwarf war” gave rise to a new political and ideological imperialism in the USSR, as well as an ideology (1920) as a platform for cooperation and understanding between Poles and Ukrainians. Contrary to all assessments or interpretations, the signalled ideology of 1920 is a constructive factor in the history of Poland and Ukraine, based on the effects and experiences of the war of 1920–1921. This text is an attempt at a synthetic look at the genesis of the Polish-Russian/Soviet-Ukrainian war, mainly at its long-distance effects felt later in the Third Polish Republic and in free Ukraine in 2020. Perhaps these impact were also felt on a wider European scale. The text does not so much judge or evaluate the results of the previous research, but is an attempt to organize and generalize them. It may be a proposal for a possibly balanced view in the elites of both societies, a past that determines the future of Poland and Ukraine. Finally, it is an attempt to establish a long-term perspective that reduces political or (neo)nationalist emotions in favor of a balanced orderliness of knowledge.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2021, 1(29); 148-171
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The battle of Warsaw and its projections in Polish-Ukrainian relations (1920–2020)
Autorzy:
Tomaszewski, Roman
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933904.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Th e Battle of Warsaw
ideology of 1920
social and national elites
silence / distortion of the past
the perspective of long duration.
Opis:
The Great War brought about the collapse of the old world order of the 19th century. The idea of the self-determination of nations, e.g. Ukrainians, Finns, Latvians, Lithuanians, Poles, etc., or multi-ethnic societies, e.g. Czechs and Slovaks, Slovenes-Serbs-Croats-Bosnians, etc., guided the new political order in Europe in 1918–1919. It was only partially possible to implement it due to the powerful influence of nationalism or (neo)imperialisms, such as in Soviet Russia and the USSR, or later with the Third Reich. In 1920, the societies of Ukraine and Poland tried to find an indirect path. The Polish-Russian / Soviet-Ukrainian war, symbolized by the Battle of Warsaw in 1920, turned out to be a breakthrough in these actions. On the basis of the effects of this so-called “dwarf war”3 gave rise to a new political and ideological imperialism in the USSR, as well as an ideology (1920) as a platform for cooperation and understanding between Poles and Ukrainians.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2020, 14; 160-185
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wpływ instytucji kwoty wyborczej na zjawisko posłanek debiutantek w Sejmie RP
Influence of the Institution of the Electoral Quota on the Phenomenon of Female Rookie MPs in the Polish Parliament
Autorzy:
Lewandowski, Arkadiusz
Pieniężny, Dawid
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51454502.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-08-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political elites
parliamentary election
female rookie MPs
party in parliament
statutory quota
wybory parlamentarne
elity polityczne
posłanki debiutantki
partia w parlamencie
kwota ustawowa
Opis:
This article presents the legal conditions for parity on electoral lists to the Polish Sejm and statistical data on „female rookie MPs” in the 21st century, in order to show whether the emergence of a statutory quota is a factor determining the increase in the percentage of female rookie MPs in the Sejm. Starting with a legal analysis, through to theoretically define „rookie MPs”, the authors shows a statistical analysis of election results, pointing to factors determining the scale of the phenomenon of new female MPs. The authors pose the following research questions: (1) Did the introduction of the statutory quota increase the proportion of female debutant MPs in successive terms of office? (2) Has the situation of female MPs on electoral lists changed over the statutory quota? The analysis carried out in this way made it possible to identify the factors determining the percentage of female MPs making their debut in the Sejm of subsequent terms, which are (1) the introduction of a statutory quota on electoral lists and (2) continuous, gradual improvement of the situation of debutant female MPs on electoral lists.
Problematyka ograniczonej reprezentacji kobiet w gremiach pochodzących z wyboru w Polsce jest powszechnie zauważalna. W artykule przedstawiono uwarunkowania prawne dotyczące parytetu na listach wyborczych do Sejmu RP oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące „posłanek debiutantek” w XXI w., w celu wykazania czy pojawienie się kwoty ustawowej jest czynnikiem determinującym zwiększenie odsetka posłanek debiutantek w polskim Sejmie w XXI w. Autorzy poczynając od analizy instytucjonalno-prawnej, przez próbę teoretycznego zdefiniowania „posłów debiutantów”, przechodzą do analizy statystycznej wyników wyborczych, wskazując na czynniki determinujące skalę zjawiska nowych posłanek w badanym okresie. Autorzy stawiają następujące pytania badawcze: (1) Czy wprowadzenie kwoty ustawowej zwiększyło odsetek posłanek debiutantek w kolejnych kadencjach? (2) Czy sytuacja posłanek debiutantek na listach wyborczych uległa zmianie po wprowadzeniu kwoty ustawowej? Tak przeprowadzona analiza pozwoliła wskazać czynniki determinujące odsetek posłanek debiutujących w Sejmie kolejnych kadencji, którymi są (1) wprowadzenie kwoty ustawowej na listach wyborczych oraz (2) ciągła, stopniowa poprawa sytuacji posłanek debiutantek na listach wyborczych.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2024, 4(80); 49-63
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Трансформация управленческих стратегий политикоуправленческой элиты регионов Северного Кавказа в условиях современного ценностно-институционального кризиса
Autorzy:
Vaskov, Maxim Aleksandrovich
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/569021.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
North Caucasus,
region
management
elites
social conflict
regional politics
management strategies
social problems
a regional politician
federal center
political leading
Северный Кавказ
регион
управление
элиты
социальный
конфликт
региональная политика
управленческие стратегии
социальные проблемы
федеральный центр
политическое руководство
Opis:
The article reviews the process of transformation of management strategies of politic management elite in the regions of North Caucasus. The scientific analysis is carried out in the context of social conditions of modern value-institutional crisis. The author considers the changes in values of North Caucasus peoples and inner and outer factors that lead to the modification in the character of managing these regions. The article studies the practices of power transition and making an own system of power by new leaders. It deals with such factors influencing the management of regions as increasing the meaning of religion and religious extremism, the meaning of ethnic mobilization strife mechanisms. The influence of these factors is shown on the examples of the Republics of North Ossetia-Alania, Dagestan, Kab ardino Balkaria, Chechnya, Ingushetia. The author examines the possible strategies of how Russian federal authorities may react on conflicts in regional elite and principles of their interaction with regional elite.
В статье рассматривается процесс трансформация управленческих стра тегий политико-управленческой элиты в регионах Северного Кавказа. На учный анализ проводится в контексте социальных условий современного ценностно-институционального кризиса. Автор рассматривает, какие изме нение в ценностных ориентирах народов Северного Кавказа, а так же внеш ние и внутренние факторы приводят к изменениям в характере управления этими регионами. Изучаются практики передачи власти и создания собственной системы власти новыми руководителями. Рассматриваются такие факторы, непо средственно влияющие на управление регионами как рост значение рели гии и религиозного экстремизма, значение механизмов этнической моби лизации и конфликтности. Действия данных факторов показывается на конкретных примерах республики Северная Осетия-Алания, Дагестан, Ка бардино-Балкария, Чечня, Ингушетия. Автором так же рассматриваются возможные стратегии как на конфлик ты в региональной элите могут отреагировать со стороны федеральных властей России и принципы их взаимодействия с региональной элитой.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2017, 3(14); 12-30
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-12 z 12

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