Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "PO" wg kryterium: Wszystkie pola

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 157
Tytuł:
Niezrealizowana koalicja PO–PiS w świetle wybranych publikacji prasowych
Unrealized PO–PiS coalition in a selected press publications
Autorzy:
Kujawski, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195081.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
koalicja PO–PiS
analiza treści
analiza zawartości
socjologia polityki
historia najnowsza
coalition PO–PiS
content analysis
analysis of the press
political sociology
modern history
Opis:
The article contains issues connected with unsuccessful attempt to form a government of the Civic Platform and Law and Justice after the parliamentary elections in 2005. The basis of the article content analysis includes selected texts related to coalition formation appearing in two daily press titles: “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Rzeczpospolita” in the period from September 1, 2005 to October 31, 2005. Considerations focused on identifying the most important topics constituting differences between the two parties. The aim of the article was to analyse the press discourse and, as a consequence, answer the question of how the main reasons for not creating the PO–PiS coalition were presented in the pages of two newspapers.
Autor artykułu analizuje problematykę związaną z nieudaną próbą sformułowania rządu Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO) oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS) po wyborach parlamentarnych w 2005 r. Będąca podstawą artykułu analiza treści obejmuje wybrane teksty związane z tworzeniem koalicji, pojawiające się w dwóch tytułach prasy codziennej: „Gazecie Wyborczej” oraz „Rzeczpospolitej” w okresie od 1 września 2005 r. do 31 października 2005 r. Rozważania skoncentrowane zostały na wyodrębnieniu najważniejszych tematów stanowiących różnice pomiędzy obiema partiami. Celem artykułu było zbadanie dyskursu prasowego i w jego następstwie odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób na łamach dwóch tytułów prasy codziennej zostały przedstawione główne powody nieutworzenia koalicji PO–PiS.
Źródło:
Świat Idei i Polityki; 2017, 16; 424-451
1643-8442
Pojawia się w:
Świat Idei i Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska elita rządowa po 2005 roku
Autorzy:
Leszczyńska, Krystyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2159441.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
In the years 2005 – 2012, the representatives of Polish governing elite were mainly in their 40s and 50s (71%). In this period, the proportion of women in the Council of Ministers has increased to reach 18%. However, the female representatives did not have any significant influence on political decisions made by the Cabinet. Following the Parliamentary elections in 2005, the number of highly educated figures in the Council of Ministers has significantly decreased (to 31%). Despite the fact that the education level of the governing elite was very high, some of the Ministers proved to be unqualified to act in the appointed positions. Promotion from the positions of “pawns” to the position of “pieces” resulted mainly from political factors. Over one third of the Ministers had governing experience in Local Governments. The biographies of 108 members of the Cabinets, which were compiled aft er the Parliamentary elections in 2005, revealed 87 nominations for positions in the Council of Ministers and Government administration.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2014, 41; 193-211
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformacja polskiego systemu partyjnego po 2005 roku
Autorzy:
Antoszewski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/11543145.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
It can hardly be denied that the process of forming party system is long-term, complex and multidimensional one. The features of the “systemness”, e.g. stability, durability and predictability, may be achieved only after several years of democratic development. Thus, the analysis of the changes which take place in short period may give limited effects because of rapid changes of most frequently used quantitative parameters of the party system. From the other side, the comparison of the results of two or more consecutive parliamentary elections allows us to describe and to interpret some trends in political development. The aim of this article is to show the changes in the structure of political competition and in the number and size of the main parties, affecting the level of fractionalization and concentration of Polish party system between 2005 and 2007. By using traditional measures of stabilization of party systems on electoral, parliamentary and governmental arenas, I have tried to answer the question whether are there the symptoms of stabilization of Polish party system after 2005, or not. Comparing effective number of parties, the level of fractionalization and concentration, and the modes of forming the cabinet I have come to conclusion that, contrary to 2005 parliamentary election, there are some signs of party system stabilization in its two dimensions: representativeness and effectiveness. The structure of political scene seems to be more stable: no relevant party has appeared on it since 2001, the number of parties represented in the Sejm has diminished, the level of support for the strongest parties has increased and the electoral volatility has been lower in 2007 than in 2005. What is new after 2005 is that the structure of competition has changed. Two strong, conservative right-wing groupings have been main contenders and the post-communist Left is, for the time being, practically excluded from the struggle for power. The further stabilization of party system depends on capability to maintain this pattern of political competition.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2008, 19; 11-25
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Józef Beck w edukacji historycznej po 1989 roku
Autorzy:
Brynkus, Józef
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2036438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
Józef Beck is one of figures in Second Polish Republic and it is not possible to understand the function of Poland in interwar period without knowing this person. No wonder that historic education not only deal with him, but try, by means of suitable taking hold his biography to give direction to get to know the politics of II Polish Republic. With the presence of his figure were and are many problems, mainly they result from the assessment the leading motif, which could be recognized as basic characteristic his school biography. For this his famous words in parliament are the most often assumed from May 1939. He gave notice about the significance of honour for Poles, activities for keeping independence Poland and the role of Zaolzie annexation. Historical education after 1989 is however too often headed in the estimation of these word not historical premises, but is continuing the experiences of communism in the Polish People’s Republic.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2012, 17; 112-122
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kultura pamięci i wspomnień w Niemczech po drugiej wojnie światowej
Autorzy:
Ziemer, Klaus
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2167933.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-04-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
The time ofF Nazism and especially of World War II is the most important point of reference for historical memory of German society. It underwent considerable change during the last two generations. In the 1950s Germans felt victims of the war, misled by a clique of criminals around Hitler. 1958 marked the beginning of a series of processes against perpetrators of war crimes. Since the 1960s discussion on individual and collective involvement in and support for National Socialism has not ceased until now. Attempts to rule off this discussion or to historicize and thereby to relativize the uniqueness of National Socialism have vividly been refuted. Today in several central places in Berlin there are monuments remembering different groups of victims of National Socialism, in some cases after heated debates.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2011, 28; 192-209
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Proces ewolucji systemu partyjnego w Turcji po II wojnie światowej
Autorzy:
Herbut, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/11543023.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
ONCE MAKING RESEARCH on the Turkish Political system, there are many doubts concerning its nature. While some scholars as Schumpeter claim that the institutional prerequisites, amongst which periodical elections can be outlined as one of the most significant, are sufficient in placing Turkey next to developed, western democracies, others refute this approach, claiming that the respect of civil rights, or the existence of a mature civil society, are more important issues and aft er the assessment with respect of them, the authoritarian features of Turkey seem to be paramount. While the issues in regime classification are dubious, certain matters remain obvious. First of all, modern Turkey had been founded on the Ideology of Kemalism, which enforced a transformation „from above” rather than one deriving from the society. Secondly, the Islamic and militaristic traditions, the result of a long, historical process are strongly rooted in the mentality of both the elites and the ordinary citizens place Turkey in a context considerably different from that of most of the European states. Both of the above mentioned factors turn out to be serious impediments in the quest for effective democratization. In addition another feature of Kemilism – westernization, namely the prompt adaptation of western institutions and procedures, also doesn’t seem provisional for the development of a genuine democratic regime, as certain practices and procedures are completely alien and to a large extend contrary to Turkish traditions and culture. The Turkish political reality and the nature of the political system can be understood only in reference to the earlier mentioned problems, as the most important political cleavages were a natural consequence of the wider cultural and historical context. The most important division between the center, represented by the groups adhering to secularism and Kemalism, namely the state elites and the military, and the periphery, devoted to the strongly rooted Islamist ideology, seem to be the most significant platforms of political competition and exist in Turkey ever since the reforms of Atatürk gave birth to the Turkish nation. In addition it is also noteworthy to mention, that the clash between the center and periphery also couples with the geographical and social stratifications in which the parties defending the ideology of Kemalism, for example The Republican Party (CHP) and the populist Party (SHP) represent mostly the cities and richer regions of Turkey, while the urban, poorer regions are represented by rightist parties as The democratic Party (DP), Motherland Party (ANAP), the True Path Party (DYP), or the previously ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Another important factor which has to be explained is the fact, that on both sides, mostly after the first military intervention in 1960, there is a significant amount of anti-system parties, from which the extreme rightist parties seem to be more vocal than those from the opposite part of the political stratum. The phenomenon of political Islam is an issue which is most concerning, as the AKP, which is the leading party in Turkey since 2002, is strongly representing the ideology of Islam. As long as the more moderate AKP remains continues ruling, the Turkish process of democratization doesn’t seem to be threatened. However, due to the fact, that the rightist electorate’s support is not yet stabilized, the menace of extremist Islamists gaining power seems to be an option.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2008, 20; 59-76
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Stosunki polsko-chińskie po 1989 r.
Polish-Chinese relations since 1989
Autorzy:
Grzegorzewski, Filip
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2003-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
The tremendous changes that have taken place in Poland and in the People’s Republic of China since 1989, provoked fundamental changes in their mutual relations. The both countries had to reshape their bilateral relations in the new period. One of the main new factors was the great contrast between the images of both countries presented by mass media. On the one hand there were democratic elections and peaceful transition of power in Poland, and on the other - tragic events in Peking and the repression of students’ demonstrations. These events impressed much Polish public opinion and the politicians of the new period and resulted in certain clichés. Their presence had impact on political and economic co-operation with China. Trade relations were among the most affected areas, and this resulted in a huge trade deficit on the Polish side. This trade deficit became one of the major issues of concern in the bilateral relations. In the 1990’s China did not consider Poland a “strategic partner” in Central Europe, although watched carefully her diplomatic activity, in particular towards the “Chinese issues”. Several analysts indicate that the enlargement of the European Union may provide an opportunity for new developments in the Polish-Chinese relations and result in new dynamics.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2003, VI; 135-157
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 157

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies